One  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the  Birth  of 
Gen.  Robert  Edward  Lee. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
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Program  and  Selections 


FOR  THE  CELEBRATION 
JANUARY  19,  1907 

OF  THE 

ONE  HUNDREDTH  ANNIVERSARY 

OF  THE  BIRTH  OF 

» 

Gen.  Robert  Edward  Lee 


ISSUED  BY 

THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  EDUCATION 
STATE  OF  ALABAMA 


P I 7 H- 


THE  BROWN  PRINTING  CO., 
State  Printers  and  Binders, 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  1907. 


yi  3 


Prefatory  Note. 


One  hundred  years  ago,  January  19,  1807,  Robert  Edward 
Lee  was  born  in  Westmoreland  County,  Va.,  near  the  birth- 
place of  the  immortal  Washington.  The  100th  anniversary  of 
that  event  takes  place  January  19,  1907.  During  the  more 
than  forty  years  that  have  passed  since  that  fateful  day  at 
Appomattox  in  1865,  when  General  Lee  gave  up  the  unequal 
struggle,  his  fame  has  steadily  grown,  until  now  all  the  world 
yields  him  homage  as  one  of  the  greatest  men  in  history.  Six 
States — Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina  and  Virginia — honor  the  day  of  his  birth  as  a legal 
holiday.  In  other  respects  honors  are  done  his  name  and  mem- 
ory by  a grateful  people. 

In  view  of  the  approach  of  the  100th  anniversary  of  his 
birth,  His  Excellency,  Wm.  D.  Jelks,  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Alabama,  has  issued  a Proclamation,  suggesting  the  celebra- 
tion of  this  date  by  appropriate  exercises  in  our  schools.  The 
suggestion  meets  the  hearty  concurrence  of  the  Department  of 
Education,  and  this  program  is  prepared  as  an  aid  to  proper 
observance. 

In  the  execution  of  the  program,  opportunity  is  afforded  for 
as  great  variety  as  may  be  desired  by  the  teacher.  Other  songs, 
recitations  and  selections  may  be  introduced.  The  public 
should  be  invited  to  the  exercises;  and,  if  possible,  some  Con- 
federate Veteran,  who  knew  General  Lee  personally,  should 
be  engaged  for  a short  address.  Confederate  flags,  together 
with  pictures  of  General  Lee,  should  be  displayed. 

The  program  is  promulgated  with  the  earnest  hope  that 
the  children  of  Alabama  may  learn  to  emulate  the  example  of 
the  hero  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  True  to  himself,  true 
to  his  country,  true  to  his  God,  no  man  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury is  more  worthy  of  our  love  and  admiration. 


3 


Listen  to  the  advice  contained  in  a scrap  found  in  his  army 
satchel,  untouched  since  Appomattox,  and  recently  brought  to 
light  by  Dr.  J.  William  Jones: 

“Private  and  public  life  are  subject  to  the  same  rules;  and 
truth  and  manliness  are  two  qualities  that  will  carry  you 
through  this  world  much  better  than  policy,  or  tact,  or  expe- 
diency, or  any  other  word  that  was  ever  devised  to  conceal  or 
mystify  a deviation  from  a straight  line.” 

I sincerely  trust  that  every  child  who  takes  a part  in  the  cel- 
ebration of  Lee’s  birthday  may  profit  by  the  study  of  his  char- 
acter. 


Superintendent  of  Education. 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  Dec.  1,  1906. 


4 


A PROCLAMATION 


BY  THE  GOVERNOR. 

SSjj^n  view  of  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of 
fely  General  Robert  E.  Lee,  it  seems  proper  to  me  that  a 
proclamation  from  this  office  looking  to  a suitable  cel- 
ebration of  the  event  would  be  appropriate  and  timely. 
General  Lee  was  one  of  the  best  rounded  characters  in  the 
world’s  history.  He  was  an  accomplished  scholar,  a Christian 
gentleman,  an  immortal  military  genius.  No  name,  perhaps, 
in  all  the  realms  of  reading  offers  a finer  example  for  the  emu- 
lation of  our  youth  than  the  name  of  this  modern  and  knight- 
ly person. 

Wherefore,  it  is  requested: 

First — That  all  of  the  schools  in  the  State  celebrate 
JANUARY  19TH,  1907, 

in  such  way  as  may  be  suggested  by  the  management  of  such 
schools,  or  in  a way  which  may  be  suggested  by  the  State  De- 
partment of  Education. 

Second — It  is  further  suggested  that  every  camp  of  Veter- 
ans and  every  camp  of  Sons  in  the  State  arrange  for  a recog- 
nition of  the  worth  and  sacrifice  of  this  heroic  soul.  In  this 
movement  the  camps,  we  know,  will  have  the  cordial  sympathy 
and  assistance  of  the  Daughters. 

Other  Southern  States  which  have  not  made  Lee’s  birthday 
a holiday,  it  is  hoped,  will  follow  a like  course,  and  in  future, 
these,  together  with  those  States  which  have  already  declared 
it  a legal  holiday,  will,  as  near  as  they  can,  agree  on  a similar 
plan  for  its  general  celebration  in  the  South. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I have  hereunto 
set  my  hand  and  caused  the  Great  Seal  of 
(Seal.)  the  State  to  be  affixed  at  the  Capitol,  in  the 
city  of  Montgomery,  this  the  21st  day  of 
November,  1906. 

WM.  D.  JELKS,  Governor. 

By  the  Governor : 

E.  R.  McDAVID, 

Secretary  of  State. 


5 


Suggestive  Order  of  Exercises. 

(The  following  order  of  exercises  is  suggested  as  suitable 
/or  ordinary  use.  Of  course  teachers  can  vary  to  suit  individ- 
ual taste.  Songs  and  selections,  in  addition  to  those  which 
follow,  may  be  used.  Effort  should  be  made  to  widen  interest 
by  giving  as  many  of  the  children  parts  in  the  program  as  pos- 
sible.) 

1.  Song America. 

2.  Invocation (If  a public  exercise.) 

3.  Reading  of  Governor’s  Proclamation. 

4.  Song Dixie. 

5.  Five  minute  outline  sketch  of  Gen.  Lee  ....  (By  a boy.) 

6.  Recitation  of  selections  from  “Character  and  Achieve- 

ments.” 

(Several  children  can  be  given  parts  under  this  head.) 

7.  Recitation ( By  a girl  or  young  lady. ) 

8.  Other  selections  or  recitations,  if  desired. 

9.  Original  address,  by  a Confederate  Veteran,  or  by  some 

other  speaker  specially  invited. 

10.  Song.  How  Firm  a Foundation. 

(Use  the  old  tune.  This  was  one  of  Lee’s  favorite  hymns.) 


6 


The  Character  and  Achievements 
of  General  Lee 


“I  have  met  many  of  the  great  men  of  my  time,  but  Lee 
alone  impressed  me  with  the  feeling  that  I was  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a man  who  was  cast  in  grander  mold  and  made  of  dif- 
ferent and  finer  metal  than  all  other  men.” 

— Lord  Wolseley, 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  British  Army. 

“I  tell  you  that  if  I were  on  my  death-bed  tomorrow,  and  the 
President  of  the  United  States  should  tell  me  that  a great  bat- 
tle was  to  be  fought  for  the  liberty  or  slavery  of  the  country, 
and  asked  my  judgment  as  to  the  ability  of  a commander,  I 
would  say  with  my  dying  breath,  ‘Let  it  be  Robert  E.  Lee.’  ” 

— General  Scott  to  General  Preston. 

“I  fail  to  find  in  the  books  any  such  masterful  generalship 
as  this  hero  showed,  holding  that  slim,  gray  line,  half-starved, 
with  no  prospect  of  additions,  and  fighting  when  his  army  was 
too  hungry  to  stand  and  the  rifles  were  only  useful  as  clubs. 
His  courage  was  sublime.  He  was  as  great  as  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus, or  Napoleon,  or  Wellington,  or  Von  Moltke.  His  cause 
was  not^fost  cause  so  much  as  is  suspected.  All  that  was  good 
in  his  cause  has  been  grafted  into  our  laws  and  our  Consti- 
tution. The  doctrine  of  State’s  rights,  as  now  interpreted  by 
the  Supreme  Court,  is  in  exact  accordance  with  his  claims  on 
the  point.” 

— Dr.  E.  Benj.  Andrews. 

“It  has  been  my  fortune  in  life  to  come  in  contact  with  some 
whom  the  world  pronounced  great;  but  of  no  man  whom  it 
has  ever  been  my  fortune  to  meet  can  it  be  so  truthfully  said, 
as  of  Lee,  that,  grand  as  might  be  your  conceptions  of  the  man 
before,  he  arose  in  incomparable  majesty  on  more  familiar  ac- 
quaintance. This  can  be  affirmed  of  few  men  who  have  ever 
lived  or  died,  and  of  no  other  man  whom  it  has  been  my  for- 
tune to  approach.  Grandly  majestic  and  dignified  in  all  his 

7 


deportment,  he  was  genial  as  the  sunlight  in  May,  and  not  a 
ray  of  that  cordial,  social  intercourse  but  brought  warmth  to 
the  heart,  as  it  did  light  to  the  understanding.” 

— Gen.  John  B.  Gordon. 

“He  was  a foe  without  hate ; a friend  without  treachery ; a 
soldier  without  cruelty ; a victor  without  oppression,  and  a vic- 
tim without  murmuring. 

“He  was  a public  officer  without  vices ; a private  citizen 
without  wrong;  a neighbor  without  reproach;  a Christian 
without  hypocrisy,  and  a man  without  guile. 

“He  was  Caesar  without  his  ambition;  Frederick  without 
his  tyranny;  Napoleon  without  his  selfishness,  and  Washington 
without  his  reward. 

“He  was  obedient  to  authority  as  a servant,  and  royal  in 
authority  as  a true  king. 

“He  was  gentle  as  a woman  in  life;  modest  and  pure  as 
a virgin  in  thought;  watchful  as  a Roman  vestal  in  duty;  sub- 
missive to  law  as  Socrates,  and  grand  in  battle  as  Achilles.” 

—Benj.  H.  Hill. 

“In  every  particular  he  possesed  the  requisites  of  a true 
soldier.  He  was  brave;  his  whole  military  record  and  his  life- 
long scorn  of  danger  alike  bear  testimony  to  his  bravery.  He 
was  wise ; his  great  successes  against  great  odds,  and  his  al- 
most constant  anticipation  of  the  enemy’s  movements,  were 
proofs  of  his  wisdom.  He  was  skillful;  his  forced  marches 
and  unexpected  victories  assert  his  skill.  He  was  patient  and 
unyielding ; his  weary  struggle  against  the  mighty  armies  of 
the  North,  and  his  stern  defense  of  Richmond,  will  forever 
preserve  the  memory  of  his  patience  and  resolution.  He  was 
gentle  and  just;  the  soldiers  who  fought  under  him  and  who 
came  alive  out  of  the  great  fight,  remembering  and  cherish- 
ing the  memory  of  the  man,  can  one  and  all  testify  to  his  gen- 
tleness and  his  justice.  Above  all,  he  was  faithful;  when  he 
gave  up  his  sword  there  was  no  man  in  his  own  ranks  or  in 
those  of  the  enemy  that  doubted  his  faith  or  believed  that  he 
had  not  done  all  that  mortal  could  do  for  the  cause  for  which 
he  had  made  such  a noble  struggle.” — The  Halifax  (Nova  Sco- 
tia) Morning  Chronicle,  October  14,  1870. 

“Posterity  will  rank  General  Lee  above  Wellington  or  Na- 
poleon, before  Saxe  of  Turenne,  above  Marlborough  or  Fred- 
erick, before  Alexander  or  Caesar.  Careful  of  the  lives  of 


8 


his  men,  fertile  in  resource,  a profound  tactician,  gifted  with 
the  swift  intuition  which  enables  a commander  to  discern  the 
purpose  of  his  enemy,  and  the  power  of  rapid  combination 
which  enables  him  to  oppose  to  it  a prompt  resistance ; modest, 
frugal,  self-denying,  void  of  arrogance,  of  self-assertion,  trust- 
ing nothing  to  chance ; among  men  noble  as  the  noblest,  in  the 
lofty  dignity  of  the  Christian  gentlemen ; among  patriots  less 
self-seeking,  and  as  pure  as  Washington;  and  among  soldiers 
combining  the  religious  simplicity  of  Havelock  with  the  ge- 
nius of  Napoleon,  the  heroism  of  Bayard  and  Sidney,  and  the 
untiring,  never-failing  duty  of  Wellington ; in  fact,  Robert  E. 
Lee,  of  Virginia,  is  the  greatest  general  of  this  or  any  other 
age.  He  has  made  his  own  name,  and  the  Confederacy  he 
served,  immortal.” — Montreal  (Canada)  Telegraph. 

“His  manner  at  service  was  devout,  attentive  and  unaffected. 
At  first  many  during  prayer  remained  seated  on  their  rude 
benches,  but  he  was  too  great  a man  not  to  kneel  to  his  God, 
and  the  example  was  contagious.  His  worship  was  a reality. 
He  enjoyed  and  was  strengthened  by  it.  He  had  no  specula- 
tive doubts  of  Christian  truth,  no  reserve  of  faith,  no  question- 
ing of  God’s  providence.  His  faith  was  a clear,  satisfactory, 
child-like  trust.  He  loved  God  and  little  children. 

“For  flie  months  of  the  siege  of  Petersburg,  when  the  shell- 
ing abated  or  was  only  occasional,  and  many  people  returned 
to  their  homes,  he  was  regularly  at  church,  and  sat  in  the  min- 
ister’s pew  with  the  minister’s  family,  and  when  the  congre- 
gation was  dismissed  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  him 
leaving  the  church  with  a bevy  of  children  clinging  to  his 
hands  and  coat,  while  his  countenance  beamed  with  benignity 
and  peace.” 

— Rev.  W.  H.  Platt. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  war  between  the  States  I was 
associated  with  Colonel  Aaron  Wilbur  in  the  conduct  of  a life- 
insurance  company,  our  territory  extending  from  Virginia  to 
Texas.  Desiring  to  make  a bold  stroke  we  decided  to  enlist 
General  Lee  in  our  effort.  Our  Memphis  agent  was  sent  to 
the  home  of  General  Lee  and  for  several  days  ' was  his  guest. 
Our  proposition  was  that  during  the  vacation  period  General 
Lee  should  visit  each  agency,  being  an  honored  guest  having 
a title  which  would  make  him  a member  of  the  staff,  his  com- 
pensation to  be  $10,000  annually  for  five  years.  It  was  polite- 

9 


ly  declined,  but  in  terms  which  seemed  to  us  not  quite  final, 
so  Major  Green  was  authorized  to  repeat  his  visit  with  an  of- 
fer of  $20,000  annually  for  five  years.  This  time  there  was 
no  uncertain  note  sounded.  It  was  firmly  declined.  His  clos- 
ing sentence  was : “I  cannot  consent  to  receive  pay  for  serv- 
ices I do  not  render ; besides  I have  devoted  my  life  to  the  care 
and  education  of  the  young  of  our  country.” 


William  Riley  Boyd. 


Robert  E.  Lee 


His  was  all  the  Norman’s  polish 
And  sobriety  of  grace; 

And  the  Goth’s  majestic  figure; 

All  the  Roman’s  noble  face; 

And  he  stood  the  tall  exemplar 
Of  a grand,  historic  race. 

Truth  walked  beside  him  always 
From  his  childhood’s  early  years, 
Honor  followed  as  his  shadow, 

Valor  lighted  all  his  cares; 

And  he  rode — that  grand  Virginian — 
Last  of  all  the  Cavaliers! 


10 


Tribute  to  General  Lee 

By  Phillip  Stanhope  Worsley. 


Fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford,  England,  accom- 
panying a presented  copy  of  his  Translation  of  the  Iliad. 

“To  General  R.  E.  Lee — the  most  stainless  of  living  com- 
manders and,  except  in  fortune,  the  greatest.” 


The  grand  old  bard  that  never  dies, 
Receive  him  in  our  English  tongue. 
I send  thee,  but  with  weeping  eyes, 
The  story  that  he  sung. 


Thy  Troy  is  fallen,  the  dear  land 

Is  marred  beneath  the  spoiler’s  heel ; 

I cannot  trust  my  trembling  hand 
To  write  the  things  I feel. 

Ah,  realm  of  tombs ! but  let  her  bear 
This  blazon  to  the  last  of  times : 

No  nation  rose  so  white  and  fair 
Or  fell  as  pure  of  crime. 

The  widow’s  moan,  the  orphan’s  wail 
Come  round  thee,  yet  in  truth  be  strong: 

Eternal  right,  though  all  else  fail, 

Can  never  be  made  wrong. 

An  angel’s  heart,  an  angel’s  mouth, 

Not  Homer’s  could  alone  for  me 

Hymn  well  the  great  Confederate  South, 
Virginia  first,  and  Lee !” 


II 


The  Sword  of  Robert  Lee 

Abram  J.  Ryan  (Father  Ryan.) 


Forth  from  its  scabbard,  pure  and  bright, 
Flashed  the  sword  of  Lee! 

Far  in  front  of  the  deadly  fight. 

High  o’er  the  brave  in  the  cause  of  Right, 
Its  stainless  sheen,  like  a beacon-light, 

Led  us  to  Victory ! 

Out  of  its  scabbard,  where,  full  long. 

It  slumbered  peacefully. 

Roused  from  its  rest  by  the  battle’s  song. 
Shielding  the  feeble,  smiting  the  strong, 
Guarding  the  right,  avenging  the  wrong, 
Gleamed  the  sword  of  Lee. 

From  its  scabbard,  high  in  the  air, 
Beneatn  Virginia’s  sky; 

And  they  who  saw  it  gleaming  there, 

And  knew  who  bore  it,  knelt  to  swear 
That  where  the  sword  led  they  would  dare 
To  follow — and  to  die. 

Out  of  its  scabbard ; never  hand 
Waved  sword  from  stain  as  free, 

Nor  purer  sword  led  braver  band, 

Nor  braver  bled  for  brighter  land, 

Nor  brighter  land  had  cause  so  grand, 

Nor  cause  a chief  like  Lee ! 

Forth  from  its  scabbard ! Mow  we  prayed 
That  sword  might  victor  be; 

And  when  our  triumph  was  delayed, 

And  many  a heart  grew  sore  afraid, 

We  still  hoped  on  while  gleamed  the  blade 
Of  noble  Robert  Lee. 

Forth  from  its  scabbard  all  in  vain 
Bright  flashed  the  sword  of  Lee; 

’Tis  shrouded  now  in  its  sheath  again, 

It  sleeps  the  sleep  of  our  noble  slain, 
Defeated,  yet  without  a stain, 

Proudly  and  peacefully. 


12 


Recollections  by  one  of  his  Soldiers 

By  Robert  E.  Park. 

*w|t  has  always  been  a source  of  pleasure  and  gratification 
Iflfl  t0  me  ^iat  ^ ^iave  en j°yed  ^e  privilege  of  frequently 
seeing  General  Lee,  on  the  line  of  march,  in  the  bivouac 

»(TDT3r  ° 

and  on  the  battlefield,  and  I am  proud  that  on  more  than 
one  occasion  I had  the  privilege  of  very  brief  conversations 
with  him. 

I recall  that  while  in  command  of  a detachment  of  the  12th 
Alabama  Regiment  on  the  banks  of  the  Rappahannock  river, 
in  1863,  General  Lee  rode  to  where  my  men  were  digging  rifle- 
pits.  As  he  rode  along  up  to  where  the  men  were  eagerly  work- 
ing I spoke  to  him,  and,  with  uplifted  cap  and  reverent  look,  I 
told  him  that  I had  directed  my  men  to  cease  firing  at  the 
pickets  across  the  river,  and  that  the  enemy’s  pickets  had  been 
silent  for  some  time  as  if  in  tacit  approval  of  our  course.  Gen- 
eral Lee  smiled  and  said,  “Shooting  down  pickets  is  not  war,” 
and  in  these  words  expressed  his  approbation  of  my  command. 
I then  ventured  to  say,  “General,  it  is  dangerous  for  you  to  be 
here,  for  the  enemy’s  pickets  may  renew  their  firing  at  any 
time,  and  you  are  in  a very  exposed  position.  I wish  you 
would  go  back.”  Without  making  any  reply,  but  bowing 
slightly,  he  turned  his  horse  and  quietly  rode  back  to  where 
his  staff  were  awaiting  him  some  distance  in  the  rear.  As  I 
looked  upon  him  the  impression,  made  by  having  seen  him 
frequently  before,  as  to  his  remarkable  personal  beauty  and 
great  grace  of  movement  was  deepened.  Lie  had  a superb  fig- 
ure, delicate  hands,  was  graceful  in  carriage,  and  of  most  be- 
nign countenance. 

His  character  as  understood  by  the  soldiers  was  possessed 
of  a gentleness  and  dignity  that  won  their  love  and  admira- 
tion. The  men  whom  he  commanded  were  men  of  courage, 
honor  and  nobility,  because  they  were  true  to  their  convic- 
tions of  right,  and  were  soldiers  whose  hands  were  unstained 
by  cruelty  or  pillage.  Their  characters  were,  in  a large 
sense,  influenced  by  the  example  of  their  beloved  leader. 

13 


The  admiration  of  the  Confederate  soldiers  for  General  Lee 
was  not  their  partial  judgment  only,  but  his  greatness  and  his 
goodness  are  admitted  by  the  bitterest  of  his  foes.  Books  and 
papers  and  the  very  air  has  been  filled  with  calumnies  and  re- 
vilings  of  his  cause,  but  none  has  been  aimed  at  this  illustrious 
exemplar  of  the  cause.  If  there  are  spirits  so  base  as  to  ma- 
lign him  and  so  blind  as  not  to  see  his  matchless  worth  and  in- 
comparable greatness,  they  will  at  least  merit  and  receive  the 
certain  indignation  of  mankind.  Base  cowards  who  have 
spoken  of  him  as  a rebel  and  a traitor  have  been  branded  as 
unworthy,  and  the  name  of  Lee  has  moved  more  tongues  and 
stirred  more  hearts  than  the  siege  of  the  mightiest  city  or  the 
triumph  of  the  most  renowned  of  kings.  He  was  in  every 
sense  the  greatest  of  soldiers,  the  sublimest  of  heroes  and  the 
best  of  men. 

His  unblemished  name  and  shining  fame  will  endure 
through  all  ages,  and  the  undying  love  of  every  Southern  man 
or  woman  and  the  admiration  of  all  the  world  will  follow  him. 
General  Lee’s  name  and  fame  are  not  bounded  by  the  borders 
of  the  South  nor  by  the  limits  of  the  American  continent.  The 
South  gave  him  birth,  the  South  holds  his  ashes,  but  his  en- 
during fame  belongs  to  the  human  race.  Washington  and 
Jefferson  Davis  were  born  in  the  South  and  sleep  in  the 
South,  but  their  great  fame  is  not  to  be  appropriated  by  this 
country ; it  is  the  inheritance  of  mankind.  The  names  of  Lee 
and  Davis  should  be  placed  by  the  present  and  by  posterity  be- 
side that  of  Washington.  This  triumvirate  belongs  to  the 
world. 

I do  not  believe  that  to  any  one  could  be  more  appropriately 
applied  this  great  poetic  epitaph  than  to  Robert  Edward  Lee: 

“Ne’er  to  tlie  mansions  where  the  mighty  rest, 

Since  their  foundation,  came  a nobler  guest; 

Nor  e’er  was  to  the  bowers  of  bliss  conveyed 
A purer  saint  or  a more  welcome  shade.” 


14 


Our  Inheritance  from  the  Soldier 
Teacher. 

By  Geo.  W.  Finnele. 

(Extracts  from  the  “Tribute  of  a Federal  Officer.”) 

s the  leader  of  the  armies  of  the  South  in  the  late 
fearful  Civil  War,  General  Robert  E.  Lee  became 
the  idol  of  the  people  whose  cause  he  espoused,  ev- 
erywhere in  all  that  land,  in  the  hour  of  defeat  as  in 
the  hour  of  victory,  the  name  of  General  Lee  was  a tower  of 
strength.  No  disaster  dimmed  the  lustre  of  his  name,  nor 
did  defeat  shake  the  confidence  of  his  followers.  There  was  a 
prestige  in  his  presence  rarely  equaled,  never  excelled,  by  that 
of  any  any  military  leader  of  modern  times.  Indeed  it  may 
be  said  of  him : 

“He  nothing  lacked  in  soldiership 
Except  good  fortune.” 

But  it  is  not  of  his  military  career  I would  speak.  That  is 
too  recent  and  too  familiar  to  be  dwelt  upon.  He  acted  from 
a clear  conviction  of  duty,  and  though  his  military  career 
ended  in  disaster,  it  did  not  end  in  dishonor.  It 
is,  however,  of  Robert  E.  Lee  shorn  of  power,  strip- 
ped of  the  trappings  of  war,  away  from  the  roar 
and  carnage  of  battle,  standing  out  against  the  horizon  as  a 
man,  a Christian  gentleman,  it  is  that  view  which  challenges 
the  admiration  of  the  civilized  world.  Great  as  he  confessedly 
was  in  war,  how  infinitely  greater  was  he  in  peace ! The  luster 
of  his  military  achievements  grows  dim  before  the  halo  that 
surrounds  his  life  as  a private  citizen.  Conscious  himself,  as 
any  one  could  be,  of  his  great  services  to  the  people  whose  bat- 
tles he  had  fought  he  persistently,  yet  with  modesty  and  becom- 
ing dignity,  put  away  from  himself  all  proffered  public  honors 
and  displays.  Turning  away  from  the  field  where  defeat  had 
buried  the  cause  for  which  he  fought,  he  earnestly,  but  quietly 
devoted  himself  to  the  building  up  of  a great  institution  of 

lb 


learning  in  his  native  State,  and  to  that  work  bent  all  his  en- 
ergies. His  efforts  were  crowned  with  almost  unexampled 
success.  Hundreds  of  the  youths  of  the  land  flocked  to  his 
school.  New  life  seemed  to  be  given  to  the  soldier-teacher, 
and  the  future  was  full  of  promise  to  him  and  his  associates. 
Putting  the  past  far  behind  him,  he  embarked  in  this  enter- 
prise with  the  ardor  of  youth.  It  was  there  he  fell ; on  the 
threshhold  of  this  new  and  most  honorable  and  useful  career 
he  was  stricken  down ; and  it  was  there  in  this  new  career  that 
the  excellencies  of  his  character  shone  out  in  such  winning 
colors. 

General  Lee’s  name  and  fame  as  a man  and  Christian  is  the 
rightful  inheritance  of  men  everywhere  who  love,  honor,  cher- 
ish truth,  and  venerate  true  manhood ; it  belongs  to  no  party, 
to  no  one  section ; it  is  the  common  property  of  us  all. 


An  Estimate  of  Lee 

By  James  Ford  Rhodes. 

he  Confederates  had  an  advantage  in  that  Robert  E. 
Lee  espoused  their  cause ; to  some  extent  appreciated 
at  the  time,  this  in  reality  was  an  advantage  beyond 
computation.  Had  he  followed  the  example  of  Scott 
and  Thomas  and  remained  in  service  under  the  old  flag  in 
active  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  how  differently 
might  not  events  have  turned  out. 

Lee,  now  54  years  old,  his  face  exhibiting  the  ruddy  glow 
of  health,  was  physically  and  morally  a splendid  example  of 
manhood.  Able  to  trace  his  lineage  far  back  into  the  mother 
country,  the  best  blood  of  Virginia  flowed  in  his  veins.  Draw- 
ing from  a knightly  race  all  their  virtues,  he  had  inherited 
none  of  their  vices.  Honest,  sincere,  simple,  magnanimous, 
forbearing,  refined,  courteous  yet  dignified  and  proud,  never 
lacking  self  command,  he  was  in  all  respects  a true  man.  Grad- 
uating from  West  Point  his  life  had  been  exclusively  that  of  a 
soldier,  yet  he  had  none  of  the  soldier’s  bad  habits.  He  used 
neither  liquor  nor  tobacco  and  indulged  rarely  in  a social  glass 
of  wine,  and  cared  nothing  for  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  He 
was  a good  engineer  and  under  General  Scott  had  won  dis- 
tinction in  Mexico.  The  work  that  had  fallen  to  his  lot  he 
had  performed  in  a systematic  manner  and  with  conscientious 
care.  “Duty  is  the  sublimest  word  in  our  language,”  he  wrote 
to  his  son.  Sincerely  religious.  Providence  to  him  was  a ver- 
ity, and  it  may  be  truly  said  he  walked  with  God. 

A serious  man,  he  anxiously  watched  from  his  station  in 
Texas  the  progress  of  events  since  Lincoln’s  election.  “Think- 
ing slavery  as  an  institution  a moral  and  political  evil,”  having 
a soldier’s  devotion  to  his  flag  and  a warm  attachment  to 
General  Scott,  he  loved  the  Lrnion  and  it  was  especially  dear 
to  him  as  the  fruit  of  the  mighty  labors  of  Washington.  Al- 
though believing  that  the  South  had  just  grievances  due  to  the 
aggression  of  the  North,  he  did  not  think  these  evils  great 
enough  to  resort  to  the  remedy  of  revolution  and  to  him  se- 

17 


cession  was  nothing  less.  “Still,”  he  wrote  in  January,  1861, 
“ a union  that  can  only  be  maintained  by  swords  and  bayonets 
and  in  which  strife  and  civil  war  are  to  take  the  place  of 
brotherly  love  and  kindness  has  no  charm  for  me.  If  the 
Union  is  dissolved  and  the  Government  disrupted  I shall  re- 
turn to  my  native  State  and  share  the  miseries  of  my  people 
and  save  in  defence  will  draw  my  sword  on  none.”  Summoned 
to  Washington  by  his  chief,  Lee  had  arrived  there  a few  days 
before  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln,  and  he  had  to  make  the 
decision  after  the  bombardment  of  Sumter  and  the  President’s 
call  for  troops  whether  he  should  serve  the  national  Govern- 
ment or  Virginia.  The  active  command  of  the  Federal  army 
with  the  succession  to  the  chief  place  was  virtually  offered  to 
him,  but  with  this  notion  of  State’s  rights  and  his  allegiance  to 
Virginia  his  decision,  though  it  cost  him  pain  to  make  it,  could 
have  been  no  other  than  it  was.  He  could  not  lead  an  army  of 
invasion  into  his  native  State  and  after  the  ordinance  of  se- 
cession had  been  passed  by  the  Virginia  convention  he  resigned 
his  commission  and  accepted  the  command  of  the  Virginia 
forces. 

Northern  men  may  regret  that  Lee  did  not  see  his  duty  in 
the  same  light  as  did  two  other  Virginians,  Scott  and  Thomas, 
but  censure’s  voice  upon  the  action  of  such  a noble  soul  is 
hushed.  A careful  survey  of  his  character  and  life  must  lead 
the  student  of  men  and  affairs  to  see  that  the  course  he  took 
was  from  his  point  of  view  and  judged  by  his  inexorable  and 
pure  conscience  tha  path  of  duty  to  which  a high  sense  of  hon- 
or called  him.  Could  we  share  the  thoughts  of  that  high- 
minded  man  as  he  placed  the  broad  pillared  veranda  of  his 
noble  Arlington  house,  his  eyes  glancing  across  the  river  at 
the  flag  of  his  country,  waving  above  the  dome  of  the  Capitol, 
and  then  resting  on  the  soil  of  his  native  Virginia,  we  should 
be  willing  now  to  recognize  in  him  one  of  the  finest  products 
of  American  life.  For  surely  as  the  years  go  on  we  shall  see 
that  such  a life  can  be  judged  by  no  partisan  measure,  and  we 
shall  come  to  look  upon  him  as  the  English  of  our  day  regard 
Washington,  whom  little  more  than  a century  ago  they  de- 
lighted to  call  a rebel.  Indeed  in  all  essential  characteristics 
Lee  resembled  Washington,  and  had  the  great  work  of  his 
life  been  crowned  with  success,  or  had  he  chosen  the  winning 
side,  the  world  would  have  acknowledged  that  Virginia  could 
in  a century  produce  two  men  who  were  the  embodiment  of 
public  and  private  virtue. 


18 


Dixie’s  Land 

( Original  version.) 

By  Daniel  Decatur  Emmett. 

I wish  I wuz  in  de  land  ob  cotton ; 

Old  times  dar  am  not  forgotten ; 

Look  away ! look  away ! look  away ! 
Dixie  land. 

In  Dixie  land,  whar  I wuz  born  in, 
Early  on  one  frosty  mornin’, 

Look  away ! look  away ! look  away  ! 
Dixie  land. 


Chorus — Den  I wish  I were  in  Dixie,  hooray§  hooray 

In  Dixie  land 
I’ll  took  my  stand 
To  lib  and  die  in  Dixie 

Away,  away,  away  down  South  in  Dixie. 
Away,  away,  away  down  South  in  Dixie. 

Old  Missus  marry  “Will-de-weaber,” 

William  was  a gay  deceaber; 

Look  away ! etc. 

But  when  he  put  his  arm  around  ’er, 

He  smiled  as  fierce  as  a forty  pounder. 

Look  away ! etc. 

Chorus — Den  I wish  I was  in  Dixie,  etc. 

His  face  was  sharp  as  a butcher’s  cleaber, 

But  dat  did  not  seem  to  greab  ’er; 

Look  away ! etc. 

Old  Missus  acted  de  foolish  part, 

And  died  for  a man  dat  broke  her  heart. 

Look  away ! etc. 

Chorus — Den  I wish  I was  in  Dixie,  etc. 

And  here’s  a health  to  the  next  old  Missus, 

And  all  de  gals  dat  want  to  kiss  us ; 

Look  away ! etc. 

But  if  you  want  to  drive  ’way  sorrow, 

Come  and  hear  dis  song  to-morrow. 

Look  away ! etc. 

Chorus — Den  I wish  I was  in  Dixie,  etc. 

Dar’s  buckwheat  cakes  and  Ingen’  batter, 

Makes  you  fat  or  a little  fatter ; 

Look  away!  etc. 

Den  hoe  it  down  and  scratch  your  grabble, 

For  Dixie’s  land  I’m  bound  to  trabble, 

Look  away ! etc. 

Chorus — Den  I wish  I was  in  Dixie,  etc. 


19 


Dixie  Now. 

By  Julia  S.  TutwilER. 

Now  changed  to  reaping  hook  the  saber, 

Wasteful  war  to  wealthful  labor, 

And  huray ! and  huray ! and  huray ! Dixie  Land ! 
Waving  grain  tlie  fields  renewing, 

And  huray  ! and  huray ! Dixie  Land ! 

Chorus : 

I’m  glad  I am  in  Dixie, 

Huray!  Huray!  , 

Iu  Dixie  Land,  I’ll  take  my  stand, 

To  live  and  work  for  Dixie; 

Huray!  Huray!  for  North  and  South  in  Dixie! 
Iluray!  Huray!  for  North  and  South  in  Dixie! 

Now,  for  the  steeds  to  battle  springing, 

Last!  the  ploughboy — whistling — singing! 

And  huray ! and  huray  ! and  huray ! Dixie  Land ! 
Now  for  the  musketry’s  fierce  rattle, 

Bleating  docks  and  lowing  cattle, 

And  huray  ! and  huray ! and  huray  ! Dixie  Land  . 

Chorus : 

Now  for  the  cannon’s  doomful  roaring, 

•Molten  streams  from  foundries  pouring, 

And  huray!  and  huray!  and  huray!  Dixie  Land! 
Now  for  the  fiery  fifing-drumming, 

Hark,  the  factory’s  busy  humming, 

And  huray  ! and  huray ! and  huray  ! Dixie  Land ! 

Chorus : 

Now  glorious  destinies  before  us, 

Heavenly  benedictions  o’er  us, 

And  huray  ! and  huray  ! and  huray  ! Dixie  Land  ! 
Now  in  the  world's  great  federation, 

Chosen  people — foremost  nation, 

And  huray!  and  huray!  and  huray!  Dixie  Land! 
Chorus : 

I'm  glad  I am  in  Dixie, 

Huray ! huray ! 

In  Dixie  Land,  I'll  take  my  stand. 

To  live  and  work  for  Dixie; 

Iluray!  Huray!  for  North  aud  South  in  Dixie! 
Huray!  Huray!  for  North  and  South  in  Dixie! 


20 


America 

By  Samuel  Francis  Smith. 

My  country,  ’tis  of  thee, 

Swet  land  of  liberty, 

Of  thee  I sing; 

Land  where  my  fathers  died, 
Land  of  the  pilgrim’s  pride, 
From  every  mountain  side 
Let  freedom  ring. 

My  native  country,  thee, 

Land  of  the  noble  free, 

Thy  name  I love ; 

I love  thy  rocks  and  rills. 
Thy  woods  and  templed  hills; 
My  heart  with  rapture  thrills 
Like  that  above. 

Let  music  swell  the  breeze, 
And  ring  from  all  the  trees, 
Sweet  freedom’s  song; 

Let  mortal  tongues  awake, 

Let  all  that  breathe  partake, 
Let  rocks  their  silence  break, 
The  sound  prolong. 

Our  father’s  God  to  Thee, 
Author  of  liberty, 

To  Thee  we  sing; 

Long  may  our  land  be  bright 
With  freedom’s  holy  light; 
Protect  us  by  Thy  might, 
Great  God,  our  King. 


21 


The  Children’s  Song 

By  Rudyard  Kipling. 

Land  of  our  Birth,  we  pledge  to  thee 
Our  love  and  toil  in  the  years  to  be, 

When  we  are  grown  and  take  our  place, 

As  men  and  women  with  our  race. 

Father  in  Heaven  who  lovest  all. 

Oh  help  Thy  children  when  they  call ; 

That  they  may  build  from  age  to  age, 

An  undefiled  heritage ! 

Teach  us  to  bear  the  yoke  in  youth, 

With  steadfastness  and  careful  truth ; 

That,  In  our  time,  Thy  Grace  may  give 
The  Truth  whereby  the  Nations  live. 

Teach  us  to  rule  ourselves  alway, 

Controlled  and  cleanly  night  and  day ; 

That  we  may  bring,  if  need  arise, 

No  maimed  or  worthless  sacrifice. 

Teach  us  to  look  in  all  our  ends, 

On  Thee  for  judge,  and  not  our  friends; 

That  we,  with  Thee,  may  walk  uncowed 
By  fear  or  labour  of  the  crowd. 

Teach  us  the  Strength  that  cannot  seek, 

By  deed  or  thought,  to  hurt  the  weak; 

That,  under  Thee,  we  may  possess 
Man’s  strength  to  comfort  man’s  distress. 

Teach  us  Delight  In  simple  things, 

And  Mirth  that  has  no  bitter  springs ; 
Forgiveness  free  of  evil  done, 

And  Love  to  all  men  ’neath  the  sun ! 

Land  of  our  Birth,  our  Faith,  our  Pride, 

For  whose  dear  sake  our  father’s  died ; 

O Motherland,  we  pledge  to  thee, 

Head,  heart,  and  hand  through  the  years  to  be ! 


22 


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ROBERT  E.  LEE 


AND  THE  SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY 

1807-1870 


BY 

HENRY  ALEXANDER  WHITE,  M.A.,  Ph.D.,  D.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  THE  WASHINGTON  AND  LEE 
UNIVERSITY 


G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 

NEW  YORK  LONDON 

27  WEST  TWENTY-THIRD  STREET  24  BEDFORD  STREET,  STRAND 

Clje  Ihrickerbockrr  ^ress 
1898 


Copyright  1S97 

BY 

G.  P.  FUTNAM’S  SONS 
Entered  at  Stationers’  Hall,  London 


Cbe  'fenicberbocter  press,  Hew  Uorb 


* *5-  S 7^ 

4 '^9  ur 


TV- 


Dedicated 

TO 

My  Wife 

FANNY  BEVERLEY  WELLFORD  WHITE 


l X / Lf  Lf. 


HIS  volume  has  been  written 
throughout  from  original  sources. 
A complete  bibliography  of  the 
historical  material  would  scarcely 
be  possible  within  the  limits  of  a 
preface. 

The  statements  concerning  the  Eng- 
lish ancestry  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee 
are  based  upon  researches  made  by 
members  of  the  Lee  family,  and  set  forth  in  vari- 
ous recent  publications.  The  story  of  colonial  and 
Revolutionary  days  has  been  found  in  a mass  of 
material  extending  from  the  writings  of  John  Smith, 
founder  of  Virginia,  to  the  editorial  labours  of  Jus- 
tin Winsor,  librarian  of  the  Harvard  University. 
The  Journals  of  Congress  and  of  various  State  legis- 
latures, Force’s  American  Archives , the  publications 
of  various  State  historical  societies,  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University  Studies,  the  letters  and  works 
of  Washington,  Henry,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Mason, 
Franklin,  Hamilton,  and  John  Adams  have  been 
used.  I desire  to  add  a word  of  special  thanks  for 
the  aid  derived  from  the  valuable  publications  of  the 


V 


VI 


Preface. 


Virginia  Historical  Society,  and  from  the  Quarterly 
Magazine  issued  by  the  William  and  Mary  College. 
The  debates  in  the  Federal  Convention,  in  the  State 
Conventions  that  adopted  the  Constitution,  and 
speeches  in  Congress  extend  the  list. 

The  subsequent  social  and  political  history  of  our 
country,  down  to  the  year  1870,  has  been  drawn 
chiefly  from  the  speeches  delivered  in  Congress, 
from  party  platforms,  and  from  the  biographies  and 
letters  of  American  statesmen.  I must  acknowledge 
my  indebtedness  for  much  collateral  material  set 
forth  in  the  series,  American  Commonwealths,  and 
in  the  series,  American  Statesmen,  and  in  the  general 
and  special  works  of  Story,  Curtis,  Schouler,  Mc- 
Master,  Henry  Adams,  Roosevelt,  John  Fiske,  Von 
Holst,  Rhodes,  Benton,  Blaine,  Cox,  Greeley,  A. 
H.  Stephens,  and  Jefferson  Davis. 

With  reference  to  slavery,  I may  say  that  I have 
read  nearly  all  the  literature,  from  Uiicle  Tom  s Cabin 
and  Wilson’s  Slave  Power  to  the  most  recent  biog- 
raphy of  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 

In  the  discussion  of  the  campaigns  of  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia,  the  basis  of  my  work  has  been 
the  Official  Records  of  the  war.  In  addition  to 
these  reports,  a large  mass  of  testimony  from  par- 
ticipants and  eye-witnesses  is  contained  in  the 
Southern  Historical  Society  Papers  and  in  the  four 
volumes  entitled  Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil 
War  (Century  Company).  The  Campaigns  of  the 
Civil  War  (Scribners)  contain  excellent  special 
studies  by  Federal  officers.  I have  consulted  the 
voluminous  work  of  the  Comte  de  Paris  and  also 


Vll 


Preface. 

the  biographies  of  Lincoln,  Davis,  Seward,  J.  E. 
Johnston,  Stuart,  Jackson,  Hancock,  and  other 
Federal  and  Confederate  leaders;  likewise  the  Me- 
moirs of  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan,  and  mili- 
tary histories  of  different  Federal  corps  d'armee. 
Of  special  importance  among  these  are  the  various 
biographies  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee. 

I desire  to  express  my  great  appreciation  of  the 
courtesy  of  General  G.  W.  Custis  Lee,  President  of 
the  Washington  and  Lee  University  for  valuable 
items  of  information,  and  also  for  permission  to  use 
the  letters  and  papers  of  his  illustrious  father. 

I wish  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Major 
Jed  Hotchkiss,  of  Staunton,  Virginia,  of  the  En- 
gineer Company,  Second  Corps,  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia,  a member  of  the  personal  staff  of  both 
Jackson  and  Lee.  Major  Hotchkiss  is  now  en- 
gaged in  the  work  of  collecting  from  veterans  of 
the  war  their  personal  testimony  concerning  impor- 
tant events  in  the  campaigns.  This  information  he 
has  generously  placed  at  my  disposal,  and  has  also 
rendered  assistance  in  reading  the  proof-sheets.  I 
desire  also  to  make  acknowledgment  of  assistance 
rendered  by  my  father-in-law,  Judge  Beverley  Ran- 
dolph Wellford,  Jr.,  of  Richmond,  Virginia,  formerly 
connected  with  the  War  Department  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy.  Judge  Wellford  has  furnished  valua- 
ble suggestions  and  historical  facts,  and  has  also  as- 
sisted in  the  work  of  examining  the  proof-sheets.  I 
regret  that  I cannot  here  mention  a host  of  other 
friends,  veterans  of  the  war,  who  have  given  me  the 
benefit  of  their  personal  testimony  as  eye-witnesses. 


V111 


Pi'cface. 


The  account  herein  given  concerning  the  campaign 
in  the  Wilderness  is,  for  the  most  part,  a paper 
which  I had  the  honour  to  read  before  the  Military 
Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts. 

Henry  Alexander  White. 

Washington  and  Lee  University, 

August  23,  1897. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

BIRTH FAMILY  (1642-1807) I 

CHAPTER  II. 

EDUCATION MARRIAGE EARLY  SERVICE  IN  THE 

ARMY  (1811-1846) .20 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  MEXICAN  WAR WEST  POINT SERVICE  ON  THE 

FRONTIER  (1846-1859) 33 

CHAPTER  IV. 

SECESSION  AND  SLAVERY  (i860)  . . . ■ 52 

CHAPTER  V. 

JOHN  BROWN — THE  CRISIS  OF  1 86 1 LEE’S  WITH- 

DRAWAL FROM  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  (1859-1861) 78 

CHAPTER  VI. 

IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  FORCES  OF  VIRGINIA — THE 
CAMPAIGN  IN  WESTERN  VIRGINIA— CONSTRUC- 
TION OF  ATLANTIC  COAST  DEFENCES  (l86l- 
1862)  ........  IO4 


IX 


X 


Contents. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PAGE 

THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN LEE  IN  COMMAND 

OF  THE  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA — THE 
SEVEN  DAYS’  BATTLES  IN  DEFENCE  OF  RICH- 
MOND (1862) 132 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

lee’s  ADVANCE  INTO  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA — SECOND 

MANASSAS  (1862) 171 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  MARYLAND — THE  CAPTURE  OF 

HARPER’S  FERRY SHARPSBURG  (1862)  . . 198 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  AND  BATTLE  OF  FREDERICKSBURG 


(1862)  ........  229 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  AND  BATTLE  OF  CHANCELLORSVILLE 

(1863) 257 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  CAMPAIGNS  OF  GETTYSBURG  AND  MINE  RUN 

( 1 863 ) 279 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  (1864)  . . 332 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

PETERSBURG  AND  APPOMATTOX  (1864-1865)  . . 391 

CHAPTER  XV. 


LEE  AS  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  WASHINGTON  COLLEGE 

(1865-1870)  .......  426 


INDEX 


459 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


GENERAL  Robert  e.  lee  . . . Frontispiece 

From  a photograph  taken  in  May,  1865. 

STRATFORD  HOUSE,  BIRTHPLACE  OF  ROBERT  E.  LEE 
GENERAL  HENRY  LEE  (“LIGHT-HORSE  HARRY  ”)  . 
ROBERT  E.  LEE  AS  SECOND  LIEUTENANT  OF  ENGI- 
NEERS   

The  earliest  portrait. 

ARMS  OF  LEE  OF  COTON  HALL,  COUNTY  SALOP, 

ENGLAND  

* ROUTE  MAP  OF  SCOTT’S  MARCH  FROM  VERA  CRUZ 

TO  MEXICO 

CAPTAIN  ROBERT  E.  LEE  AS  CAPTAIN  OF  ENGI- 
NEERS IN  THE  U.  S.  ARMY  .... 

From  a photograph  taken  in  1852,  when  Lee  became  Super- 
intendent of  West  Point. 

ARLINGTON  IN  i860 

WASHINGTON  MONUMENT  AND  THE  CAPITOL,  RICH- 
MOND, VA.  . 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  SOUTHERN 

CONFEDERACY  

GENERAL  JOSEPH  E.  JOHNSTON  .... 


2 

14 

26 


28 

36 

46 

52 

70 

94 
1 10 


* Reproduced,  with  permission,  from  “Grant’s  Life  in  the  West 
and  his  Mississippi  Campaign,”  by  Col.  John  W.  Emerson,  published 
in  the  Midland  Monthly. 


xi 


Xll 


Illustrations. 


PAGE 

MAP  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  WESTERN  VIRGINIA  IN 

i 86 i . . . . . . . .116 

MARY  RANDOLPH  CUSTIS,  GREAT-GRANDDAUGHTER 
OF  MARTHA  DANDRIDGE  (cUSTIs)  WASHING- 
TON, AND  WIFE  OF  ROBERT  E.  LEE  . . I30 

MAP  OF  THE  ENVIRONS  OF  RICHMOND  . . . 140 

Based  on  the  U.  S.  War  Records  map. 

MAP  OF  THE  MILITARY  SITUATION  IN  VIRGINIA  IN 

THE  SPRING  OF  1862 146 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  COLD  HARBOR  . 154 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  MALVERN  HILL  . 170 
MAJOR-GENERAL  J.  E.  B.  STUART  ....  l8o 
MAP  OF  THE  SECOND  BATTLE  OF  MANASSAS  . l86 

Based  on  the  U.  S.  War  Records  map. 

MAP  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA 

IN  1862  ........  204 

MAP  SHOWING  THE  RELATIVE  POSITION  OF  FORCES, 

MORNING  OF  SEPTEMBER  14,  1 862  . . . 208 

Based  on  the  U.  S.  War  Records  map. 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  SHARPSBURG  . 2l8 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON  CUSTIS  LEE,  ELDEST  SON  OF 

GENERAL  ROBERT  E.  LEE  ....  234 

FAC-SIMILE  FIELD  ORDER  FROM  LEE  TO  JACKSON 

ON  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  FREDERICKSBURG  . 240 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  FREDERICKSBURG  . . 248 

MAP  OF  THE  FIELD  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF 
THE  POTOMAC  NEAR  CH ANCELLORSVILLE  AND 
FREDERICKSBURG,  BETWEEN  APRIL  27  AND 

MAY  7,  1863 260 

SKETCH  MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  CHANCEL- 
LORSVILLE,  SHOWING  THE  POSITION  OF  THE 
TWO  ARMIES,  MAY  3,  1863  ....  270 


Illustrations. 


xiii 

PAGE 

GENERAL  THOMAS  JONATHAN  JACKSON  (“  STONE- 
WALL ” jackson)  ......  278 

GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN  MAP.  ....  286 

MAP  OF  GETTYSBURG,  SHOWING  RELATIVE  POSITION 

OF  FORCES,  JULY  2,  1863  ....  298 

MAP  OF  GETTYSBURG,  SHOWING  RELATIVE  POSITION 

OF  FORCES,  JULY  3,  1863  . . . -312 

ROBERT  E.  LEE,  JR.,  YOUNGEST  SON  OF  GENERAL  R. 

E.  LEE . 338 

GENERAL  W.  H.  F.  LEE,  SECOND  SON  OF  ROBERT  E. 

lee 344 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  WILDERNESS,  VIR- 
GINIA, MAY  5-6,  1864 354 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  SPOTTSYLV  ANI A 

COURT-HOUSE,  MAY  8-l8,  1S64  . . . 370 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  NORTH  ANNA,  VIR- 
GINIA, MAY  23-26,  1864  .....  380 

MAP  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  PETERSBURG  . . . 396 

BIRD’S-EYE  VIEW  OF  RICHMOND  ....  424 

WASHINGTON  AND  LEE  UNIVERSITY  . . . 438 

ROBERT  E.  LEE,  AS  PRESIDENT  OF  WASHINGTON 

COLLEGE,  VIRGINIA 450 

MONUMENT  TO  GENERAL  ROBERT  E.  LEE,  IN  RICH- 
MOND, VA. 456 


ROBERT  E.  LEE. 


CHAPTER  I. 


BIRTH — FAMILY. 


1642-1807. 


OBERT  EDWARD  LEE  was  born  at 
Stratford  on  the  Potomac,  in  West- 
moreland County,  Virginia,  January 
19,  1807.  This  eighth  year  after  the 
passing  of  Washington  saw  new 
fierceness  added  to  the  commercial  warfare  between 
England  and  Napoleon.  It  witnessed  also  the  rise 
of  the  war-spirit  in  the  United  States  in  connection 
with  President  Jefferson’s  struggle  to  maintain  the 
honour  of  his  Administration  against  British  seizure 


of  American  seamen. 

Robert  Edward  was  the  third  son  of  Colonel 
Henry  Lee  and  Anne  Hill  Carter,  his  second  wife; 
the  baptismal  name  of  the  child  was  bestowed  in 
honour  of  two  scions  of  the  house  of  Carter. 
“ Light-Horse  Harry  ” Lee,  as  a Federalist  of  the 


2 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1782 


school  of  General  Washington,  held  himself  aloof 
from  political  affiliation  with  the  sage  of  Monticello. 
When  Jefferson  assumed  the  robes  of  office  as  Chief 
Magistrate  in  Washington,  Lee  withdrew  himself 
from  the  halls  of  Congress  to  the  shade  of  his  own 
maple-grove  in  the  country  of  his  fathers,  where, 
during  the  first  decade  of  the  new  century,  he  bore 
mild  sway  as  the  patriarch  of  a Virginian  household. 
There  did  he  often  repeat  and  then  make  careful 
record  of  the  story  of  marches  and  fields  of  war  in 
the  Revolutionary  days  when  he  himself  was  the 
chief  leader  of  horse  in  Washington’s  armies. 

Stratford,  the  stately  dwelling-place,  had  become 
the  property  of  Colonel  Lee  through  his  marriage 
with  the  daughter  of  Philip  Ludwell  Lee  in  1782; 
about  1790  she  had  passed  away,  leaving  behind  her 
a daughter  and  one  son,  who  bore  his  father’s  name, 
Henry  Lee.  From  Thomas  Lee,  of  the  third  gen- 
eration of  Lees  in  Virginia,  this  mansion  had 
descended  to  the  succeeding  heirs  in  the  days  of 
King  George  II.  The  tradition  runs  that  Queen 
Caroline’s  admiration  for  the  colonial  officer  led  her 
to  send  a private  gift  of  money  to  Thomas  Lee  for 
the  construction  of  a mansion  befitting  the  dignity 
of  the  President  of  the  colonial  Council.  Spacious 
were  the  rooms,  and  lofty  was  the  ceiling  of  this 
dwelling  of  brick;  from  the  platforms  laid  between 
the  chimney  towers,  the  promenader  could  catch 
glimpses  of  Virginia’s  broadest  and  deepest  river. 

Since  the  early  reign  of  Governor  Berkeley,  the 
family  of  Lee  had  become  native  to  the  soil  of  the 
Old  Dominion.  Richard  Lee,  first  of  his  line  tp 


STRATFORD  HOUSE,  BlRTHFi_ACE  OF  ROBERT  E.  LEE. 


1642] 


Family. 


3 


cross  the  seas,  was  a landholder  of  Stratford-Lang- 
ton,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  England.  According 
to  his  own  claim,  this  founder  of  the  Virginian 
house  sprang  from  that  line  of  knights  and  gentle- 
men bearing  the  name  of  Lee  who  dwelt  originally 
in  Shropshire.  By  King  James  I.,  in  1620,  a mem- 
ber of  this  Shropshire  family  was  honoured  with  a 
baronetcy;  but,  in  1660,  the  title  passed  away  on  the 
death  of  the  second  baronet.  The  Virginian  emi- 
grant did  not  claim  descent  from  these  two  baronets 
of  the  Langley  branch,  but  from  the  collateral  and 
younger  branch,  the  Lees  of  Coton  Hall.  With 
the  Lees  of  Ditchley  he  had  no  affinity;  but  a 
daughter  of  the  latter  house,  Eleanor  Calvert,  be- 
came the  wife  of  John  Parke  Custis,  and  thus  unto 
the  wife  of  Robert  Edward  was  transmitted  the 
blood  of  a separate  and  distinct  family  of  Lees. 

In  the  portrait  handed  down  to  us,  the  face  of 
the  first  Richard  Lee  of  Virginia,  framed  in  the  of- 
ficial wig  of  the  colonial  Councillor,  is  marked  with 
the  lines  of  benevolence  and  vigour.  The  earliest 
land-grant  recorded  in  his  name,  bearing  the  date, 
August  10,  1642,  gave  him  title  to  one  thousand 
acres  of  territory  in  Yorke  County.  To  this  farm 
on  Poropotank  Creek  he  gave  the  name  “ Para- 
dise.” In  November,  1647,  as  member  from  the 
county  of  Yorke,  Richard  Lee  took  his  seat  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses  at  Jamestown.  Richard  Lee 
was  loyal  to  the  family  of  Stuart;  for,  in  1650,  he 
sailed  across  the  sea  to  Breda  as  member  of  a com- 
mission to  invite  the  second  Charles  to  wear  the 
crown  in  Virginia;  and,  in  1651,  he  was  styled  by 


4 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1676 


Berkeley,  Colonel  Richard  Lee,  Esquire,  Secretary 
of  State  for  this  Colony.  But  he  was  also  loyal  to 
the  young  democracy  cradled  in  the  arms  of  the 
noble  rivers  that  seek  the  Chesapeake,  for,  in  1654, 
when  a Dissenter  sat  in  the  Governor’s  chair,  Lee 
was  described  as  “ faithful  and  useful  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Commonwealth.”  At  the  time  of  his 
death,  about  the  year  1663,  he  held  the  office  of 
Lieutenant,  or  Master  of  the  Militia,  of  the  county 
of  Westmoreland.  Unto  his  two  daughters  and  five 
sons,  then  living,  this  head  of  the  Virginian  line 
devised  vast  tracts  of  that  sun-smitten  soil  on  both 
banks  of  the  Potomac,  described  by  Captain  John 
Smith  as  “ lusty  and  very  rich.” 

Before  death  claimed  him,  the  father  had  seen 
two  sons,  John  and  Richard,  bear  away  the  seals  of 
graduation  from  Oxford  University.  The  mantle  of 
family  patriarch  soon  fell  to  Richard,  the  second 
son,  a diligent  reader  of  books,  a busy  planter,  and 
man  of  affairs.  “ Mt.  Pleasant  ” on  the  Potomac 
was  his  home;  there  he  dwelt  in  the  midst  of  an 
estate  of  two  thousand  acres  inherited  from  his 
father  and  elder  brother  John.  In  1676,  this  sec- 
ond Richard  was  called  to  fill  his  father’s  former 
position  of  Councillor,  and  henceforth  he  bore  the 
title  Colonel  Richard  Lee.  When  he  donned  the 
official  wig,  the  smoke  was  just  clearing  away  from 
that  summer  of  strife  known  as  Bacon’s  Rebellion. 
It  may  have  been,  in  part,  his  personal  friendship 
for  Berkeley  tjEihat  led  Lee  to  support  the  Governor 
in  the  davqfiiis  warfare  with  Nathaniel  Bacon,  who 
played  theVnoble  role  of  patriot  while  Berkeley  at- 


tempted  the  part  of  despot.  During  seven  weeks 
Bacon  kept  Lee  shut  up  in  prison.  In  1691,  Lee’s 
attachment  to  the  house  of  Stuart  held  him  back, 
for  a time,  from  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
William  and  Mary.  Not  many  years  passed,  how- 
ever, until  Governor  Spotswood  spoke  of  Colonel 
Lee  as  “ a gentleman  of  as  fair  character  as  any  in 
the  country  for  his  exact  justice,  honesty,  and  unex- 
ceptional loyalty.” 

Fifth  in  order  among  the  sons  of  the  second 
Richard  and  Laetitia  Corbin,  his  wife,  was  Thomas 
Lee.  The  year  that  saw  the  birth  of  George  Wash- 
ington, 1732,  brought  to  Thomas  the  seals  of  office 
as  colonial  Councillor.  Thomas  was  not  educated 
in  England,  but  received  his  scholastic  training  at 
home,  under  the  care  of  tutors. 

He  afterwards  became  a proficient  in  the  classics 
through  his  own  unaided  researches  in  the  library 
at  Stratford.  In  the  Council,  Thomas  Lee  was  ever 
a stout  upholder  of  the  Established  Church  of  the 
colony ; his  voice  was  against  the  wide  extension  of 
the  privileges  of  public  worship  to  the  religious  Dis- 
senters. In  the  home  of  wealth  and  intellectual 
cultivation  maintained  at  Stratford  by  Thomas  Lee 
and  his  wife,  Hannah  Ludwell,  six  sons  were  trained 
for  large  service  unto  their  commonwealth  and 
country.  Foremost  among  these  was  that  quartet 
of  patriot  brothers,  Richard  Henry,  Thomas  Lud- 
well, Francis  Lightfoot,  and  Arthur  Lee.  The 
spirit  of  democracy  was  not  completely  banished 
from  the  fireside  of  this  Virginian  royalist  and 
Churchman,  who  could  bequeath  to  his  sons  two 


6 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1756 


hundred  and  twenty  adult  negro  servants  and  at  the 
same  time  lay  the  command  upon  his  executors  to 
educate  his  children  “ in  such  manner  as  they  think 
fitt,  religiously  and  virtuously,  and,  if  necessary,  to 
bind  them  to  any  profession  or  trade,  soe  that  they 
may  learn  to  get  their  living  honestly.” 

A younger  brother  of  Thomas  Lee  bore  the  name 
Henry.  This  Henry  Lee  was  sixth  in  order  among 
the  sons  of  the  second  Richard.  Upon  a plantation 
in  Westmoreland,  adjoining  his  father’s  estate,  he 
built  Lee  Hall,  and  there  by  the  Potomac,  in  ease 
and  quietness,  did  he  dwell  with  his  wife,  Mary 
Bland.  Three  sons  blessed  this  marriage,  and  to 
the  third  son  were  bequeathed  the  father’s  name, 
Henry,  and  large  estates  in  Prince  William  and 
Fairfax  counties.  Concerning  this  son  Henry,  the 
patriarch  of  Lee  Hall  left  behind  him  this  injunc- 
tion: “ My  Will  and  desire  is  that  my  son  Henry 
be  continued  at  the  College  two  years  from  the  date 
hereof  [1746],  and  afterwards  to  be  a writer  in  the 
Secretary’s  Office,  till  he  be  twenty-one  years  of 
age.”  From  William  and  Mary  College  this  scion  of 
Lee  Hall  betook  himself  to  Prince  William  County, 
and  there,  at  Leesylvania,  in  1756,  was  born  the 
eldest  son  of  Henry  Lee  and  Lucy  Grymes,  his 
wife.  This  heir-at-law,  christened  with  the  name 
of  his  parent,  was  afterwards  to  become  famous  as 
“ Light-Horse  Harry,”  the  father  of  Robert  E.  Lee. 

The  hour  of  separation  from  the  mother-country 
was  now  drawing  nigh.  When  the  Revolutionary 
programme  was  outlined  by  Patrick  Henry  in  “ The 
Parsons’  Cause,”  in  1763,  wherein  he  denounced 


1765] 


Family. 


7 


the  Establishment  as  an  incumbrance,  and  denied 
the  King’s  authority  to  veto  a statute  of  the  colonial 
Assembly,  a full-fledged  republican  party  already 
stood  behind  him,  composed  of  the  Dissenters  of  the 
upland  counties  of  Virginia  The  rifles  of  these  Ul- 
stermen had  enabled  Washington  to  win  the  Ohio 
Valley  from  the  French  and  Indians,  and  the  same 
guns  were  still  primed  on  the  mountain-top,  ready 
to  resist  the  aggressions  of  King  George  III.  As 
opposed  to  Grenville’s  imperial  theory  that  the  col- 
onies were  mere  trading  corporations,  to  be  taxed 
by  the  English  Parliament,  this  republican  party 
advanced  the  home-rule  view  t'hat  the  colonies 
were  political  communities,  self-governing  common- 
wealths from  their  origin,  controlled  and  taxed  by 
local  parliaments. 

When  Patrick  Henry’s  voice  rang  out  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Stamp  Act  in  1765,  claiming  for  the 
Assembly  the  charter-right  to  supreme  authority  in 
Virginia,  his  resolutions  were  passed  through  the 
House  of  Burgesses  by  the  republican  party  against 
the  votes  of  the  conservatives  from  the  tide-water 
section.  With  these  stern  Calvinists,  who  held 
that  government  must  be  based  on  compact,  many 
of  the  Potomac  planters  were  in  full  accord.  Among 
the  latter  were  Washington,  Mason,  Madison,  and 
several  members  of  the  house  of  Lee. 

From  his  early  studies  in  law  and  government, 
Richard  Henry  Lee  had  come  forth  an  ardent  repub- 
lican of  the  type  of  Hampden  and  Sidney.  This 
son  of  the  royalist,  Thomas  Lee,  stood  side  by  side 
with  Patrick  Henry  in  the  leadership  of  the  Vir- 


8 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


L1775 


ginian  republicans  against  the  party  of  the  Estab- 
lishment. It  was  not  to  William  and  Mary,  the 
stronghold  of  the  Establishment,  but  to  Princeton 
College,  the  academic  centre  of  the  Revolutionary 
party,  that  Henry  Lee  of  Leesylvania  sent  the  vigor- 
ous young  horseman  of  the  household. 

One  glimpse  of  the  young  Henry  Lee,  in  1770, 
at  the  feet  of  Witherspoon,  reveals  him  thus:  “ He 
is  more  than  strict  in  his  morality,  has  a fine  genius, 
and  is  diligent.”  In  1773,  he  bore  away  the  seal  of 
graduation  from  Nassau  Hall,  and  returned  to  Prince 
William  in  time  to  see  his  father,  the  County  Bur- 
gess for  many  years  past,  depart  as  delegate  to  the 
Convention,  a body  that  afterwards  presided  at  the 
birth  of  the  independent  Commonwealth  of  Virginia. 

The  younger  Henry  Lee  soon  laid  aside  the  law 
books  which  he  had  set  himself  to  study,  and  in  the 
summer  of  1775  began  to  assist  in  the  work  of  or- 
ganising and  drilling  the  militia  of  the  colony.  This 
preparation  for  warfare  was  due  to  the  resolution 
pressed  through  the  Convention  of  March,  1775,  by 
Patrick  Henry,  with  the  assistance  of  Richard  Henry 
Lee  and  other  republican  leaders.  In  J uly,  1 775,  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  appointed  by  the  Convention, 
assumed  complete  executive  control  of  the  colony; 
a prominent  member  of  that  committee  was  Thomas 
Ludwell  Lee.  Virginia  was  absolutely  independent 
now  of  all  external  authority.  Representatives 
elected  by  the  people  exercised  complete  legis- 
lative, judicial,  and  executive  functions.  May,  1776, 
marked  the  assembling  of  the  fifth  and  last  colonial 
Convention  that  gave  permanence  to  the  republican 


17761 


Family. 


9 


form  of  government.  In  this  Convention  sat  three 
members  of  the  Lee  family,  Henry  of  Prince  William, 
his  brother  Richard  of  Westmoreland,  and  Thomas 
Ludwell  of  Stafford.  June  29,  1776,  was  the  birth- 
day of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  for  that  day 
added  George  Mason’s  Constitution  to  his  previous 
Bill  of  Rights.  The  adoption  of  these  instruments 
by  the  Convention,  in  the  name  of  the  sovereign 
people,  constituted  their  formal  separation  from  the 
English  Crown.  This  written  Constitution  of  Vir- 
ginia was,  in  large  part,  the  model  followed  by  the 
other  colonies  in  the  formation  of  permanent  state 
governments. 

At  the  same  time  with  this  Virginia  Convention, 
another  assembly  of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies 
was  in  session  in  Philadelphia.  This  Congress  of 
deputies  was  clothed  only  with  advisory  powers.  It 
formed  a central  committee  whose  business  it  was  to 
secure  concert  of  action  among  the  colonies  through 
a series  of  recommendations  to  the  different  colonial 
legislatures.  Among  the  Virginia  deputies  were  the 
brothers  Richard  Henry  and  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee. 
May  15,  1776,  the  Williamsburg  Convention  sent 
commands  to  the  Virginia  representatives  to  secure 
from  the  Congress  a formal  announcement  of  the 
already  existing  fact  that  the  thirteen  colonies  were 
independent  States.  When  Richard  Henry  Lee,  on 
June  7,  offered  a resolution  to  that  effect,  every  royal 
governor  had  fled,  and  the  thirteen  commonwealths 
were  each  as  sovereign  and  independent  as  ever  were 
the  kingdoms  of  Holland,  Denmark,  or  Portugal. 
Lee’s  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  Congress,  J uly  2, 


IO 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1777 


and,  two  days  later,  delegates  from  twelve  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies  agreed  to  J efferson’s  formal  Declaration 
of  Independence.  Authority  to  vote  for  the  Declara- 
tion had  been  forwarded  to  their  delegates  by  all  the 
colonial  conventions  and  legislatures,  except  the 
legislature  of  New  York.  Back  to  those  legislatures 
was  the  Declaration  sent  for  ratification  ; the  formal 
sanction  thereof  by  the  thirteen  law-making  bodies 
at  last  gave  legal  character  to  this  great  document 
and  transformed  a committee’s  work  into  a colonial 
compact. 

Wearing  a captain’s  sword,  as  the  leader  of  a band 
of  volunteer  horsemen,  Henry  Lee  the  younger  en- 
tered the  field  of  war  at  the  call  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Virginia.  In  April,  1777,  Lee  presented 
himself  for  orders  at  Washington’s  headquarters  in 
Morristown,  New  Jersey.  The  flower  of  the  Ameri- 
can army  at  that  point  was  composed  of  riflemen 
from  Virginia  and  Maryland.  These  patriots,  one 
hundred  days  before  Lee’s  arrival,  had  enabled 
Washington  to  save  the  cause  of  the  Revolution 
at  Trenton  and  Princeton.  Upon  the  arduous  serv- 
ice of  scouting  and  foraging  for  Washington’s  army 
did  Lee  now  enter.  Not  long  did  he  wait  to  secure 
the  commander’s  commendation  for  “ gallant  be- 
haviour ” and  for  “conduct  of  exemplary  zeal, 
prudence,  and  bravery.’’  Lee  kept  his  men  at  hot 
work  in  the  days  of  Brandywine  and  Germantown. 
During  the  winter  of  suffering  at  Valley  Forge  he 
was  continually  astir  in  bringing  bread  and  beef  to 
the  starving  soldiers.  Early  in  1778,  he  was  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  major,  and  placed  in  command 


1780]  Family.  1 1 

of  a corps  of  light-armed  horsemen.  Lee  now  be- 
came the  eye  and  the  ear  of  the  army ; the  daring 
courage  which  marked  the  man  of  swift  vigilance 
soon  fastened  upon  him  the  name  of  “ Light-Horse 
Harry  ” Lee.  It  was  Lee  who  suggested  the  capt- 
ure of  Stony  Point,  and  it  was  a band  of  North 
Carolinians  who  formed  Wayne’s  head  of  column  in 
the  assault  upon  that  fortress.  Three  hundred  Vir- 
ginians followed  Lee  in  his  successful  dash  against 
Paulus  Hook  on  the  Jersey  coast,  August,  1779. 
In  honour  of  Lee  and  his  Legion  in  this  enterprise, 
the  Congress  bestowed  a medal  with  warm  com- 
mendation of  his  “ remarkable  prudence,  address, 
and  bravery.  ” 

The  summer  of  1780  brought  the  darkest  hour  of 
the  Revolution.  Cornwallis  was  sweeping  north- 
ward through  the  Carolinas  in  order  to  end  the  war 
by  the  subjugation  of  the  South.  The  people  of 
New  England  were  now  mending  their  fishing-nets 
and  unfurling  the  sails  of  their  trading-vessels. 
Virginia  was  girding  herself  for  the  combat ; her 
sons  stood  behind  Washington  as  he  watched  New 
York;  they  withstood  the  British  in  Carolina,  and 
they  made  ready  to  keep  back  the  invader  from 
their  own  soil.  The  victory  of  King’s  Mountain  in 
October  scattered  the  cloud  of  gloom.  In  Decem- 
ber came  Greene  to  take  command  of  the  Southern 
army,  and  with  him  came  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lee 
with  his  Legion. 

Washington’s  opinion  of  the  cavalry  leader  was  set 
forth  in  the  declaration  that  Lee  had  “great  resources 
of  genius.’’  Under  Greene  served  Morgan,  Will- 


12 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1781 


iam  Washington,  Marion,  Pickens,  Sumter,  and 
Lee;  of  the  latter  Greene  declared,  “ No  man  in  the 
progress  of  the  campaign  had  equal  merit.”  In  the 
course  of  that  masterly  strategy  whereby  Greene  drew 
Cornwallis  away  from  his  base  into  the  mountains  of 
North  Carolina,  Lee’s  Legion  formed  the  American 
rear-guard.  More  than  a match  for  the  British  cav- 
alry leader,  Tarleton,  was  Lee  in  this  long  running- 
fight.  The  skill  and  daring  of  the  Virginian  horse- 
man enabled  Greene  to  unite  his  two  wings  for  the 
battle  at  Guilford.  In  September,  1781,  when  Wash- 
ington was  hurling  his  army  like  a thunderbolt  from 
the  Hudson  to  the  York  to  secure  Cornwallis  in  the 
toils,  Lee  and  Marion  had  already  led  Greene’s 
advance  southward,  and  were  now  making  hot  pur- 
suit after  Rawdon’s  recruits  as  they  scampered  into 
Charleston  from  the  last  battle  in  Carolina,  at 
Eutaw  Springs.  The  famous  trooper  celebrated  his 
own  victories  by  coming  to  witness  the  surrender  of 
Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  and  by  his  marriage  to  the 
heiress  of  Stratford  the  following  year. 

Colonel  Lee’s  ardent  support  was  accorded  to  the 
Federal  Constitution  when  it  was  presented  to  the 
separate  States  for  ratification.  His  career  in  the 
field  of  war  had  revealed  to  him  the  necessity  for  a 
governmental  compact  more  binding  than  the  old 
Articles  of  Confederation;  his  admiration  for  Wash- 
ington made  him  desirous  of  giving  sanction  to  that 
leader’s  work  as  President  of  the  Convention  of 
1787.  Richard  Henry  Lee,  made  cautious  by  his 
experience  in  the  Continental  Congress,  stood  in 
the  forefront  of  the  opposition  to  the  compact.  He 


1788]  Family . 13 

affirmed  that  the  proposed  Constitution  was  “dan- 
gerously oligarchic  ” in  its  “ blending  of  the  legis- 
lative powers  with  the  executive.’’  But  Colonel 
Henry  Lee  spoke  and  voted  in  the  Convention  of 
1788  in  company  with  Madison;  the  latter  won  Vir- 
ginia’s sanction  for  the  Constitution  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  only  a compact  wherein  the  con- 
tracting parties  were  “ the  people— but  not  the 
people  as  composing  one  great  body,  but  the  people 
as  composing  thirteen  sovereignties.’’  This  was 
the  view  held  in  all  the  commonwealths  by  the 
Federalists,  who  triumphantly  established  the  new 
league  among  the  States. 

As  member  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  Colonel 
Lee  watched  the  early  sessions  of  the  Federal  Con- 
gress. When  that  body  adopted  Hamilton’s  scheme 
for  centralising  in  Congress  the  management  of 
the  finances  of  the  States,  the  Virginia  Assembly 
made  protest.  Lee  was  on  the  committee  that  form- 
ulated the  following  declaration:  “Your  me- 
morialists can  find  no  clause  in  the  Constitution 
authorizing  Congress  to  assume  the  debts  of  the 
States.’’  In  this  juncture  of  affairs  Lee  wrote  to 
Madison:  “ To  disunite  is  dreadful  to  my  mind; 
but,  dreadful  as  it  is,  I consider  it  a lesser  evil  than 
Union  on  the  present  conditions.” 

In  1792,  when  Lee  entered  upon  his  three  years’ 
tenure  of  office  as  Governor  of  Virginia,  the  political 
differences  between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  in  the 
Cabinet  had  assumed  the  form  of  personal  hostility. 
As  Jefferson  withdrew  to  wave  the  magician’s  wand 
from  Monticello  and  call  into  existence  the  Re- 


H 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1798 


publican-Democratic  party,  Colonel  Lee  drew  him- 
self into  closer  political  sympathy  with  the  Fed- 
eralists. When  the  farmers  of  Western  Pennsylvania 
raised  an  insurrection  against  Hamilton’s  direct  tax 
on  whiskey,  it  wa&-Lpe__whom  Washington  sent 
against  them  as  commander  of  the  militia;  but  the 
rioters  were  suppressed  without  the  shedding  of 
blood. 

In  the  crisis  of  party  warfare  that  marked  the 
close  of  the  century,  Lee  played  his  part  as  a zeal- 
ous Federalist.  Talleyrand’s  insult  to  the  envoys 
of  President  Adams  in  1798  aroused  the  wrath  of  the 
American  people  and  swept  the  Federal  Administra- 
tion into  active  preparations  for  war  with  France.  Lee 
was  given  commission  in  the  army  as  Major-General. 
Adams  and  his  Federalist  followers  rode  upon  the 
whirlwind  and  directed  the  storm.  Against  the 
foreigners  who  held  positions  as  editors  and  leaders 
of  the  republican  party,  they  passed  through  Con- 
gress the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws.  In  opposition  to 
these  two  measures  that  lodged  great  personal  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  President,  vigorous  protests 
came  from  the  legislatures  of  Kentucky  and  Vir- 
ginia, drafted  by  Jefferson  and  Madison.  They 
declared  the  Constitution  to  be  a compact  formed 
by  the  different  States  as  integral  parties;  they  fur- 
ther denounced  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws  as  vio- 
lations of  the  compact,  with  a dangerous  tendency 
toward  consolidation.  The  Virginia  resolutions, 
however,  were  passed  against  the  voice  of  Colonel 
Henry  Lee,  who  denied  that  these  Congressional 
statutes  were  breaches  of  the  Constitution.  In 


GENERAL  HENRY  LEE. 

(light-horse  harry.) 


1799: 


Family.  1 5 

1799,  Lee  was  elected  to  Congress  on  the  Federalist 
platform.  His  friendship  for  Washington  rendered 
him  hostile  to  Jefferson,  and  the  only  ground  on 
which  the  enemies  of  Jefferson  could  stand  was 
Federalism.  Washington  made  use  of  his  own 
great  personal  influence  among  the  Potomac  plant- 
ers to  secure  Lee’s  election  as  their  representative. 
When  the  news  reached  Congress  that  the  sage 
of  Mount  Vernon  had  passed  away,  it  was  Lee 
who  prepared  the  resolution  referring  to  him  as 

The- man  first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first 
in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-citizens.”  LTpon  Col- 
onel Lee  was  laid  the  task  of  delivering  before 
Congress  a formal  oration  on  the  character  of  Wash- 
ington, and  in  the  performance  of  this  labour  of 
love  he  manifested  “ distinguished  powers  of  elo- 
quence.” 

But  the  doom  of  Federalism  was  at  hand.  The 
Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  became  the  slo- 
gan of  the  democracy.  The  Federalists  had  sought 
to  concentrate  authority  in  the  hands  of  an  oli- 
garchy, and  now  the  masses  of  the  people  began 
flocking  to  Jefferson’s  standard.  Dissensions  split 
the  Federalist  party  in  twain;  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion in  1 800  was  thrown  into  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, where  the  votes  of  ten  States  out  of 
sixteen  gave  the  office  to  Jefferson.  So  intense  was 
Lee’s  antipathy  to  the  republican  leader  that  he 
cast  his  vote  from  beginning  to  end  of  the  contest, 
for  Aaron  Burr.  When  Jefferson  and  his  party,  in 
1801,  entered  upon  their  long  voyage 'of  supremacy, 
with  the  compact  theory  nailed  to  the  masthead  as 


i6 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1807 


the  rule  of  Constitutional  interpretation,  Colonel 
Lee  retired  from  the  field  of  politics,  and  sought 
repose  beneath  the  trees,  by  the  still  waters  of 
Stratford  on  the  Potomac. 

The  planting  of  fields  and  the  gathering  of  har- 
vests were  engaging  the  warrior’s  care  when  the 
home  was  made  glad  in  1807  by  the  birth  of  the 
soldier-child,  Robert.  From  Shirley,  on  the  lower 
James  River,  to  Stratford  had  Colonel  Lee  brought 
as  wife  the  eldest  daughter  of  Charles  Carter  and 
Anne  Moore  Carter.  The  eldest  male  heir  of  the 
fourth  generation  of  the  house  of  Carter  in  Virginia 
was  this  Charles  Carter  of  Shirley.  He  passed  from 
earth  in  the  summer  before  the  advent  of  his  illus- 
trious grandchild,  Robert  E.  Lee. 

Among  the  papers  of  his  daughter,  the  wife  of 
Colonel  Henry  Lee,  was  found  this  obituary  testi- 
monial to  Charles  Carter:  “ His  long  life  was  spent 
in  the  tranquillity  of  domestic  enjoyments.  From 
the  mansion  of  hospitality  his  immense  wealth 
flowed  like  silent  streams,  enlivening  and  refreshing 
every  object  around.  In  fulfilling  the  duties  of  his 
station,  he  proved  himself  to  be  an  Israelite  indeed, 
in  whom  there  was  no  guile.” 

When  we  trace  the  Carter  line  backward  from 
Charles  of  the  fourth  generation,  we  find  his  father, 
John  Carter,  eldest  son  of  the  house,  becoming  the 
master  of  the  Shirley  plantation  through  marriage 
with  the  heiress,  Elizabeth  Hill.  This  John  was 
son  of  Robert  Carter  of  Lancaster,  familiarly  known 
as  “ King  Carter  ” of  the  realm  of  the  upper  Rap- 
pahannock River;  Robert’s  father  was  the  emigrant 


18071 


Family. 


17 


John  who  sat  as  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of 
Burgesses  as  early  as  1649.  “ King  Carter  ” played 

his  part  in  the  public  service  as  Speaker  of  the  Bur- 
gesses, Rector  of  William  and  Mary  College,  and 
Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia.  A large  stone 
in  former  time  stood  at  the  east  end  of  Christ 
Church  in  Lancaster  County  to  speak  of  him  as 

An  honourable  man,  who  by  noble  endowments 
and  pure  morals  gave  lustre  to  his  gentle  birth 
. . . Possessed  of  ample  wealth,  blamelessly 

acquired,  he  built  and  endowed,  at  his  own  ex- 
pense, this  sacred  edifice, — a signal  monument  of 
his  piety  toward  God.  He  furnished  it  richly. 
Entertaining  his  friends  kindly,  he  was  neither  a 
prodigal  nor  a parsimonious  host.”  It  was  the 
daughter  of  this  house  of  Carter  who  became  the 
mother  of  Robert  E.  Lee,  and  her  prayers  with  her 
tender  admonitions  were  the  forces  that  cast  his 
growing  character  in  that  mould  of  noble  self-control 
that  made  the  child  the  father  of  the  man. 

In  the  days  of  Robert  E.  Lee’s  early  childhood 
the  leadership  among  all  the  States  of  the  Eederal 
Union  was  held  by  Virginia.  In  population,  in 
wealth,  and  in  political  prestige  she  stood  like  a 
tower  above  the  other  commonwealths ; in  law  and 
in  politics  she  was  furnishing  leaders  to  other  States ; 
new  commonwealths  were  growing  up  within  her 
former  domain,  and  the  Ulstermen  from  her  Alle- 
ghanies,  a race  regarded  by  Jefferson  as  the  basis  of 
an  everlasting  democracy,  were  reaching  out  brawny 
arms  to  conquer  and  organise  the  Southwest.  In 
Virginia  was  intrenched  the  Jeffersonian  Democracy 


i8 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1807 


that  was  now  shaping  the  home  and  foreign  policy 
of  the  United  States.  But  ere  the  child  at  Strat- 
ford had  learned  the  art  of  speech,  the  sky  grew 
dark  with  the  cloud  of  approaching  war  with  Eng- 
land. Little  more  than  five  months  had  passed  over 
his  head,  when  his  opening  ears  may  have  heard, 
perhaps,  the  sound  of  heavy  guns  rolling  up  the 
Potomac  from  the  capes  that  form  the  gateway  to 
the  Chesapeake.  The  wrath  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  was  kindled  into  flame  by  the  broad- 
sides poured  from  the  guns  of  the  British  frigate 
Leopard , without  provocation,  into  the  American 
vessel  Chesapeake , June  22,  1807.  When  Jefferson’s 
party  in  the  following  December  passed  the  Em- 
bargo Act,  cutting  off  all  commercial  intercourse 
with  foreign  ports,  as  the  only  mode  of  public  de- 
fence, short  of  war,  against  English  aggression,  the 
New  England  Federalists  at  once  rushed  into  fiercer 
opposition  to  Jefferson’s  Administration.  The  Fed- 
eralists of  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  cast  them- 
selves into  the  bosom  of  the  Republican-Democratic 
party,  or  like  “ Light-Horse  Harry  ” Lee,  retired  to 
the  quietude  of  plantation-life.  But  Lee  was  not 
ready  to  join  the  active  Opposition  party.  While  he 
busied  himself  in  writing,  Memoirs  of  the  War  in  the 
Southern  Department  of  the  United  States,  that  cam- 
paign which  brought  independence  to  all  the  States 
nearly  three  decades  before,  Lee  kept  watch  upon 
the  course  of  public  events,  and  was  ready  to  buckle 
on  the  sword  and  take  his  place  among  his  own 
people.  Long  before  had  Colonel  Lee  given  ex- 
pression to  the  following  sentiment,  which  con- 


1807] 


Family. 


19 


tinued  to  glow  within  him  to  the  end  of  life:  “ No 
consideration  on  earth  could  induce  me  to  act  a 
part,  however  gratifying  to  me,  which  could  be  con- 
strued into  disregard  or  forgetfulness  of  this  Com- 
monwealth.” 


CHAPTER  II. 

EDUCATION — MARRIAGE — EARLY  SERVICE  IN  THE 
ARMY. 


1811-1846. 

O the  quiet  town  of  Alexandria,  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  year  1811,  came  Colonel 
Lee  with  his  family.  The  schools 
there  available  for  the  children  drew 
the  old  soldier  away  from  the  scenes 
of  plantation  life  at  Stratford.  An  epoch-making 
scene  in  the  governmental  drama  was  soon  to  burst 
upon  his  view.  The  child  of  four  years,  Robert,  in 
the  house  on  Cameron  Street,  near  Christ  Church, 
could  not  yet  understand  the  political  situation,  but 
with  eager  interest  did  the  father  keep  watch  upon 
events  in  the  Capital. 

Just  across  the  Potomac  from  Alexandria  sat 
James  Madison  in  the  President’s  chair.  Into  the 
Capitol  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  1811  came  the 
Twelfth  Congress  to  consider  the  grievances  against 
England,  grievances  that  had  burdened  the  people 
of  our  country  for  twenty  years.  At  the  head  of 


20 


1811] 


Education. 


21 


the  Republican-Democratic  party  in  the  House 
stood  now  two  young  men  from  the  South,  John 
C.  Calhoun  and  Henry  Clay.  They  were  filled  with 
the  spirit  of  patriotism;  they  were  burning  with  the 
desire  to  maintain  the  honour  of  the  United  States 
against  foreign  aggression.  These  leaders  inaugu- 
rated a vigorous  policy  toward  the  haughty  mistress 
of  the  sea,  and  succeeded  in  carrying  a declaration 
of  war  against  England,  June  1 8,  1812.  The  Op- 
position was  composed  of  the  ancient  Federalists, 
assisted  by  John  Randolph  of  Virginia.  The  news 
of  war  was  greeted  in  New  England  with  the  toll- 
ing of  bells,  despite  the  fact  that  England  had 
forcibly  impressed  into  her  navy  more  than  four 
thousand  American  seamen.  Some  of  the  Eastern 
States  carried  their  Opposition  policy  to  the  extent 
of  nullifying  the  Acts  of  Congress,  and,  in  1814, 
delegates  from  these  commonwealths  assembled  in 
the  Hartford  Convention  to  give  serious  considera- 
tion to  the  policy  of  secession  from  the  Federal 
Union. 

But  the  Federalism  of  “ Light-Horse  Harry  ” 
Lee  was  not  of  this  extreme  Opposition  type. 
The  friend  of  Washington  could  not  bestow  his 
sympathies  upon  England  in  the  day  of  her  attack 
upon  our  merchant-marine.  Nor  could  Lee  forget 
the  battle  in  behalf  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
wherein  he  had  touched  elbows  with  Madison. 

Our  friendly  sympathies  never  lost  their  force,” 
said  Madison  afterwards  concerning  Lee.  A com- 
mission as  Major-General  in  the  army  in  Canada  was 
the  President’s  tribute  to  Lee’s  skill  and  loyalty. 


22 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1812 


The  latter  prepared  to  draw  sword  in  his  country’s 
behalf,  but  grievous  disaster  came  to  him  through 
chivalrous  aid  offered  in  defence  of  a personal  friend. 
Hanson,  the  editor  of  a Federalist  paper  in  Balti- 
more, had  heaped  bitter  words  upon  the  Adminis- 
tration and  the  war-measure  of  Congress.  His 
attacks  stirred  up  the  Republicans  of  Baltimore  to 
fierce  anger.  The  evening  of  June  20,  1812,  saw 
Hanson’s  press  and  printing-house  destroyed  by  a 
mob.  Lee  made  a journey  to  Baltimore  and  there 
found  Hanson  preparing  to  issue  the  paper,  printed 
now  in  Georgetown  and  forwarded.  Hanson  made 
a fortress  of  his  house,  and  boldly  announced  that  he 
would  assert  the  freedom  of  the  press.  About  twenty 
friends  stood  with  him  as  garrison  to  the  stronghold. 
Among  these  were  General  Lingan  and  Colonel 
Lee.  July  27th,  the  mob  stationed  a cannon  in 
front  of  the  building,  and  the  beleaguered  garrison 
surrendered  to  the  Mayor.  The  jail  building  wherein 
they  took  refuge  was  attacked  the  following  night ; 
the  doors  were  beaten  down  in  the  fierce  struggle 
that  ensued.  General  Lingan  was  slain  and  Colonel 
Lee  received  the  wounds  that,  six  years  later, 
terminated  his  life.  Through  the  agency  of 
President  Madison,  he  was  enabled  to  reach  Bar- 
badoes  in  the  summer  of  1813,  and  in  the  West 
Indies  he  lingered  until  February,  1818.  The  cli- 
mate of  these  islands  revived  his  waning  strength. 
In  the  midst  of  great  sufferings  he  continued  to 
write  with  regularity  to  his  son  Charles  Carter  Lee, 
then  at  Harvard.  These  letters  are  full  of  tender 
affection  for  his  wife  and  children;  they  contain 


1812] 


Education . 


23 


repeated  injunctions  to  his  eldest  son  to  “ cherish 
truth  and  abhor  deception.”  He  advised  the  read- 
ing of  “ history  and  ethical  authors  of  unrivalled 
character.”  Of  John  Locke  he  said:  “ Do  not 
only  study,  but  consult  him  as  the  Grecians  did  the 
Delphic  oracle.”  Francis  Bacon  he  described  as 
wonderfully  instructive ; though  of  cowardly,  des- 
picable character.”  Among  the  English  poets,  he 
gave  the  palm  to  Pope:  “ He  is  worthy  of  uni- 
versal applause,  far  superior  to  Milton,  as  his  Iliad 
compared  with  Paradise  Lost  evinces.” 

As  a writer  of  tragedy,  Lee  placed  Sophocles 
upon  the  same  plane  with  Shakespeare.  Of  Lucre- 
tius, the  Roman  poet,  he  made  this  affirmation : 
“If  I had  not  partly  read  him,  I never  could  have 
believed  there  ever  lived  a man  who  was  in  judg- 
ment an  atheist. 

The  military  hero  he  termed  the  ‘‘  most  useless  ” 
member  of  the  human  race,  “ except  when  the 
safety  of  a nation  demands  his  saving  arm.”  Such 
heroes  as  Alexander  and  Caesar  he  admired  for 
mental  excellency,”  but  could  not  “ applaud  the 
object  for  which  they  wasted  human  life.”  Hence, 
his  three  heroes  were  Hannibal,  Frederick  the  Great 

f 

Wellington;  Hannibal  he  described  as  “ first  of 
antiquity  in  cabinet  and  field.” 

In  the  last  letter  of  all,  he  thus  summed  up  his 
creed : 

“My  dear  Carter,  what  is  happiness?  Hoc  opus , hie  labor  est? 
Peace  of  mind  based  on  piety  to  Almighty  God,  unconscious  inno- 
cence of  conduct,  with  good-will  to  man  ; health  of  body,  health  of 
mind,  with  prosperity  in  our  vocation  ; a sweet,  affectionate  wife  ; 


24 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1818 


mens  sana  in  corpore  sano  ; children  devoted  to  truth,  honour,  right, 
and  utility,  with  love  and  respect  to  their  parents  ; and  faithful  and 
warm-hearted  friends,  in  a country  politically  and  religiously  free > 
this  is  my  definition.” 


After  long  suffering  the  dying  man  turned  his 
face  homeward.  But  his  strength  bore  him  up  only 
until  he  reached  Cumberland  Island  on  the  coast  of 
Georgia.  There  were  his  last  hours  soothed  by  the 
daughter  of  his  old  commander,  General  Greene; 
there  did  he  enter  into  rest,  March  25,  1818,  and  there 
do  the  magnolias  still  stand  guard  over  his  grave. 

The  love  of  the  father  in  affliction  turned  often 
to  his  son  Robert.  To  Carter  he  wrote  a year  be- 
fore his  death:  “ Robert  was  always  good,  and  will 
be  confirmed  in  his  happy  turn  of  mind  by  his 
ever-watchful  and  affectionate  mother.  Does  he 
strengthen  his  native  tendency  ? ” To  that  mother, 
now  an  invalid  in  Alexandria,  was  Robert  left  as  the 
only  guardian.  Full  of  all  gentleness  and  tender- 
ness was  Anne  Carter  Lee;  full  of  all  thoughtful- 
ness and  devotion  was  the  young  son  of  eleven 
summers,  who  became  the  head  of  the  household 
when  his  father  died.  The  elder  brother  Carter 
was  still  at  Harvard  ; Sidney  Smith  Lee  had  entered 
the  navy;  one  sister  was  an  invalid  in  Philadelphia, 
and  the  other  was  younger  still  than  Robert.  A 
man’s  part  in  life  was  thus  assigned  to  the  boy,  and 
nobly  did  he  bear  himself.  The  Alexandria  Academy 
furnished  ample  instruction  for  mind  and  morals. 
But  the  moulding  hand  of  the  mother  was  giving 
shape  to  that  moral  character  which  stands  yet  in 
our  annals  unrivalled  for  earnestness  and  self-sacri- 


1818] 


Education. 


25 


fice.  The  domestic  duties  connected  with  the  house 
were  laid  upon  him  ; the  office  of  chief  nurse  was 
his.  Thus  did  the  lives  of  mother  and  son  approach 
the  parting  of  the  ways,  when  they  might  no  longer 
meet  their  duties  with  hand  resting  in  hand.  The 
young  man’s  heart  turned  toward  his  father’s  call- 
ing, and  it  was  decided  that  he  should  seek  admit- 
tance to  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point. 

To  acquire  the  necessary  mathematical  training 
he  spent  one  winter  at  the  school  of  Benjamin  Hal- 
lowed in  Alexandria.  Concerning  those  days  of 
preparation,  Mr.  Hallowed  has  thus  left  testimony: 

“ He  was  a most  exemplary  student  in  every  respect.  He  was 
never  behind-time  at  his  studies  ; never  failed  in  a single  recitation  ; 
was  perfectly  observant  of  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  institu- 
tion ; was  gentlemanly,  unobtrusive,  and  respectful  in  all  his  de- 
portment to  teachers  and  his  fellow-students.  His  specialty  was 
finishing  up.  He  imparted  a finish  and  a neatness,  as  he  proceeded, 
to  everything  he  undertook.” 

The  diagrams  which  he  drew  on  a slate  in  the 
study  of  conic  sections  were  made  “ each  one  with  as 
much  accuracy  and  finish,  lettering  and  ad,  as  if  it 
were  to  be  engraved  and  printed.”  Another  side 
of  his  character  is  revealed  to  us  in  the  home-life  of 
those  last  months  with  his  mother.  At  twelve 
o’clock  each  day  he  hastened  from  the  school-room 
to  her  side.  In  his  arms  he  bore  her  to  the  cush- 
ions of  the  carriage,  and  sought  ever  to  cheer  her 
during  the  drive.  “ He  nursed  her  night  and  day. 
If  Robert  left  the  room,  she  kept  her  eyes  on  the 
door  till  he  returned.”  The  hours  of  watching 


26 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1825 


grew  longer  after  he  entered  West  Point  in  1825. 
Each  summer  he  hastened  from  the  Hudson  to 
Alexandria,  in  the  uniform  of  grey  adorned  with 
white  bullet-buttons.  During  his  entire  cadet  life 
the  mother  was  still  spared  to  watch  his  growth  in 
beauty  of  person  and  in  winsomeness  of  manner,  as 
he  continued  to  increase,  if  possible,  in  depth  of 
moral  character. 

No  breach  of  discipline  nor  any  neglect  of  duty 
was  ever  charged  against  him  during  his  years  of  study 
in  the  Academy.  No  unbecoming  word  ever  fell 
from  his  lips;  but  speech  and  action  indicated  always 
that  he  lived  as  under  his  great  Taskmaster’s  eye.  He 
attained  the  position  of  adjutant  of  battalion,  and 
was  graduated  second  in  his  class.  Manliness,  true 
and  noble,  was  stamped  upon  the  form  and  the  face  of 
the  second  lieutenant  of  engineers  who  hastened  to 
the  waiting  mother  at  the  close  of  his  four  years’ 
course.  She  was  granted  only  time  to  smile  upon 
him  with  a mother’s  pride  in  her  best-beloved  child. 
In  July,  1829,  she  passed  away. 

On  Virginia’s  coast,  in  the  construction  of  the 
military  defences  of  Hampton  Roads  was  Lieuten- 
ant Lee’s  first  service  rendered  to  the  Lederal  Gov- 
ernment. It  was  fitting  that  Virginia  should  receive 
benefit  from  his  first  labours,  for  more  than  their 
due  share  had  the  people  of  the  Southern  States 
contributed  to  furnish  Lee  the  training  offered  at 
the  Military  Academy.  For  the  most  part,  it  was 
tax-money  from  the  South  that  had  reared  and 
equipped  the  halls  at  West  Point;  even  in  the  third 
decade  of  this  century  Southern  commerce  was  fur- 


ROBERT  E.  LEE,  AS  2nd  LIEUTENANT  OF  ENGINEERS. 
(the  earliest  portrait.) 


1831] 


27 


Marriage. 

nishing  sixteen  and  a half  millions  of  the  twenty- 
three  million  dollars  revenue  gathered  for  the  use  of 
the  Federal  Government. 

The  evening  of  June  30,  1831,  marked  the  union 
in  marriage  of  Robert  E.  Lee  with  Mary  Randolph 
Custis,  daughter  of  George  Washington  Parke  Cus- 
tis,  and  great-granddaughter  of  Martha  Curtis.  the 
wife  of  Gen eml'Waihingtem  On  the  Virginia  bank 
of  the  Potomac  stood  Arlington,  the  home  of  the 
Custis  household,  uplifted  on  stately  Doric  pillars. 
At  the  base  of  the  lofty  bluff  in  front  of  the  man- 
sion swept  the  broad  river;  from  the  porch  could 
the  observer  watch  the  stream  disappear  toward 
Alexandria  in  the  distance,  while  just  across  the 
water  could  one  look  down  upon  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington and  her  massive  Hall  of  Legislation.  Unto 
this  home  had  Mr.  Custis  removed  his  family  from 
Mount  Vernon  in  1802.  As  the  seat  of  generous 
hospitality  was  Arlington  known  under  the  regime 
established  by  the  heads  of  the  Custis  line.  Mary 
Custis  was  the  only  surviving  child  when  she 
gave  her  hand  to  the  talented  young  lieutenant. 
The  wedding-scene  was  enacted  before  the  house- 
hold altar.  The  portraits  and  relics  brought  as  a 
heritage  from  Mount  Vernon  bore  witness  from  the 
walls  to  the  sacred  ceremonial  in  the  right-hand 
drawing-room.  Never  upon  any  man  of  spirit  more 
high  and  rare,  “ and  true  to  truth  and  brave  for 
truth,”  nor  upon  a woman  of  queenlier  grace,  of 
loftier  mould,  had  those  Washington  memorials 
looked  down,  than  the  bridal  pair  which  they  saw 
that  night  in  June  at  Arlington. 


28 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1831 


Six  fair  bridesmaids  and  attendant  groomsmen 
formed  the  inner  circle  around  the  contracting  pair. 
A band  of  relatives  and  friends  looked  on  while  the 
ritual  of  the  Episcopal  Church  declared  them  man 
and  wife.  Then  followed  the  festivities,  in  which 
the  colony  of  Africans  had  bountiful  share.  Faith- 
ful to  every  vow  in  the  coming  days  of  peace  did 
this  couple  remain ; faithful  throughout  the  time  of 
terror  from  war,  and  faithful  even  unto  death. 

Through  the  marriage  with  the  heiress  of  Arling- 
ton was  Robert  E.  Lee  ultimately  ushered  into  the 
position  of  patriarch  over  Virginian  plantations  and 
their  adherent  servants,  Arlington  itself  and  the 
White  House  farms  on  the  Pamunkey  River.  This 
same  year,  1831,  saw  the  beginning  of  the  Abo- 
litionist assault,  under  Garrison’s  leadership,  against 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States. 
Mr.  Custis  himself  was  a believer  in  gradual  emanci- 
pation, and  left  provision  in  his  will  that  his  servants 
should  become  freedmen  a certain  number  of  years 
after  his  own  demise.  As  executor,  Robert  E.  Lee 
carried  out  that  provision  to  the  very  letter,  and,  in 
1862,  sent  these  manumitted  servants  with  passes 
through  his  own  military  lines  into  the  Northern 
States.  Throughout  life  he  was  the  gentlest  and 
most  indulgent  of  masters  to  his  African  retainers. 
We  are  told  that  one  of  the  earliest  duties  laid 
upon  himself  by  the  young  commissioned  officer 
was  to  take  his  mother’s  negro  coachman,  a con- 
sumptive, to  the  mild  climate  of  Georgia,  and  there 
to  provide  tender  nursing  until  the  end  came. 

From  1829  until  the  outbreak  of  the  Mexican  War 


1834] 


Early  Service  in  the  Army. 


39 


in  1846,  Lee  passed  his  days  in  the  quiet  labours 
that  fall  to  the  lot  of  an  army  engineer.  When  we 
look  into  the  details  of  his  work  and  the  faithfulness 
shown  in  its  performance,  we  see  the  growing  great- 
ness of  the  man.  Devotion  to  his  public  duties  was 
the  foremost  characteristic  of  the  official;  strong 
affection  for  his  family  shone  in  all  his  words  and 
deeds.  The  care  and  exactness  of  the  early  school- 
days marked  his  attention  to  the  minute  and  seem- 
ingly unessential  parts  of  his  labour.  He  loved 
children  and  young  people;  he  was  modest  and  un- 
affected in  forming  estimates  of  his  own  capacity. 

A quiet  humour  and  hidden  satire  gave  zest  and 
colouring  to  his  correspondence  and  familiar  inter- 
course with  friends. 

Until  1834,  Lee  remained  at  Hampton -Roads. 
Then,  as  assistant  to  the  chief  engineer  of  the  army, 
he  was  busy  with  office-work  in  Washington  until 
1837.  During  this  period  he  dwelt  at  Arlington, 
and  his  handsome  figure  drew  much  attention  as 
the  gallant  horseman  passed  daily  along  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue.  In  the  summer  of  1837,  Lee  was^ 
placed  in  charge  of  the  work  of  improving  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi  River  at  St.  Louis.  In 
the  following  year  he  was  advanced  to  the  grade  of 
Captain  of  Engineers.  In  this  first  period  of  pro- 
longed absence  from  his  family  and  his  Virginia 
friends,  we  find  him  beginning  to  write  those  letters 
that  lay  bare  the  deep  affection  burning  in  the  heart 
of  the  husband,  the  father,  and  the  friend.  To  a 
cousin,  in  1838,  he  wrote  concerning  the  coat-of- 
arms  of  the  Lee  family,  and  assigned  as  reason  for 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1839 


O 


the  inquiry:  “ I begin  in  my  old  age  to  feel  a little 
curiosity  relative  to  my  forefathers.”  At  the  same 
time  he  declared  that  he  was  “ on  the  lookout  for 
that  stream  of  gold  that  was  to  ascend  the  Missis- 
sippi, tied  up  in  silk-net  purses  ! It  would  be  a 
pretty  sight,  but  the  tide  has  not  yet  made  up 
here.” 

To  his  wife,  then  at  Arlington  with  her  three 
children,  George  W.  Custis,  Mary  Custis,  and  Will- 
iam Henry  Fitzhugh,  he  wrote  as  follows  in  1839: 

“You  do  not  know  how  much  I have  missed  you  and  the  dear 
children,  my  dear  Mary.  To  be  alone  in  a crowd  is  very  solitary. 
In  the  woods  I feel  sympathy  with  the  trees  and  birds,  in  whose 
company  I take  delight,  but  experience  no  interest  in  a strange 
crowd.  I hope  you  are  all  well  and  will  continue  so,  and  therefore 
must  again  urge  upon  you  to  be  very  prudent  and  careful  of  those 
dear  children.  If  I could  only  get  a squeeze  at  that  little  fellow 
turning  up  his  sweet  mouth  to  ‘ Keese  Baba.’  You  must  not  let  him 
run  wild  in  my  absence,  and  will  have  to  exercise  firm  authority  over 
all  of  them.  This  will  not  require  severity  or  even  strictness,  but 
constant  attention  and  an  unwavering  course.  Mildness  and  for- 
bearance, tempered  by  firmness  and  judgment,  will  strengthen  their 
affection  for  you,  while  it  will  maintain  your  control  over  them.” 

In  1839,  the  chief  engineer  offered  Lee  a position 
as  instructor  at  West  Point  in  the  proposed  work  of 
building  up  a skilled  corps  of  sappers  and  miners  for 
the  army.  But  Lee,  in  a most  courteous  reply, 
begged  permission  to  leave  the  position  “ to  abler 
hands  ” because  of  “ an  apprehension  of  being  un- 
able to  realise  your  expectations.”  To  a friend 
concerning  the  same  theme  he  confesses  his  lack  of 

“ The  taste  and  peculiar  zeal  which  the  situation  requires  ; nor  can 
I see  what  qualifications  I possess  that  render  me  more  fit  for  this 


1841] 


Early  Service  in  the  Army. 


3i 


duty  than  others,  or  that  in  the  least  would  counterbalance  the  want  of 
those  that  I have  mentioned.  My  attention  has  never  been  directly 
given  to  this  branch  of  the  profession,  though  I presume  (unless  I am 
too  old  to  learn)  a sufficient  knowledge  of  it  might  in  a short  time  be 
attained,  and  the  opportunity  which  you  hint  at  of  becoming  ac- 
quainted with  the  practice  of  the  European  schools,  besides  that  of 
learning  other  matters,  I confess,  would  be  very  agreeable.  But 
there  is  an  art  in  imparting  this  knowledge,  and  in  making  a subject 
agreeable  to  those  that  learn,  which  I have  never  found  that  I 
possessed.” 


In  1841,  we  find  Captain  Lee  in  military  charge 
of  New  York  Harbour,  with  headquarters  at  Fort 
Hamilton.  There  he  remained  until  the  war  with 
Mexico,  in  1846,  called  him  to  the  field  of  battle. 
His  work  in  the  harbour  kept  him  continuously 
busy.  He  declined  to  act  as  executor  of  the  Car- 
ter estate  because  lack  of  time  would  render  him 
“ guilty  of  injustice  to  the  legatees.”  Further  he 
said:  “ My  private  affairs  have  suffered  ever  since  I 
have  been  in  the  army  from  the  impracticability  of  my 
attending  to  them.  I am  at  no  time  master  of  my 
movements,  and  my  whole  time  is  engrossed  by  my 
duties.”  General  Henry  J.  Hunt  has  borne  testi- 
mony that  Lee  was  then  “ as  fine-looking  a man  as 
one  would  wish  to  see,  of  perfect  figure  and  strik- 
ingly handsome.  Quiet  and  dignified  in  manner,  of 
cheerful  disposition,  always  pleasant  and  considerate, 
he  seemed  to  me  the  perfect  type  of  a gentleman.” 

To  his  brother  Carter,  August  17,  1843,  he  sent 
this  message:  . . . I can  be  content  to  be 

poor  with  the  knowledge  of  being  able  to  pay  my 
debts  and  that  no  one  has  a just  claim  upon  me  that 
I cannot  meet.  But  I cannot  bear  to  enter  into  en- 


32 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


11845 


gagements  without  the  certainty  of  being  able  to 
fulfil  them.”  Concerning  the  proposed  increase  of 
the  army,  he  thus  expressed  himself  in  June,  1845: 


“ In  the  event  of  war  with  any  foreign  government  I would  desire 
to  be  brought  into  active  service  in  the  field  with  as  high  a rank  in 
the  regular  army  as  I could  obtain,  and  if  that  could  not  be  accom- 
plished without  leaving  the  Corps  of  Engineers  I should  then  desire 
a transfer  to  some  other  branch  of  the  service  and  would  prefer  the 
artillery.  I would,  however,  accept  no  situation  under  the  rank  of 
field-officer.” 

Crowded  with  high  purposes,  with  work  and  with 
study  were  these  early  years  of  Robert  E.  Lee.  A 
grave  dignity  marked  his  bearing.  Strong  passion 
dwelt  within  him,  but  it  was  kept  well  under  con- 
trol; humour  would  ofttimes  breakthrough  the  out- 
ward reserve,  and  then  was  the  soldier  genial  and 
his  conversation  charming.  General  Meigs  gives  us 
a glimpse  of  Lee  during  the  engineering  days  on  the 
Mississippi  as  “ A man  then  in  the  vigour  of  youth- 
ful strength,  with  a noble  and  commanding  presence, 
and  an  admirable,  graceful,  and  athletic  figure.  He 
was  one  with  whom  nobody  ever  wished  or  ventured 
to  take  a liberty,  though  kind  and  generous  to  his 
subordinates,  admired  by  all  women  and  respected 
by  all  men.  He  was  the  model  of  a soldier  and  the 
beau  ideal  of  a Christian  man.” 


1 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  MEXICAN  WAR — WEST  POINT — SERVICE  ON 
THE  FRONTIER. 

1846-1859. 

N the  year  1845,  the  Commonwealth 
of  Texas  brought  into  the  Federal 
Union  her  dispute  with  Mexico  con- 
cerning the  true  western  boundary  of 
' the  Lone  Star  State.  In  1821, 
Mexico  had  revolted  from  Spain  and  organised  a 
republic;  Texas  was  one  of  the  provinces  of  this 
confederation.  The  great  multitude  of  home-build- 
ers moving  westward  from  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
valleys,  composed  chiefly  of  Ulstermen,  at  once 
swarmed  into  the  Texan  plains,  and  established 
themselves  upon  lands  granted  by  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment. Under  the  leadership  of  Houston,  the 
Virginian,  these  colonists  threw  off  the  sovereignty 
of  Mexico  by  the  victory  of  San  Jacinto,  and  formed 
the  independent  Republic  of  Texas  in  1836.  The 
following  year  saw  the  recognition  of  this  Republic 
by  the  United  States,  and  some  European  king- 


3 


33 


34 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1846 


doms.  A treaty  proposing  the  annexation  of  Texas 
to  the  Federal  Union  was  rejected  by  the  United 
States  Senate  in  1844.  In  the  Presidential  campaign 
of  that  year,  the  leading  issue  between  the  Demo- 
cratic and  Whig  parties  was  the  admission  of  Texas 
into  the  Union.  The  Democrats  secured  the  victory 
on  the  platform  of  annexation,  and  a joint  resolution 
of  both  houses  of  Congress  ushered  Texas  into  the 
Federal  household. 

The  United  States  supported  the  State  of  Texas 
in  the  claim  that  her  true  western  boundary  was  the 
Rio  Grande.  This  river  formed  the  limit  of  the 
district  named  Texas,  as  a part  of  the  Louisiana  ter- 
ritory sold  by  Spain  in  1800  and  by  France  in  1803. 
But  Mexico  warned  the  United  States  not  to  attempt 
to  establish  jurisdiction  west  of  the  Nueces  River. 
This  stream  marked  the  limit  of  actual  American 
occupation. 

Without  consulting  Congress,  President  Polk 
ordered  General  Taylor  to  lead  an  army  across  the 
Nueces  to  hold  the  country  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande. 
The  Mexicans  crossed  this  river  and  attacked  Taylor 
at  Palo  Alto  and  at  Resaca  de  la  Palma.  Taylor 
drove  the  Mexicans  in  rout,  followed  in  pursuit  and 
captured  Matamoras,  a town  on  the  western  bank  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  Polk  then  declared  to  Congress, 
May  11,  1846,  that  a state  of  war  already  existed 

by  the  act  of  Mexico  herself.”  Congress  was  in 
sympathy  with  the  President’s  action,  and  war  was 
formall)’  recognised. 

This  action  was  a response  to  the  war-spirit  ablaze 
in  the  West,  which  was  due  to  the  lust  for  land  that 


1846] 


The  Mexican  War. 


35 


characterised  the  Western  colonists  of  that  heroic 
age,  and  to  race  hatred  against  the  Mexicans.  This 
hatred  was  deepened  by  the  cry  of  the  Texans  for 
help  against  their  oppressors’.  A desire  to  thwart 
England  in  her  supposed  design  of  gaining  control  of 
Texas  led  many  to  demand  the  invasion  of  the  region 
west  of  the  Nueces.  Some  of  the  Southern  leaders 
were  anxious  to  secure  prospective  States  in  order  to 
maintain  Democratic  control  of  the  Senate,  although 
Calhoun  was  stoutly  opposed  to  all  aggression. 
These  various  motives  brought  about  the  popular 
clamour  for  war.  Roosevelt  declares  ( Life  of  Benton, 
p.  174)  that  “ slavery  had  very  little  to  do  with  the 
Western  aggressions  on  Mexican  territory.”  Far 
less  had  it  to  do  with  the  invasion  of  1846,  but  to 
this  matter  we  shall  refer  again.  As  leaders  of  the 
demand  for  battle  on  Mexican  soil,  the  people  of 
the  West  were  far  in  advance  of  the  people  of  the 
Southern  Atlantic  States.  From  these  two  parts 
of  our  country,  the  greater  part  of  the  volunteer 
army  was  enlisted.  Two-thirds  of  all  the  American 
soldiers  engaged  came  from  the  Southern  States. 

In  September,  1846,  General  Taylor  planted  his 
flag  on  the  fortifications  of  Monterey,  nineteen  miles 
south-west  of  the  Rio  Grande.  On  the  plateau  of 
Buena  Vista,  February  22  and  23,  1847,  Santa 
Anna  with  twelve  thousand  soldiers  assailed  Tay- 
lor’s army  of  fifty-two  hundred.  All  of  Taylor’s 
infantry  and  four-fifths  of  his  cavalry  were  volun- 
teers and  most  of  them  had  never  been  under  fire. 
The  splendid  courage  of  the  men  from  the  Missis- 
sippi valley  gave  Taylor  complete  victory.  Santa 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


LI  847 


6 


Anna  withdrew  to  the  defence  of  his  Capital  which 
was  now  threatened  from  the  direction  of  VeraCruz 
by  General  Scott. 

In  the  band  of  twelve  thousand  American  soldiers 
who  gathered  around  the  old  Spanish  walled  town 
of  Vera  Cruz  in  March,  1847,  was  Robert  E.  Lee, 
Captain  of  Engineers.  He  was  a member  of  Gene- 
ral Scott’s  military  staff.  At  Arlington  he  had  left 
the  beloved  wife  and  seven  children  with  his  prayers 
and  blessings.  “ I,  therefore,  trust  . . . that 

this  is  the  last  time  I shall  be  absent  from  you  dur- 
ing my  life,”  was  a message  sent  back  to  the  home- 
circle.  Before  the  arrival  in  front  of  Vera  Cruz,  Lee 
sent  these  injunctions  to  his  two  eldest  sons: 


‘ ‘ I was  much  gratified  to  hear  of  your  progress  at  school,  and  hope 
that  you  will  continue  to  advance,  and  that  I shall  have  the  happiness 
of  finding  you  much  improved  in  all  your  studies  on  my  return.  I 
shall  not  feel  my  long  separation  from  you,  if  I find  that  my  absence 
has  been  of  no  injury  to  you,  and  that  you  have  both  grown  in  good- 
ness and  knowledge,  as  well  as  stature.  But,  ah  ! how  much  I will 
suffer  on  my  return  if  the  reverse  has  occurred.  You  enter  all  my 
thoughts,  into  all  my  prayers  ; and  on  you,  in  part,  will  depend 
whether  I shall  be  happy  or  miserable,  as  you  know  how  much  I 
love  you.  You  must  do  all  in  your  power  to  save  me  from  pain. 
. . . Tell  Rob  he  must  think  of  me  very  often,  be  a good  boy, 

and  always  love  papa.” 


With  the  assistance  of  Lieutenants  Beauregard 
and  Tower,  Captain  Lee  arranged  the  batteries 
whose  firing  compelled  the  surrender  of  Vera  Cruz 
within  seven  days.  One  of  the  American  guns  was 
served  by  Captain  Lee’s  brother,  Lieutenant  Syd- 
ney Smith  Lee,  of  the  navy:  ‘‘No  matter  where  I 


fUL/V 


1847] 


The  Mexican  War. 


37 


turned,”  wrote  Lee,  “ my  eyes  reverted  to  him, 
and  I stood  by  his  gun  whenever  I was  not  wanted 
elsewhere.  Oh!  I felt  awfully,  and  am  at  a loss 
what  I should  have  done  had  he  been  cut  down 
before  me.  I thank  God  that  he  was  saved.  He 
preserved  his  usual  cheerfulness,  and  I could  see  his 
white  teeth  through  all  the  smoke  and  din  of  the 
fire.”  Concerning  the  firing  against  the  fortress, 
Lee  wrote:  “ The  shells  thrown  from  our  battery 
were  constant  and  regular  discharges,  so  beautiful 
in  their  flight  and  so  destructive  in  their  fall.  It 
was  awful!  My  heart  bled  for  the  inhabitants. 
The  soldiers  I did  not  care  so  much  for,  but  it  was 
terrible  to  think  of  the  women  and  children.” 

The  middle  of  April,  1847,  saw  General  Scott's 
army  upon  the  march  of  over  two  hundred  miles 
north-westward  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  In  the  pass 
of  Cerro  Gordo,  Santa  Anna  massed  his  army  to 
give  battle.  Lee  was  sent  forward  by  General  Scott 
to  make  reconnaissances  along  the  front  and  around 
the  left  of  the  Mexican  position  as  far  as  the  Jalapa 
road.  Upon  the  report  made  by  Lee,  Scott’s  plan 
of  battle  was  based.  Lee  in  person  guided  the 
storming  party  under  Riley  and  Shields  that  turned 
and  routed  the  Mexican  left,  cut  off  the  Mexican 
right  from  retreat  and  compelled  its  surrender. 
General  Scott  thus  made  mention  of  Captain  Lee: 

This  officer  was  again  indefatigable  during  these 
operations,  in  reconnaissances  as  daring  as  laborious, 
and  of  the  utmost  value.  Nor  was  he  less  conspicu- 
ous in  planting  batteries  and  in  conducting  columns 
to  their  stations  under  the  heavy  fire  of  the  enemy.” 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1847 


8 


To  his  eldest  son,  Lee  wrote  as  follows  after  the 
battle : 


“I  thought  of  you,  my  dear  Custis,  on  the  18th,  in  the  battle, 
and  wondered,  when  the  musket  balls  and  grape  were  whistling 
over  my  head  in  a perfect  shower,  where  I could  put  you,  if  with 
me,  to  be  safe.  I was  truly  thankful  that  you  were  at  school,  I hope 
learning  to  be  good  and  wise.  You  have  no  idea  what  a horrible 
sight  a battlefield  is.” 


The  fearful  sights  and  sounds  of  the  place  of  carn- 
age lingered  in  Lee’s  memory  as  the  source  of  a 
personal  grief.  The  one  note  of  the  after-scene 
that  continued  to  sound  in  his  ear  was  the  plaintive 
tone  of  a little  Mexican  girl  whom  he  found  bend- 
ing over  a wounded  drummer-boy.  Lee  longed  to 
escape  these  horrors.  From  the  next  camp  he 
wrote  to  his  wife  concerning  Jalapa  as  “the  most 
beautiful  country  I have  seen  in  Mexico,  and  will 
compare  with  any  I have  seen  elsewhere.  I wish  it 
was  in  the  United  States,  and  that  I was  located 
with  you  and  the  children  around  me  in  one  of  its 
rich  bright  valleys.’’ 

Early  in  August,  Scott’s  army  of  ten  thousand 
effectives  advanced  from  Puebla  upon  Mexico,  with 
the  engineer  company  at  the  head  of  the  column. 
At  Ayotla,  near  the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Chaleo, 
Scott’s  camp  was  pitched,  and  reconnaissance  was 
begun.  Lee  was  the  leader  of  the  band  of  engi- 
neers who  made  investigation  of  the  Mexican  posi- 
tion. It  was  at  length  decided  to  turn  the  right 
flank  of  the  Mexican  defences.  Therefore,  the 
American  army  was  moved  along  the  highway  skirt- 


1847] 


The  Mexican  War. 


39 


insr  the  southern  shore  of  Chaleo  until  it  reached 
San  Augustin.  This  town  was  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountains,  twelve  miles  south  of  the  city  of  Mexico, 
and  it  now  became  the  base  of  operations  in  the 
attempt  to  take  the  Capital.  The  strategic  move- 
ment by  which  the  Mexican  line  of  defences  were 
thus  assailed  on  the  right  flank  and  overwhelmed, 
was  very  largely  due  to  the  advice  offered  to  the 
commanding  general  by  Captain  Lee. 

The  city  of  Mexico  rests  in  a valley  of  elliptical 
shape,  seven  thousand  five  hundred  feet  above  the 
sea  level.  In  the  valley  are  five  lakes.  The  two 
smallest  lie  north  of  the  city;  Texcoco  is  east  of  the 
city ; Xochimilco  and  Chaleo  lie  toward  the  south- 
east. During  the  winter  months,  the  valley  is 
partly  submerged  by  water;  hence  the  approach  to 
the  city  is  made  on  seven  high  causeways  bordered 
by  deep  ditches.  Toward  the  east  and  south  the 
Mexicans  had  erected  strong  fortifications  com- 
manding these  narrow  approaches.  The  causeway 
from  San  Augustin  to  Mexico  was  high  and  broad, 
and,  three  miles  in  advance,  was  fortified  at  San 
Antonio.  West  of  the  San  Augustin  causeway  two 
parallel  roads  ran  toward  Mexico.  Padierna,  or 
Contreras,  four  miles  due  west  of  San  Augustin,  was 
the  key  to  these  two  highways. 

Lee  and  Beauregard  were  sent,  August  1 8 1 h , to 
reconnoitre  the  position  of  Contreras.  They  had  to 
cross  a vast  field  of  lava  or  volcanic  rock,  of  broken 
and  uneven  surface,  called  the  Pedrigal.  A few 
footpaths  were  the  only  roads  over  this  rough  field 
of  sharp  ridges  and  deep  fissures.  The  movement 


40 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


11847 


of  the  next  day  upon  Contreras  was  under  Lee’s 
personal  direction.  It  was  he  who  planned  the 
attack  and  guided  the  troops  to  victory. 

From  San  Augustin,  on  the  morning  of  August 
19th,  Lee  hastened  westward  in  charge  of  a pioneer 
corps.  At  the  end  of  a mile’s  marching,  the  work- 
men began  the  construction  of  a road  across  the 
lava  ridge  that  barred  the  way.  By  noon-day  Lee 
had  brought  up  the  divisions  of  Pillow  and  Twiggs 
to  assail  the  guns  of  Valencia  posted  in  the  edge  of 
the  lava  field  beyond  the  ridge.  Concerning  the 
attack  made  by  Twiggs’s  column  under  Lee’s  guid- 
ance, the  latter  thus  made  report:  “ I advanced 
with  the  rifle  regiment  deployed  as  skirmishers,  and 
selected  the  best  route  for  the  artillery  through  the 
impracticable  fields  of  lava.  . . . The  enemy 

was  intrenched  behind  the  San  Angel  road  on  the 
hills  of  Contreras.” 

Against  the  fortified  hill  a flank  movement  was  at 
once  set  in  operation.  Lee  led  Smith’s  brigade 
toward  his  right  in  order  to  turn  the  Mexican  left 
and  rear.  But  darkness  checked  this  movement, 
and,  upon  Lee’s  advice,  it  was  decided  to  bring  up 
reinforcements  from  San  Augustin.  This  perilous 
mission  over  the  dangerous  Pedrigal  was  entrusted 
to  Lee  himself.  Through  the  darkness  and  the  rain 
he  groped  his  way  across  the  lava  wilderness,  and 
midnight  found  him  making  report  to  General 
Scott.  Before  dawn  he  was  on  the  return  journey, 
leading  Ransom’s  command  to  make  assault  in  front 
of  the  Mexican  position.  Over  the  ridge  and  field 
of  lava,  Lee  guided  this  force  to  the  attack,  just  as 


1847] 


The  Mexican  War. 


41 


the  flanking  columns  were  rushing  upon  Valencia’s 
rear.  The  Mexicans  fled  in  every  direction,  and 
twenty-two  heavy  guns  were  left  behind  as  the  spoil 
of  war. 

The  daring  courage  of  Lee,  so  signally  shown  at 
Contreras,  was  melted  into  tenderness  when  he  saw 
in  J.  E.  Johnston’s  face  the  grief  caused  by  the 
death  of  a relative  in  the  battle.  To  his  old  friend, 
through  the  gathering  tears,  Lee  “ expressed  his 
deep  sympathy  as  tenderly  in  words  as  his  lovely 
wife  would  have  done.” 

“ The  gallant  and  indefatigable  Captain  Lee  ” 
was  accorded  by  General  Scott  the  chief  credit  for 
securing  the  victory  of  Contreras.  Concerning 
Lee’s  night  journeys  across  the  Pedrigal  and  its 
dangerous  pitfalls,  General  Scott  made  this  declara- 
tion: “ He,  having  passed  over  the  difficult  ground 
by  daylight,  found  it  just  possible  to  return  to  San 
Augustin  in  the  dark, — the  greatest  feat  of  physical 
and  moral  courage  performed  by  any  individual  in 
my  knowledge,  pending  the  campaign.”  When 
Scott  reached  the  field  of  Contreras  he  found  his 
troops  already  moving,  under  Lee’s  advice,  toward 
San  Antonio.  At  once  Scott  sent  Lee  to  make 
reconnaissance  toward  the  rear  of  that  place.  Scott 
was  now  advancing  directly  towards  Mexico.  The 
highways  leading  to  that  city  from  Contreras  and 
San  Augustin  were  found  to  converge  in  the  village 
of  Churubusco.  The  Mexican  army  was  there  con- 
centrated to  resist  the  American  advance  over  both 
roads.  Direct  assault  upon  the  village  was  made  in 
front;  Lee  led  a turning  column  under  Shields  and 


42 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


Cl  84-7 


Pierce  across  the  Churubusco  Bridge  toward  the 
Mexican  right  and  rear. 

“ Advancing  from  Coyoacan,”  says  Lee,  “ toward  the  city  of 
Mexico  until  I had  crossed  the  stream  over  which  the  bridge  of 
Churubusco  is  thrown,  I crossed  the  field  obliquely  to  the  rear, 
towards  the  road  from  Churubusco  to  Mexico.  Discovering  a large 
mass  of  infantry  on  the  Churubusco  bridge,  and  apprehending  a fire 
from  batteries  to  defend  the  rear,  I drew  out  towards  the  city  of 
Mexico  until  I reached  the  large  hamlet  on  the  Mexican  road  about 
three  fourths  of  a mile  in  the  rear  of  the  bridge  of  Churubusco. 
Throwing  the  left  of  his  brigade  upon  this  building  which  offered 
protection  against  the  mass  of  cavalry  stretching  towards  the  gates  of 
Mexico,  and  his  right  upon  the  building  in  the  field  in  rear  of  which 
we  had  approached,  General  Shields  formed  his  line  obliquely  to  that 
of  the  enemy,  who,  not  to  be  outflanked,  had  drawn  out  from  his 
entrenchments  and  extended  his  line  from  the  bridge  to  nearly  oppo- 
site our  left.  General  Pierce’s  brigade  coming  up  just  after  General 
Shields’s  brigade  had  commenced  the  attack,  took  position  to  his 
right,  enveloping  the  building  in  the  field.  Our  troops  being  now 
hotly  engaged  and  somewhat  pressed,  I urged  forward  the  Howitzer 
battery  under  Lt.  Reno,  who  very  promptly  brought  the  pieces  to 
bear  upon  the  head  of  their  column  with  good  effect.  Perceiving 
that  the  enemy’s  cavalry  were  showing  themselves  on  our  left,  and 
that  our  force  was  greatly  outnumbered,  I hastened  back  to  the 
General-in-chief,  who  directed  Major  Sumner  to  take  the  Rifle  regi- 
ment and  a squadron  to  the  support  of  that  wing.  About  the  time 
this  force  reached  the  open  country  in  rear  of  Churubusco,  the  enemy 
began  to  give  way,  and  before  they  had  reached  the  position  occupied 
by  General  Shields,  had  broken  in  all  directions.  Their  front  forced 
by  General  Worth’s  division,  and  the  main  body  driven  into  the  main 
road  to  Mexico  by  our  infantry  and  cavalry,  I joined  the  troops  in 
pursuit.” 

After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  negotiate  a 
peace,  the  two  combatants  girded  themselves  for 
the  final  struggle.  Across  the  highway  leading  into 
the  city  from  the  south-west  the  Mexicans  concen- 


1847] 


The  Mexican  iVar. 


43 


trated  their  troops  for  defence.  In  front  they  pre- 
sented a fortified  line  five  hundred  yards  in  length. 
At  the  left  of  this  line  was  Molinos-del-Rey,  the 
Mills  of  the  King,  and  at  the  right  stood  a fort, 
within  which  was  a large  building  termed  the  Casa 
Mata.  Along  the  front  of  this  entire  line  extended 
a deep  ditch.  On  a height,  in  rear  of  the  line, 
towered  the  fortified  Castle  of  Chapultepec.  Hover- 
ing on  the  right  wing  were  the  Mexican  cavalry. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  September  8th,  Worth 
made  a gallant  assault  that  continued  two  hours, 
and  carried  by  storm  the  Casa  Mata  and  Molinos- 
del-Rey.  Behind  the  second  line  of  defences,  whose 
centre  bristled  with  the  guns  of  Chapultepec,  Santa 
Anna’s  troops  were  now  massed.  Lee  and  other 
engineers  advised  a flank  movement  to  the  right  of 
Chapultepec,  and  an  assault  on  the  San  Antonio 
gate,  south  of  the  city.  Beauregard  was  the  only 
engineer  who  favoured  a direct  attack  upon  the  fort- 
ress of  Chapultepec.  This  plan  was  adopted.  An 
isolated  mound  of  rock,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet 
high,  surmounted  by  a large  building,  constituted 
the  castle;  a solid  wall  enclosed  the  building  and 
grounds.  Breastworks  added  strength  to  the  hill, 
and  heavy  batteries  commanded  the  approaches. 
Along  the  steep  western  slope  were  a series  of 
mines.  This  strong  tower,  the  key  to  the  city, 
loomed  up  two  miles  in  front  of  the  gates  of 
Mexico. 

Four  batteries  were  established  and  a hot  fire 
maintained  upon  the  Castle  during  fourteen  hours 
of  September  12th.  The  early  morning  of  Septem- 


44 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


1184? 


ber  13th  saw  two  columns  advancing  to  the  assault 
under  Quitman  of  Mississippi  and  Pillow  of  Tennes- 
see. The  batteries  continued  their  fire,  while  up 
the  steep  ascent  with  scaling  ladders  the  two  bands 
moved.  Southern  soldiers  were  the  chief  leaders  in 
this  bold  dash  through  the  storm  of  shells  and  bul- 
lets. Many  of  the  most  prominent  officers  who  stood 
arrayed  against  each  other  nearly  two  decades  later 
in  the  war  between  the  States,  marched  side  by  side 
up  the  steeps  of  Chapultepec.  Up  the  western  slope 
marched  Pillow’s  column,  J.  E.  Johnston  leading 
the  advance;  Lewis  A.  Armistead  was  first  to  leap 
into  the  great  ditch,  and  the  wall  itself  was  captured 
and  held.  A little  later,  the  South  Carolina  regi- 
ment, leading  Quitman’s  advance,  reached  the  south- 
eastern summit,  and  broke  through  the  fortifications. 
Longstreet  fell  wounded  on  the  side  of  the  hill; 
Geo.  E.  Pickett  led  the  charge  which  carried  the 
flag  of  the  8th  Regiment  through  the  works  and 
planted  it  on  the  Castle’s  summit.  Shields  and 
Casey  were  wounded;  Beauregard  was  a member  of 
Pillow’s  column,  and  G.  B.  McClellan  was  directing 
the  artillery  fire.  Around  the  left  base  of  the  fort- 
ress a section  of  Magruder’s  artillery  was  advanced 
under  T.  J.  Jackson.  Steadily  onward  went  Jack- 
son  until  he  reached  the  point-blank  range  of  the 
Mexican  batteries  intrenched  across  the  road  imme- 
diately in  the  rear  of  Chapultepec;  away  from  these 
guns  he  drove  the  enemy,  held  the  position,  and 
with  the  additional  guns  brought  up  as  reinforce- 
ment, kept  back  the  Mexican  soldiery  who  were 
coming  from  Mexico  to  help  maintain  the  Castle. 


18471 


The  Mexican  War. 


45 


For  his  effective  management  of  batteries  at  Con- 
treras, Churubusco,  and  Chapultepec,  Jackson  was 
brevetted  captain  and  major  of  artillery. 

Through  the  hottest  firing  that  day,  Lee  galloped 
as  Scott’s  chief  aide,  bearing  orders  to  the  attacking 
columns.  Scott  thus  made  mention  of  Lee  in  his 
report:  “ Captain  Lee,  so  constantly  distinguished, 
also  bore  important  orders  from  me  (September 
13th),  until  he  fainted  from  a wound  and  the  loss  of 
two  nights’  sleep  at  the  batteries.”  For  his  gal- 
lantry at  Chapultepec,  Lee  was  advanced  to  the 
brevet  rank  of  colonel ; he  had  already  been  brevetted 
as  major  after  Cerro  Gordo,  and  as  lieutenant-colonel 
for  daring  and  skill  at  Contreras  and  Churubusco. 

Close  upon  the  retreating  Mexicans,  the  American 
army  moved  toward  the  Belen  and  San  Cosme  gates. 
Quitman’s  column  was  first  at  the  goal,  and  an- 
nounced its  success  by  waving  from  the  wall,  above 
the  Belen  gate,  the  flag  of  the  Palmetto  regiment  of 
South  Carolina.  Worth’s  division  fastened  its  grasp 
upon  the  San  Cosme  gate  about  nightfall.  The 
hours  of  darkness  were  seized  upon  by  Santa  Anna 
as  an  opportunity  for  the  evacuation  of  the  city  of 
Mexico.  The  hour  of  sunrise,  September  14th, 
found  Lee  bearing  Scott’s  orders  to  Quitman  to 
occupy  the  city.  Lee  was  with  the  squadron  that 
advanced  to  the  Grand  Plaza  and  took  possession  of 
the  halls  of  the  Montezumas. 

While  the  army  was  awaiting  the  conclusion  of 
the  treaty  of  peace,  the  engineer  officers  were  en- 
gaged in  making  surveys  and  drawings  of  the  city  of 
Mexico  and  its  defences.  In  addition  to  these 


46 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1848 


labours,  Lee  took  upon  himself  the  work  of  re- 
establishing peaceable  relations  between  General 
Scott  and  some  of  his  subordinate  officers.  “ He 
was  a peacemaker  by  nature,”  says  Henry  J.  Hunt, 
who  has  told  us  of  this  work  of  conciliation  on  the 
part  of  Lee. 

Lee  took  great  interest  in  the  making  of  the 
treaty  with  Mexico.  “ I would  not  exact  now,”  he 
wrote  in  February,  1848,  “ more  than  I would  have 
taken  before  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  as  I 
should  wish  nothing  but  what  was  just,  and  that  I 
would  have  sooner  or  later.”  Concerning  Mexico 
in  the  war,  he  wrote,  with  a touch  of  humour:  ‘‘It 
is  true  we  bullied  her.  For  that  I am  ashamed,  for 
she  was  the  weaker  party,  but  ive  have  since,  by 
ivay  of  set-off,  drubbed  her  handsomely  and  in  a 
manner  no  man  might  be  ashamed  of.  They  begin 
to  be  aware  how  entirely  they  are  beaten,  and  are 
willing  to  acknowledge  it.”  As  to  the  official  recog- 
nition of  his  own  services  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  he  had  only  this  to  say: 


“ I hope  my  friends  will  give  themselves  no  annoyance  on  my  ac- 
count, or  any  concern  about  the  distribution  of  favours.  I know  how 
those  things  are  awarded  at  Washington  and  how  the  President  will 
be  besieged  by  clamourous  claimants.  I do  not  wish  to  be  numbered 
among  them.  Such  as  he  can  conscientiously  bestow,  I shall  grate- 
fully receive,  and  have  no  doubt  that  those  will  exceed  my  deserts.” 

In  the  early  days  of  April,  1848,  we  find  him 
sending  description  of  the  Romish  Church,  situated 
on  the  mountain  to  the  west  of  Mexico,  and  at  the 
same  time  giving  a young  friend  in  Alexandria  the 


CAPTAIN  ROBERT  E.  LEE,  AS  CAPTAIN  OF  ENGINEERS  IN 
THE  U.  S.  ARMY. 


FROM  A PHOTOGRAPH  TAKEN  IN  1852,  WHEN  LEE  BECAME  SUPERINTENDENT 
OF  WEST  POINT. 


1852] 


The  Mexican  War. 


47 


advice  that  “ you  had  better  dismiss  that  young 
divine,  and  marry  a soldier.  There  is  some  chance 
of  the  latter  being  shot,  but  it  requires  a particular 
dispensation  of  Providence  to  rid  you  of  the  former.  ” 
While  the  Mexican  Government  was  making  delay 
in  the  completion  of  the  treaty,  Lee  expressed  the 
view  that  a display  of  force  would  bring  these  shrewd 
people  to  terms;  “ I might  make  a rough  diploma- 
tist, but  a tolerably  quick  one.” 

To  spare  his  war-horse  from  fatigue,  Lee  made 
the  slow  journey  homeward  up  the  Mississippi  River 
by  steamer.  Wilcox  has  declared  that  Lee  was  then 

the  handsomest  man  in  the  army.”  The  last 
hours  of  June,  1848,  closed  upon  him  at  Arlington, 
sending  this  despatch  to  his  brother: 

“ Here  I am  once  again,  my  dear  Smith,  perfectly  surrounded  by 
Marjr  and  her  precious  children,  who  seem  to  devote  themselves  to 
staring  at  the  furrows  in  my  face  and  the  white  hairs  in  my  head. 
It  is  not  surprising  that  I am  hardly  recognisable  to  some  of  the 
young  eyes  around  me  and  perfectly  unknown  to  the  youngest,  but 
some  of  the  older  ones  gaze  with  astonishment  and  wonder  at  me, 
and  seem  at  a loss  to  reconcile  what  they  see  and  what  was  pictured 
in  their  imaginations.  I find  them,  too,  much  grown,  and  all  well, 
and  I have  much  cause  for  thankfulness  and  gratitude  to  that  good 
God  who  has  once  more  united  us.” 

Lee  was  now  entrusted  with  engineering  work  in 
constructing  the  defences  of  the  city  of  Baltimore. 
When  the  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War  in  1852 
assigned  him  to  the  position  of  Superintendent  of 
the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  he  made 
protest,  as  follows,  to  the  Chief  Engineer: 

“ I learn  with  much  regret  the  determination  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  assign  me  to  that  duty,  and  I fear  I cannot  realise  his  expec- 


48 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


f 1855 


tations  in  the  management  of  an  Institution  requiring  more  skill  and 
more  experience  than  I command. 

“Although  fully  appreciating  the  honour  of  the  station,  and  ex- 
tremely reluctant  to  oppose  my  wishes  to  the  orders  of  the  De- 
partment, yet  if  I be  allowed  any  option  in  the  matter,  I would 
respectfully  ask  that  some  other  successor  than  myself  be  appointed 
to  the  present  able  Superintendent.” 


In  spite  of  these  objections,  he  was  assigned  to 
the  position,  and  all  of  its  duties  he  discharged  with 
signal  success.  Lee  found  his  eldest  son,  Custis,  a 
cadet  in  the  Academy.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  was  a class- 
mate of  Custis  Lee.  The  latter  stood  at  the  head  of 
his  class  when  his  father  came,  and  he  maintained 
himself  in  that  grade  until  his  graduation  in  1854. 
Painstaking  care  and  attention  to  all  the  details  of 
official  business  marked  Lee’s  administration  of 
three  years.  The  discipline  of  the  Academy  was 
made  more  efficient,  the  course  of  study  was  ex- 
tended to  five  years,  and  a spacious  riding-hall  was 
constructed. 

In  1855,  Captain  Lee  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  2d  Cavalry,  and  sent 
to  the  scene  of  Indian  troubles  in  western  Texas. 
He  spent  the  summer  of  1856  in  parleying  with 
the  Comanche  chief,  Catumseh,  and  in  pursuing 
his  marauding  bands.  Under  the  scorching  suns  of 
the  Wachita  and  Brazos  River  valleys  he  rode  eight 
hundred  miles  in  forty  days.  The  fourth  day  of 
July  he  celebrated  by  an  early  march  of  thirty  miles, 
and  during  the  rest  of  the  day  he  sought  refuge 
from  the  fierce  heat  by  lying  under  his  blanket, 
“ which  was  elevated  on  four  sticks  driven  in  the 


1856] 


Service  on  the  Frontier. 


49 


ground  as  a sunshade.”  When  his  wife  wrote  him 
of  a possible  vacancy  in  the  list  of  brigadier-gen- 
erals in  the  army,  he  sent  this  answer:  “ Do  not 
give  yourself  any  anxiety  about  the  appointment  of 
the  brigadier.  If  it  is  on  my  account  that  you  feel 
an  interest  in  it,  I beg  you  will  discard  it  from  your 
thoughts.  You  will  be  sure  to  be  disappointed;  nor 
is  it  right  to  indulge  improper  and  useless  hopes. 
It,  besides,  looks  like  presumption  to  expect  it.” 

The  month  of  December,  1856,  found  him  enjoy- 
ing garrison  life  on  the  Rio  Grande,  yet  longing  to 
be  with  the  loved  ones  at  Arlington  during  Christ- 
mas-tide. In  daily  walks  he  passed  alone  up  and 
down  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  there  found  pleas- 
ure, as  he  declared,  in  his  own  thoughts,  in  the 
varied  plumage  of  the  birds  and  in  the  beauty  of 
the  vines  and  flowers.  Lee’s  character  breathes  in 
the  following  injunctions  to  his  son,  written  about 
the  time  that  the  father  began  service  with  the  2d 
Cavalry : 


“You  must  study  to  be  frank  with  the  world.  Frankness  is  the 
child  of  honesty  and  courage.  Say  just  what  you  mean  to  do  on  every 
occasion,  and  take  it  for  granted  you  mean  to  do  right.  . . . 

Never  do  a wrong  thing  to  make  a friend  or  to  keep  one. 

Above  all,  do  not  appear  to  others  what  you  are  not.  . . . We 

should  live,  act,  and  say  nothing  to  the  injury  of  anyone.” 

In  closing  this  letter  of  counsel,  Lee  told  his  son 
of  the  Connecticut  legislator  who  desired  lights  to 
be  brought  during  the  darkness  of  an  eclipse  that 
the  House  might  proceed  with  its  duty,  even 
though  the  day  of  judgment  were  at  hand: 


50 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1856 


“There  was  quietness  in  that  man’s  mind — the  quietness  of 
heavenly  wisdom  and  inflexible  willingness  to  obey  present  duty. 
Duty,  then,  is  the  sublimest  word  in  our  language.  Do  your  duty 
in  all  things,  like  the  old  Puritan.  You  cannot  do  more  ; you  should 
never  wish  to  do  less.  Never  let  me  or  your  mother  wear  one  grey 
hair  for  any  lack  of  duty  on  your  part.” 

But  the  shadow  of  approaching  war  between  the 
States  grew  darker  during  these  brief  years  of  Lee’s 
training  as  a frontier  cavalry  officer.  In  the  discus- 
sion of  political  affairs  he  had  taken  no  part.  From 
the  Rio  Grande,  December  27,  1856,  he  despatched 
the  following  letter,  as  his  earliest  extended  refer- 
ence to  the  social  problem  that  had  already  sundered 
the  States  of  the  Federal  Union  into  two  separate 
and  distinct  sections : 

“ I was  much  pleased  with  the  President’s  message.  His  [Pierce’s] 
views  of  the  systematic  and  progressive  efforts  of  certain  people  at 
the  North  to  interfere  with  and  change  the  domestic  institutions  of 
the  South  are  truthfully  and  faithfully  expressed.  The  consequences 
of  their  plans  and  purposes  are  also  clearly  set  forth.  These  people 
must  be  aware  that  their  object  is  both  unlawful  and  foreign  to  them 
and  to  their  duty,  and  that  this  institution,  for  which  they  are  irrespon- 
sible and  unaccountable,  can  only  be  changed  by  them  through  the 
agency  of  a civil  and  servile  war. 

“ There  are  few,  I believe,  in  this  enlightened  age,  who  will  not 
acknowledge  that  slavery  as  an  institution  is  a moral  and  political 
evil  in  any  country.  It  is  useless  to  expatiate  on  its  disadvantages. 

I think  it  a greater  evil  to  the  white  than  to  the  black  race.  While 
my  feelings  are  strongly  enlisted  in  behalf  of  the  latter,  my  sympa- 
thies are  more  strong  for  the  former.  The  blacks  are  immeasurably 
better  off  here  than  in  Africa,  morally,  physically,  and  socially.  The 
painful  discipline  they  are  undergoing  is  necessary  for  their  further 
instruction  as  a race,  and  I hope  will  prepare  them  for  better  things. 
How  long  their  servitude  may  be  necessary  is  known  and  ordered  by 
a merciful  Providence.  Their  emancipation  will  sooner  result  from 
the  mild  and  melting  influences  of  Christianity,  than  from  the  storms, 


1859] 


Service  on  the  Frontier. 


51 


and  tempests  of  fiery  controversy.  This  influence,  though  slow,  is 
sure.  The  docrines  and  miracles  of  our  Saviour  have  required  nearly 
two  thousand  years  to  convert  but  a small  portion  of  the  human  race, 
and  even  among  Christian  nations  what  gross  errors  still  exist. 
While  we  see  the  course  of  the  final  abolition  of  human  slavery  is 
still  onward,  and  give  it  the  aid  of  our  prayers,  and  all  justifiable 
means  in  our  power,  we  must  leave  the  progress  as  well  as  the  result 
in  His  hands  who  sees  the  end  ; Who  chooses  to  work  by  slow  in- 
fluences ; with  whom  two  thousand  years  are  but  as  a single  day. 
Although  the  Abolitionist  must  know  this,  must  know  that  he  has 
neither  the  right  nor  the  power  of  operating,  except  by  moral  means, 
and  that,  to  benefit  the  slave,  he  must  incite  angry  feelings  in  the 
master  ; that,  although  he  may  not  approve  the  mode  by  which 
Providence  accomplishes  its  purpose,  the  result  will  still  be  the 
same ; that  the  reasons  he  gives  for  interference  in  what  he  has  no 
concern  with,  hold  good  with  every  kind  of  interference  with  our 
neighbour  ; still  I fear  he  will  persevere  in  his  evil  course. 

Is  it  not  strange  that  the  descendants  of  those  Pilgrim  Fathers  who 
crossed  the  Atlantic  to  preserve  their  freedom  have  always  proved 
the  most  intolerant  of  the  spiritual  liberty  of  others  ? ” 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SECESSION  AND  SLAVERY. 

i860. 

E hour  was  now  at  hand  which  com- 
pelled Robert  E.  Lee  to  resign  his 
commission  in  the  army  of  the  U nited 
States.  The  public  and  private  rea- 
sons that  controlled  him  in  this  with- 
drawal from  a service  of  thirty-two  years  can  be 
clearly  stated  only  in  a review  of  the  political  theory 
of  secession  and  the  social  problems  connected  with 
the  institution  of  slavery.  The  beginning  of  this 
long  story,  which  shall  here  be  made  brief,  calls  us 
back  again  to  the  era  of  the  first  war  with  England. 

In  the  prosecution  of  active  warfare  during  the 
Revolution,  the  legislatures  of  the  thirteen  individual 
colonies  furnished  the  men  and  the  revenue  neces- 
sary to  organise  the  American  armies.  Delegates 
from  each  colonial  legislature  were  sent  to  Philadel- 
phia as  members  of  the  central  advisory  committee, 
known  as  the  Continental  Congress;  this  Congress 
had  no  general  authority  to  make  laws,  but,  as  a 

52 


ARLINQTON  IN  1860. 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


53 


diplomatic  body,  it  made  recommendations  to  the 
legislative  bodies  in  the  separate  colonies.  The  war 
itself  was  inaugurated  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
sovereign  authority  of  the  thirteen  separate  colonial 
legislatures  against  the  assumed  authority  of  the 
British  Parliament.*  A legal  bond  was  at  length 
formulated,  organising  the  thirteen  States  into  a con- 
federacy styled  “ The  United  States  of  America.” 
It  was  expressly  stipulated  in  Article  II.  that  “ Each 
State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  indepen- 
dence.” Article  III.  specified  that  ” the  said  States 
hereby  severally  enter  into  a firm  league  of  friendship 
with  each  other,”  while  Article  IV.  spoke  of  perpetu- 
ating” mutual  friendship  and  intercourse  among  the 
people  of  the  different  States."  In  the  determina- 
tion of  questions  in  the  Congress  of  the  League,  it 
was  provided  that  ” each  State  shall  have  one 
vote.”  These  Articles  of  Confederation  were  not 
adopted  by  all  the  States  until  the  year  of  Cornwal- 
lis’s surrender  at  Yorktown,  1781.  Two  years  later, 
1783,  peace  was  established  with  England  through 
a Treaty  which  began  as  follows:  “His  Britannic 
Majesty  acknowledges  the  said  United  States,  viz., 
New-Hampshire,  Massachusetts-Bay,  Rhode-Island 
and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New- 
York,  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  North-Carolina,  South-Carolina,  and 
Georgia,  to  be  free , sovereign , and  independent 

* The  Declaration  of  Independence  did  not  assert  independence  for 
the  colonies  as  a unit.  Under  special  authority  from  their  legislatures, 
the  delegates  from  twelve  colonies  concurred  in  pledging  mutual  sup- 
port in  maintaining  separate  independence. 


54 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[I860 


States."  The  fifth  article  of  this  Treaty  of  Peace 
contained  the  agreement,  “ that  the  Congress  shall 
earnestly  recommend  it  to  the  legislatures  of  the 
respective  States  to  provide  for  the  restitution  ” of 
all  property  confiscated  from  the  Tories.  This 
recommendation  was  made  by  the  Congress,  and 
flatly  rejected  by  the  legislatures  of  the  States. 
The  Tories  did  not  receive  the  stipulated  compen- 
sation, because  of  the  sovereign  authority  asserted 
and  exercised  by  the  people  of  the  individual  Com- 
monwealths. 

The  binding  force  of  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion grew  weaker  by  degrees.  When  the  common 
enemy  had  been  overthrown,  the  separate  States 
became  more  jealous  than  ever  of  their  individual 
sovereignty.  Adjoining  States  collected  custom- 
house duties  from  one  another,  and  began  fierce 
quarrels  about  boundary  lines.  In  1786,  loud 
threats  of  secession  from  the  League  were  made  in 
New  England  and  in  the  South.  In  the  same  year 
Rhode  Island  did  actually  secede  from  the  Confed- 
eracy, and  withdrew  her  delegates  from  the  Con- 
gress. Delegates  from  the  other  twelve  States  met 
at  Philadelphia  in  1787  and  drew  up  a new  series  of 
Articles  which  were  submitted  to  the  separate  States 
upon  the  basis  specified  in  Article  VII.  : “ The  rati- 
fication of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be 
sufficient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution 
between  the  States  so  ratifying  the  same.”  Legis- 
lative powers  were  granted  in  this  Constitution  to  a 
Congress  consisting  of  a House  of  Representatives 
chosen  proportionately  by  ” the  people  of  the  sev- 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


55 


eral  States,”  and  a Senate  composed  of  “ two 
Senators  from  each  State.”  The  executive  power 
was  vested  in  a President  to  be  chosen  by  electors 
appointed,  proportionately,  by”  each  State”;  each 
separate  body  of  electors  was  directed  to  meet  and 
cast  ballot  ” in  their  respective  States.” 

The  year  1788  saw  these  Articles  ratified  by 
eleven  States,  and  in  the  following  year  the  Federal 
Government  began  to  operate  throughout  these 
States  upon  the  basis  of  a secession  from  the  Arti- 
cles of  Confederation  of  1781.  Virginia  distinctly 
reserved  the  right  to  withdraw  from  the  new  league, 
if  the  compact  should  be  perverted  to  her  injury; 
this  same  reservation  was  implied  in  the  method  of 
ratification  followed  by  the  other  Commonwealths. 
The  first  Federal  Congress  decided  that  the  duties 
levied  on  imports  from  foreign  countries  must  be 
imposed  on  goods  from  North  Carolina  and  Rhode 
Island.  In  the  seventh  month  after  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  Federal  Union,  North  Carolina  volun- 
tarily entered  the  compact  as  the  twelfth  State, 
November  21,  1789.  Just  at  the  close  of  Washing- 
ton’s first  year  as  President,  Rhode  Island  sought 
admission  to  the  Federal  household,  May  29,  1790. 
This  little  Commonwealth  had  held  herself  entirely 
aloof  from  the  other  States  since  her  secession  in 
1786.  The  political  sentiment  of  this  entire  period 
of  the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
held  each  State  to  be  the  self-governing  member  of 
a league  of  Commonwealths  organised  for  the  pur- 
poses of  mutual  defence  and  mutual  intercourse. 

The  first  serious  attempt  to  fasten  a different 


56 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


construction  upon  the  Constitution  was  made  by 
the  Federalist  party  about  ten  years  after  the  inau- 
guration of  the  Federal  Government.  In  1798,  the 
Administration  of  John  Adams  followed  the  exam- 
ple offered  by  England,  and  passed  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws.  The  Sedition  Law  declared  it  a 
punishable  crime  to  publish  any  malicious  charge 
against  the  Federal  Government  or  any  part  there- 
of. The  Alien  Law  gave  authority  to  the  President 
to  arrest  or  exile  any  alien  whom  he  should  consider 
dangerous  to  the  country.  These  laws  lodged  great 
power  in  the  hands  of  Congress  and  the  President, 
and  they  were  executed  after  the  manner  of  political 
persecution.  Legitimate  pamphlets  of  the  political 
sort  were  adjudged  by  Federal  officials  to  be  criminal 
libels.  In  the  same  year,  179s7,  were  issued  the 
resolutions  of  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  legisla- 
tures, prepared  respectively  by  Madison  and  Jeffer- 
son, denouncing  these  laws  as  contrary  to  the  letter 
and  spirit  of  the  Constitution.  Both  resolutions 
affirmed  that  the  Constitution  was  a “ compact  ” 
between  the  States;  that  these  sovereign  Common- 
wealths had  reserved  the  right  to  restrain  the  creat- 
ure of  the  compact,  the  Federal  Government,  from 
assuming  any  powers  not  expressly  granted  to  it. 
In  the  election  of  the  year  1800,  a great  wave  of 
popular  approval  swept  Jefferson’s  party  into  power ; 
the  effort  at  centralisation  had  thus  far  met  naught 
but  disaster. 

When  Jefferson  made  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
from  Napoleon  in  1803,  in  the  form  of  a treaty  rati- 
fied by  the  Senate,  a clearly  developed  spirit  of  sec- 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


57 


tionalism  at  once  manifested  itself.  The  people  of 
the  Southern  States  believed  that  the  development 
of  the  western  territory  both  north  and  south  de- 
pended upon  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 
Immediate  action  was  necessary;  there  was  not  time 
to  follow  Jefferson’s  suggestion  of  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution ; they  therefore  supported  the 
treaty  that  secured  the  western  bank  of  the  great 
river.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Federalists  of  New 
England  opposed  the  treaty,  not  merely  on  Con- 
stitutional grounds,  but  on  the  further  ground 
expressed  by  Tracy  of  Connecticut,  that  the  admis- 
sion of  prospective  States  from  the  Louisiana  terri- 
tory would  result  in  “ absorbing  the  Northern  States 
and  rendering  them  insignificant  in  the  Union.” 
This  Eastern  opposition  to  the  treaty  grew  into  a 
strong  spirit  of  separatism,  and  in  1804  the  air  was 
full  of  serious  threats  from  the  New  England  Fed- 
eralists that  they  would  secede  from  the  Federal 
Union  and  organise  a Northern  Confederacy.  When 
Jefferson’s  Administration  passed  the  Embargo  Act 
in  1807,  it  proved  a failure  because  of  the  refusal  of 
the  people  east  of  the  Hudson  River  to  obey  its 
provisions.  This  resistance  went  to  such  length 
that  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  February  1, 
1809,  issued  an  official  call  of  the  commercial  States 
to  send  delegates  to  a convention  to  consider  the 
union  of  the  Eastern  Commonwealths  against  the 
Federal  Government.  The  movement  was  checked 
by  the  repeal  of  the  Embargo. 

The  opposition  party  became  more  determined 
under  Madison’s  regime.  A few  months  before  the 


58 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


declaration  of  war  against  England,  Josiah  Quincy 
on  the  floor  of  Congress,  thus  made  resistance  to 
the  bill  granting  statehood  to  Louisiana:  “ If  this 
bill  passes,  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion  that  it  is  vir- 
tually a dissolution  of  this  Union;  that  it  will  free 
the  States  from  their  moral  obligation;  and,  as  it 
will  be  the  right  of  all,  so  it  will  be  the  duty  of 
some,  definitely  to  prepare  for  a separation,  ami- 
cably if  they  can,  violently  if  they  must.”  Not. 
from  any  quarter  was  denial  made  of  the  right  of 
secession  thus  boldly  announced.  The  war-measure 
of  1812  added  fuel  to  the  flame,  and  New  England 
proceeded  to  carry  threats  into  active  resistance  to 
the  Federal  Government. 

The  call  of  the  Secretary  of  War  for  the  militia  of 
the  States  met  blunt  refusal  from  the  Govern- 
ors of  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connect- 
icut. The  Assembly  of  the  latter  State  sustained 
its  Executive  in  a formal  address  which  denounced 
the  war  and  declared  Connecticut  to  be  a free, 
sovereign,  and  independent  State,  and  that  the 
United  States  was  not  a national  but  a confederated 
republic.  President  Madison  was  held  up  as  an 
invader  of  the  State’s  authority  over  her  militia. 
The  highest  court  of  Massachusetts  gave  sanction  to 
this  view,  and  the  three  States  furnished  none  of  the 
sinews  of  war.  The  burden  of  public  defence  fell 
upon  the  South  and  West.  The  campaigns  in  Can- 
ada failed,  but  New  England  did  not  come  to  Madi- 
son’s help.  While  the  mounted  riflemen  of  Kentucky 
were  assembling  for  the  onset  which  gained  the  vic- 
tory of  the  Thames  in  the  North-west;  while  the 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


59 


fierce  soldiery  of  Tennessee  were  burnishing  their 
mountain  rifles  to  teach  Packenham’s  veterans  their 
first  lesson  of  defeat  at  New  Orleans,  the  people  of 
New  England  were  permitting  a British  force  to 
hold  without  resistance  the  territory  of  Maine.  In 
the  very  midst  of  the  deadly  struggle,  while  the 
Southern  States  were  voting  men  and  money  for 
the  war,  Vermont’s  Executive  was  recalling  troops 
sent  by  his  predecessor,  and  the  Massachusetts  law- 
makers were  holding  aloof  with  the  declaration  that 
New  England  had  been  totally  excluded  from  a 
share  in  the  Federal  Government.  From  the  moun- 
tains of  New  Hampshire  there  came  also  to  President 
Madison,  a memorial  which  ran,  in  part,  as  follows: 

If  a separation  of  the  States  ever  should  take 
place,  it  will  be  on  some  occasion  when  some  portion 
of  the  country  undertakes  to  control,  to  regulate, 
and  to  sacrifice  the  interest  of  another.” 

Secession  became  the  sentiment  of  the  hour  in 
the  East  as  the  war  dragged  itself  onward.  ‘‘  The 
flag  of  five  stripes  ” was  the  cry  that  arose  in  New 
England  when  the  stars  and  stripes  were  going  down 
before  the  colours  of  Britain.  The  Federalists  of 
New  York  made  response  to  this  call  by  offering  as 
a toast,  the  Northern  Confederacy,  with  its  boun- 
dary “ the  Delaware,  the  Susquehanna,  or  the 
Potomac.  ” 

As  the  year  1814  drew  near  its  end,  with  the 
Federal  Government  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy 
and  the  flames  enkindled  by  the  British  consuming 
the  Capitol  at  Washington,  delegates  from  the  New 
England  States  were  assembling  in  the  Hartford 


6o 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


Convention.  Nullification  had  not  brought  satis- 
faction to  the  Federalists.  Secession  must  be  for- 
mally considered.  The  scheme  that  had  now  grown 
ripe  presented  two  alternative  courses;  either  the 
long-cherished  Northern  Confederacy  must  be  estab- 
lished, or,  as  the  Massachusetts  legislature  sug- 
gested, there  must  be  made  “ a radical  reform  in 
the  national  compact  by  a convention  representing 
all  the  States  in  the  Union.  At  Hartford,  Decem- 
ber 15,  1814,  the  ablest  and  most  influential  men  of 
New  England  met  together  to  express  their  hostil- 
ity to  Madison’s  Administration.  The  resolutions 
passed  by  the  Hartford  Convention  asserted  the 
State’s  right  of  “ interposition  ” against  the  Federal 
Government,  and  “ were  so  framed,”  says  Roose- 
velt, ‘‘as  to  justify  seceding,  or  not  seceding,  as 
events  turned  out.”  Harrison  Gray  Otis  at  once 
proceeded  toward  Washington  to  take  note  of  times 
and  seasons,  whether  the  hour  had  yet  come  for 
leading  New  England  out  of  the  Union.  News  of 
the  treaty  of  peace  with  England  turned  Otis  back, 
and  the  attempt  was  made  to  draw  a veil  over  the 
proceedings  at  Hartford. 

The  decade  following  the  peace  of  1814  saw  the 
widening  of  the  gulf  between  the  agricultural  and 
commercial  sections  of  the  Federal  Union.  The 
next  issue  which  thrust  itself  between  them  was  the 
question  of  a tax  on  imported  merchandise. 

The  South  from  the  first  paid  the  largest  share  of 
the  expenses  of  the  Federal  Government,  because 
she  sent  out  the  great  bulk  of  American  exports. 
After  1824,  the  protective  tariff-law  aided  in  binding 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


61 


a yet  heavier  public  burden  upon  her.  In  that  year 
the  wool-growers  of  the  West  joined  hands  with  the 
wool-workers  of  the  Middle  and  Northern  States  to 
fasten  Henry  Clay’s  protective  system  upon  foreign 
traffic.  At  once  New  England,  whose  representa- 
tives had  opposed  the  earlier  tariffs,  left  her  ships  on 
the  sand,  to  begin  the  work  of  multiplying  looms 
and  spindles,  and  to  advocate  a heavier  tax  on  foreign 
goods  in  the  interest  of  home  manufactures.  In 
1828,  the  West  cast  her  vote  with  the  North  to  pass 
a tariff-law  still  more  burdensome  to  the  South,  but 
in  the  same  year  the  West  supported  the  South  in 
giving  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  electoral  vote  to 
the  hero  of  New  Orleans.  In  1830  the  West  drew 
further  apart  from  the  North  in  regard  to  the  sale  of 
public  lands,  and  in  a moment  the  halls  of  Congress 
were  ablaze  with  the  debate  over  the  tariff,  the 
building  of  new  States,  and  nullification. 

The  sectional  wrestle  began  in  the  Senate  over 
Foot's  [Connecticut]  resolutions,  December,  1829, 
to  abridge  the  sale  of  public  lands  in  the  West. 
Benton  of  Missouri  leaped  to  his  feet  to  charge  New 
England  with  long-continued  hostility  toward  the 
West,  and  declared  this  measure  a blow  aimed 
against  the  growth  of  that  section.  Hayne  of  South 
Carolina  came  to  Benton’s  aid  by  holding  up  the 
second  resolution  of  the  Hartford  Convention, 
which  demanded  some  provision  “ for  restraining 
Congress  in  the  exercise  of  an  unlimited  power  to 
make  new  States.”  Hayne  charged  New  England 
with  the  design  of  consolidating  the  Government  in 
order  to  administer  public  affairs  in  the  sole  interest 


62 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


of  the  North.  He  claimed  that  the  South  was  con- 
tending for  the  true  intent  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, in  her  opposition  to  the  unjust  tariff  of  1828, 
and  that  she  might  desire  to  practice  the  theory  of 
nullification  so  often  exhibited  in  the  conduct  of 
New  England.  Webster,  in  reply,  laboured  long  to 
show  that  nullification  had  never  found  foothold  in 
New  England!  “ No  public  man  of  reputation 
ever  advanced  it  in  Massachusetts,”  cried  Webster, 
in  utter  forgetfulness  of  the  formal  action  of  the 
Massachusetts  legislature.  In  opposition  to  nulli- 
fication as  a governmental  theory,  he  brought  for- 
ward the  claim  of  original  consolidation.  He  affirmed 
that  the  Federal  Constitution  of  1787  was  not  a 
compact  between  the  States,  but  an  instrument 
adopted  by  the  American  people  as  one  great  body- 
politic.  Webster’s  address  was  a master-piece  of 
fervid  eloquence.  The  spirit  of  the  man  himself 
was  aglow  with  patriotic  earnestness,  but  his  biog- 
rapher, Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  makes  the  following 
admissions  concerning  the  two  lines  of  argument: 

“ Unfortunately  the  facts  were  against  him  [Webster]  in  both  in- 
stances. When  the  Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  votes  of  the 
states  at  Philadelphia  and  accepted  by  the  votes  of  States  in  popular 
Conventions,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  there  was  not  a man  in  the  country 
from  Washington  and  Hamilton  on  the  one  side,  to  George  Clinton 
and  George  Mason  on  the  other,  who  regarded  the  new  system  as  any- 
thing but  an  experiment  entered  upon  by  the  States  and  from  which 
each  and  every  State  had  the  right  peaceably  to  withdraw  ; a right 
which  was  very  likely  to  be  exercised.” 


Against  the  recent  tariff-statutes  the  people  of 
South  Carolina  entered  solemn  protest  in  the  form 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


63 


of  an  ordinance  of  nullification,  November,  1832. 
Before  the  ordinance  became  operative,  the  tariff 
was  reduced  by  Clay’s  compromise  measure.  The 
fierce  commercial  wrestle,  however,  indicated  the 
complete  separation  of  the  old  Federal  Union  into 
two  hostile  sections.  Into  the  arena  of  debate  be- 
tween the  two  divided  peoples  was  thrust  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery  in  this  same  year,  1832. 

The  institution  of  slavery  in  the  South  was  a vast 
labour-system.  Under  that  system,  the  negro  was 
registered  as  a member  of  a patriarchal  household ; 
day  by  day  the  habits  of  African  savagery  were 
purged  from  his  life  by  the  power  of  law,  repre- 
sented in  the  will  of  his  master.  The  State  laws 
were  severe  on  crimes  committed  by  negroes;  but 
any  abuse  of  servants  was  prohibited  by  statute. 
Self-interest  restrained  harsh  masters  from  cruelty, 
and  a wholesome  public  sentiment  enforced  the 
practice  of  kindness  toward  the  quiet  wards  of  the 
plantation.  Cruelty  was  the  exception.  Not  often 
was  the  lash  used ; not  often  were  negro  families 
separated  by  sale,  except  as  penalty  for  misde- 
meanor, or  in  the  distribution  of  estates  to  heirs  or 
to  creditors.  The  system  produced  no  paupers  and 
no  orphans;  food  and  clothing  the  negro  did  not 
lack;  careful  attention  he  received  in  sickness,  and, 
without  a burden  the  aged  servants  spent  their  clos- 
ing days.  The  plantation  was  an  industrial  school 
where  the  negro  gradually  acquired  skill  in  the  use 
of  tools.  A bond  of  affection  was  woven  between 
Southern  masters  and  servants  which  proved  strong 
enough  in  1 86 1— ’65  to  keep  the  negroes  at  volun- 


64 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


tary  labour  to  furnish  food  for  the  armies  that 
contended  against  military  emancipation.  In  the 
planter’s  home  the  African  learned  to  set  a higher 
value  upon  the  domestic  virtues  which  he  saw  illus- 
trated in  the  lives  of  Christian  men  and  women ; 
for,  be  it  remembered,  the  great  body  of  the  slave- 
holders of  the  South  were  devotees  of  the  religious 
faith  handed  down  through  pious  ancestors  from 
Knox,  Cranmer,  Wesley,  and  Bunyan.  With  truth, 
perhaps,  it  may  be  said  than  none  other  economic 
system  before  or  since  that  time  has  engendered  a 
bond  of  personal  affection  between  capital  and 
labour  so  strong  as  that  established  by  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery. 

Slowly  upward  toward  a fitness  for  citizenship 
this  mild  servitude  was  lifting  the  negro,  but  only  at 
the  expense  of  Southern  prosperity.  Slavery  was  a 
blight  upon  the  economic  development  of  the  South  ; 
it  repressed  inventive  talent,  it  paralysed  Anglo- 
Saxon  energy,  and  it  left  hidden  in  the  earth  the 
South’s  material  resources.  As  a system  of  labour, 
slavery  secured  slight  service ; harvests  were  not 
abundant  in  proportion  to  the  vast  acreage,  mines 
were  not  opened,  forests  were  not  felled,  railroads 
were  not  constructed,  and  factories  were  not  estab- 
lished. From  an  early  date  a large  proportion  of 
the  Southern  slave-holders  desired  to  cast  off  the 
burden,  but  the  problem  ever  arose What  shall 
be  done  with  the  emancipated  serf  ? ” 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  commercial 
greed  of  England  fastened  the  black  race  upon  the 
American  colonies  against  the  vigorous  protests  of 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


65 


the  colonial  assemblies.  Many  of  the  English  sov- 
ereigns made  investments  in  slave-ships.  John  Wes- 
ley advocated  the  purchase  of  slaves  for  the  colony 
of  Georgia,  in  order  that  they  might  there  hear  the 
Gospel.  In  1776,  slavery  existed  in  all  the  thirteen 
commonwealths,  and  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution 
more  than  half  a million  Africans  were  dwelling  side 
by  side  with  three  million  Americans.  The  Virginia 
statesmen  saw  danger  in  this  juxtaposition  of  two 
diverse  races,  and  they  led  a crusade  against  the 
foreign  slave-traffic.  Into  the  Federal  Convention 
this  war  was  carried,  but  there  New  England  voted 
with  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  to  leave  the  Afri- 
can trade  as  a stain  upon  the  country  for  twenty 
years  longer.  The  Constitution  further  recognised 
the  institution  by  adding  three  fifths  of  the  number 
of  slaves  to  the  white  population  as  the  basis  of 
each  State’s  representation  in  Congress,  and  by  the 
provision  for  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves. 

Unto  the  ships  of  New  England  the  slave-carry- 
ing trade  was  transferred  after  the  Revolution. 
Even  before  that  war,  her  skippers  had  taken  car- 
goes of  rum  from  Cape  Cod  and  Narragansett  to 
exchange  for  flesh  and  blood  on  the  coast  of  Africa. 
Fresh  impetus  was  now  given  to  this  kind  of  barter. 
Wealth  was  rapidly  heaped  up  in  Rhode  Island 
through  the  traffic  of  her  fleet  of  slave  vessels. 
Gradually  the  negroes  of  Northern  masters  were 
sent  to  the  Southern  markets,  and  thus  were  the 
Southern  States  filled  up  with  the  alien  race. 

From  the  beginning,  the  Virginians  had  scented 
danger.  In  the  opening  years  of  the  new  century, 


66 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


they  began  to  look  with  alarm  upon  the  increasing 
multitude  of  unenlightened  negroes.  To  them  it 
was  a colossal  race-problem ; not  the  mere  question 
of  the  patriarchal  relation  of  master  and  servant, 
but  the  presence  of  a barbarous  race  in  the  heart  of 
Anglo-Saxon  commonwealths.  Mere  emancipation 
from  serfdom  did  not  seem  to  these  statesmen  an 
adequate  remedy ; emancipation  on  a small  scale 
was  attempted  by  individuals,  but  the  last  state  of 
the  free  negroes  in  the  South,  as  well  as  in  the 
North,  was  worse  than  the  first  state.  The  com- 
plete removal  of  the  negroes  appeared  to  them  the 
only  course  of  treatment  that  could  touch  the 
sources  of  the  malady;  they  feared  even  greater 
evils  from  the  tribes  of  emancipated  Africans 
within  the  States.  It  was  Patrick  Henry  who  said, 
“ Much  as  I deplore  slavery,  I see  that  prudence 
forbids  its  abolition.”  Marshall  declared  that  abo- 
lition would  not  remove  the  evils  caused  by  the 
negro’s  presence.  Jefferson  deplored  the  danger  to 
the  stability  of  the  Republic,  and  advocated  the 
foreign  colonisation  of  the  African.  The  views  of 
all  these  Southern  leaders  were  set  forth  by  Henry 
Clay  in  1829  as  follows:  “ If  we  were  to  invoke  the 
greatest  blessing  on  earth  which  Heaven,  in  its 
mercy,  could  now  bestow  on  this  nation,  it  would 
be  the  separation  of  the  two  most  numerous  races 
of  its  population,  and  their  comfortable  establish- 
ment in  distinct  and  distant  countries.”  Again,  he 
said,  ‘ ‘ The  evils  of  slavery  are  absolutely  nothing 
in  comparison  with  the  far  greater  evils  which  would 
inevitably  follow  from  a sudden,  general,  and  indis- 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


67 


criminate  emancipation.”  The  Virginia  legisla- 
ture in  1832  made  long  debate  over  a proposition  to 
emancipate  the  slaves  of  the  Commonwealth;  but 
the  bill  was  defeated  because  of  the  dread  of  more 
difficult  race-problems  after  emancipation. 

In  spite  of  these  Southern  views,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  the  English  Government,  in  1833,  made 
liberal  payment  for  all  the  slaves  set  free  on  her 
West  Indian  plantations,  the  Abolitionists  began 
the  work  of  crying  death  to  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion for  sheltering  the  alleged  crime  of  slavery. 
They  flooded  the  mails  with  publications  intended 
to  incite  the  negroes  to  rise  in  insurrection  against 
their  masters;  they  denounced  slave-holders  as  out- 
laws, and  besieged  Congress  with  petitions  that  it 
should  step  beyond  the  pale  of  Federal  authority 
and  begin  the  destruction  of  the  institution. 

In  1790,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  had  de- 
clared that  it  possessed  “ no  power  to  interfere  with 
slavery  or  the  treatment  of  the  slaves  within  the 
States.”  For  thirty  years  this  remained  the  policy 
of  Congress.  But  in  1820  the  country  was  swept  by 
the  hot  fever-blast  of  contention  over  the  admission 
of  Missouri  as  a State.  The  ancient  hostility  of  the 
East  against  the  extension  of  the  Union  toward  the 
south-west,  in  that  year  forced  the  concession  from 
the  South  that  henceforth  slavery  should  not  be 
recognised  as  legal  in  the  territories  north  of  the 
parallel  36°  30'.  This  early  assault  upon  the  system 
of  slavery  was  clearly  due  to  political  and  not  to 
humanitarian  motives.  But  it  was  aggressive  war- 
fare upon  slavery  itself  that  John  Quincy  Adams 


68 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


waged  in  the  House  of  Representatives  under  the 
guise  of  upholding  the  right  of  petition.  Bundles 
of  denunciatory  petitions  he  continued  to  present, 
even  after  the  House,  in  1836,  reaffirmed  the  declar- 
ation of  1790,  asserting  lack  of  jurisdiction  over 
slavery,  and  after  the  House  had  also  passed  a rule 
against  receiving  these  documents. 

From  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  February,  1839, 
Henry  Clay  thus  laid  bare  the  real  aim  of  the  agi- 
tators : 


“ Civil  war,  a dissolution  of  the  Union.  . . . are  nothing  [with 

the  Abolitionists].  . . . In  all  their  leading  prints  and  publica- 

tions, the  alleged  horrors  of  slavery  are  depicted  in  the  most  glowing 
and  exaggerated  colours,  to  excite  the  imaginations  and  stimulate  the 
rage  of  the  people  in  the  free  States  against  the  people  in  the  slave 
States.  The  slave-holder  is  held  up  and  represented  as  the  most 
atrocious  of  human  beings.  Advertisements  of  fugitive  slaves  are 
carefully  collected  and  blazoned  forth  to  infuse  a spirit  of  detestation 
and  hatred  against  one  entire  and  the  largest  section  of  the  Union. 
. . . To  the  agency  of  their  powers  of  persuasion  they  now  pro- 

pose to  substitute  the  powers  of  the  ballot  box  ; and  he  must  be  blind 
to  what  is  passing  before  us  who  does  not  perceive  that  the  inevitable 
tendency  of  their  proceedings  is,  if  these  should  be  found  insufficient, 
to  invoke,  finally,  the  more  potent  powers  of  the  bayonet 

When  the  old  question  of  territorial  expansion 
toward  the  south-west  lifted  up  its  head  in  the  prop- 
osition to  admit  Texas  into  the  league  of  American 
States,  the  Abolitionists  made  resistance.  Although 
the  settlement  of  Texas  was  only  an  incident  in  the 
great  westward  migration  of  home-seekers  from  the 
Alleghanies  and  the  Mississippi  Valley,  yet  the 
Abolitionists  made  the  charge  that  the  presence  of 
African  servants  in  these  new  frontier  households 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


69 


indicated  a gigantic  scheme  to  construct  a slave- 
empire.  In  1842-1843,  therefore,  Adams  and 
Giddings  presented  petitions  from  citizens  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Ohio,  asking  Congress  at  once  to 
take  steps  toward  “ the  peaceable  dissolution  of  the 
Union.”  Adams,  Giddings,  and  other  Congressmen 
issued  a public  address,  in  March,  1843,  declaring 
that  the  annexation  of  Texas  would  be  ‘‘so  injuri- 
ous to  the  interests  of  the  Northern  States  as  not 
only  inevitably  to  result  in  a dissolution  of  the 
Union,  but  fully  to  justify  it.”  The  month  of 
August,  1843,  saw  a National  Convention  of  the 
Liberty  Party  binding  itself  by  formal  resolution 
to  regard  and  treat  the  third  clause  of  the  Consti- 
tution whenever  applied  to  the  case  of  a fugitive 
slave,  as  utterly  null  and  void.”  Formal  announce- 
ment was  made  in  May,  1844,  by  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society  that  they  rejected  the  entire 
Federal  Constitution  as  “ a covenant  with  death 
and  an  agreement  with  hell.”  They  further  de- 
clared that  “ secession  from  the  Government  ” was 
the  duty  of  every  Abolitionist.  Two  weeks  later 
the  Society  issued  an  address  to  the  country  with 
the  formal  summons:  “ Up  with  the  banner  of  rev- 
olution! ” More  than  sixty  thousand  voters  aban- 
doned the  Whig  Party  to  render  support  to  this 
dis-union  banner;  this  defection  caused  the  defeat 
of  the  Whig,  Henry  Clay,  by  Polk,  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

In  the  year  1845,  in  protest  against  denunciations 
of  slavery  by  Northern  pulpits,  the  Southern  Bap- 
tists withdrew  themselves  into  a separate  organisa- 


7o 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


tion.  The  year  1846  saw  the  formation  of  the 
Southern  Methodist  Church  upon  the  same  basis, 
and  the  new  Constitution  of  Kentucky,  in  1849, 
was  more  rigid  than  the  old  in  maintaining  the  rela- 
tion of  master  and  servant.  But  these  protests  only 
served  to  redouble  the  vigour  of  the  Abolitionists. 
Against  slavery  in  the  territories  secured  from  Mex- 
ico they  now  concentrated  their  assaults.  In  the 
Congressional  struggle  of  1850  over  the  organisa- 
tion of  these  lands,  Webster  united  with  Clay  and 
Calhoun  in  condemning  the  aggressions  of  abolition- 
ism. In  February,  Clay  said,  “ Upon  this  subject  I 
do  think  that  we  have  just  and  serious  cause  of  com- 
plaint against  the  free  States.”  In  May  he  further 
declared,  “ The  body-politic  cannot  be  preserved 
unless  this  agitation,  this  distraction,  this  exaspera- 
tion, which  is  going  on  between  the  two  sections  of 
the  country,  shall  cease.”  March  4th  found  Cal- 
houn in  the  Senate,  pale  from  the  weakness  of 
approaching  death,  while  Mason  read  his  last  appeal 
for  the  cessation  of  Abolitionist  attacks  upon  the 
old  Federal  Constitution.  Calhoun  declared  that 
the  existing  relation  between  master  and  servant 

Cannot  be  destroyed  without  subjecting  the  two 
races  to  the  greatest  calamity  and  the  section  to 
poverty,  desolation,  and  wretchedness.” 

Concerning  the  Abolition  movement  Webster  de- 
clared, March  7th,  “The  South,  in  my  judgment, 
is  right,  and  the  North  is  wrong.”  Again,  in  July, 
1850,  Webster  asserted  that  Northern  prejudice 
against  the  Southern  labour-system  “ all  originates 
in  misinformation,  false  representations,  and  misap- 


WASHINGTON  MONUMENT  AND  CAPITOL,  RICHMOND,  VIRGINIA. 


I860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


71 


prehensions  arising  from  the  laborious  efforts  that 
have  been  made  for  the  last  twenty  years  to  pervert 
the  public  judgment  and  irritate  the  public  feeling.” 

But  other  voices  were  heard  in  this  senatorial 
battle.  W.  H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  disciple  of 
the  school  of  J.  O.  Adams,  made  announcement  of 
a ‘‘  Higher  Law,”  above  the  Constitution,  and,  for 
himself,  foreshadowed,  a readiness  for  the  pro- 
gramme of  immediate  emancipation  by  violence,  if 
necessary.  Chase  of  Ohio  made  zealous  proclama- 
tion of  the  same  creed.  The  “ Higher  Law”  thus 
brought  forward  was  merely  the  conscience  of  the 
Abolitionists.  Side  by  side  with  Seward’s  an- 
nouncement must  we  place  the  matured  judgment 
of  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  Webster,  sustained  by  the 
entire  people  of  the  Southern  States,  that  the  con- 
science of  the  Abolitionists  was  wrong — that  the 
Higher  Law  was  without  foundation. 

The  fugitive-slave  enactment  of  1850  was  the 
issue  made  prominent  now  by  the  anti-slavery  revo- 
lutionists, and  this  issue  gave  them  great  advantage 
before  the  new  generation  of  immigrants  and  citi- 
zens in  the  North.  The  law  itself  was  a strategical 
mistake  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  people;  they 
had  sought  to  emphasise  a constitutional  right  for 
the  sake  of  the  few  servants  who  were  persuaded 
to  flee  across  the  border.  The  crusade  against 
slavery  rapidly  gained  strength.  The  Free-Soil 
Convention  of  1852  openly  denied  the  “ binding 
force  ” of  the  fugitive-slave  law,  and  Sumner,  in  the 
Senate,  declared  it  a ” dead  letter”  in  the  public 
conscience  of  the  Free  States.  The  legislatures  of 


72 


Robert  £.  Lee. 


[I860 


some  of  these  States  passed  “ personal  liberty  ” 
laws  practically  nullifying  the  Congressional  statute. 
Into  a whirlwind  of  passion  against  slavery  did  the 
erroneous  portraiture  in  Uncle  Toni  s Cabin  begin  to 
sweep  the  people  of  the  North.  The  incidents  of 
this  story  were  altogether  exceptional,  but  the  dearth 
of  accurate  information  in  the  North  gave  this  volume 
wide  acceptance  as  a realistic  sketch  of  the  alleged 
barbaric  civilisation  of  the  South ! The  anti-slavery 
war  increased  in  fierceness,  although  the  supposed 
basis  for  such  hostility  was  scarcely  greater  in  1854 
than  it  had  been  in  1850,  when  Webster  expressed 
himself  as  follows : 


“ No  seizure  of  an  alleged  fugitive  slave  has  ever  been  made  in 
Maine  . . . New  Hampshire  . . . Vermont.  No  seizure 

of  an  alleged  fugitive  slave  has  been  made  in  Rhode  Island  within 
the  last  thirty  years. — No  seizure  of  an  alleged  fugitive  slave  is  known 
to  have  been  made  in  Connecticut,  except  one,  about  twenty-five 
years  ago  ; and  in  that  case  the  negro  was  immediately  discharged 
for  want  of  proof  of  identity.  Some  instances  of  the  seizure  of 
alleged  fugitives  slaves  are  known  to  have  occurred,  in  this  genera- 
tion, in  Massachusetts  ; but  except  one,  their  number  and  their 
history  are  uncertain.  . . . What  is  there  to  justify  the  passionate 

appeals,  the  vehement  and  empty  declamations,  the  wild  and  fanat- 
ical conduct  of  both  men  and  women  which  have  so  long  disturbed 
and  so  much  disgraced,  the  Commonwealth  and  the  country?” 


The  year  1854  marked  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill,  and  the  formal  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  of  1820.  It  was  asserted  by  Senator 
Douglass  that  the  Compromise  of  1850  had  already 
repealed  the  earlier  compromise  by  the  prohibition 
of  slavery  in  California,  south  of  36°  30';  at  the 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


73 


same  time,  Douglass  further  declared,  the  legislation 
of  1850  had  inaugurated  a new  method  of  organising 
the  territories.  Therefore,  in  1854,  the  two  terri- 
tories, Kansas  and  Nebraska,  lying  north  of  36°  30', 
were  established  without  any  prohibition  of  slavery, 
inviting  immigration  upon  the  pledge  that  the 
people  of  the  territories  themselves  were  left  “ per- 
fectly free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  in- 
stitutions in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.” 

A.  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia  affirmed  that  the 
Southern  people  gave  their  support  to  this  measure, 
not  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  slavery  upon  the  ter- 
ritories, “ but  to  let  free  emigrants  to  our  vast  public 
domain,  in  every  part  and  parcel  of  it,  settle  this 
question  for  themselves,  with  all  the  experience, 
intelligence,  virtue,  and  patriotism  they  may  carry 
with  them.” 

A race  for  the  possession  of  the  soil  of  Kansas 
began  at  once  between  bands  of  armed  men  from 
the  North  and  from  the  South.  Fierce  and  open 
warfare  ere  long  was  raging  upon  these  Western 
plains  over  the  question  of  recognising  or  prohibit- 
ing slavery  in  the  new  State  Constitution. 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1856  endorsed  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  reaffirmed  the  “ com- 
pact ” theory  of  the  Constitution  as  “ laid  down  in 
the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions,”  and  fur- 
ther declared  that  the  agitations  of  the  slavery 
question  by  the  Abolitionists  “ endanger  the  sta- 
bility and  permanency  of  the  Union.” 

June  17,  1856,  marked  the  consolidation  of  the 


74 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


clans  opposed  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  into  a 
new  party.  These  opponents  of  slavery  hitherto 
classed  under  various  names  as  Abolitionists,  Free- 
Soilers,  and  Whigs,  came  together  and,  in  Conven- 
tion assembled,  rebaptised  themselves  as  The 
Republican  Party.  Representatives  were  present 
from  all  the  Northern  States,  and  from  Maryland, 
Delaware,  and  Kentucky.  No  voice  from  the  other 
States  was  heard  in  this  Philadelphia  Council,  which 
closed  its  third  resolution  with  the  claim  that  “ It 
is  both  the  right  and  the  imperative  duty  of  Con- 
gress to  prohibit  in  the  territories  those  twin  relics 
of  barbarism — polygamy  and  slavery.” 

Before  the  close  of  the  month  of  June,  ex-Prcsi- 
dent  Fillmore  at  Albany  denounced  the  new  party 
as  distinctly  sectional,  organised  for  the  avowed 
purpose  of  electing  its  candidates  “ by  suffrages  of 
one  part  of  the  Union  only,  to  rule  over  the  whole 
United  States.  . . . Can  they  have  the  mad- 

ness or  folly  to  believe  that  our  Southern  brethren 
would  submit  to  be  governed  by  such  a chief  magis- 
trate ? ” Rufus  Choate  described  it  as  ‘‘  The  new 
geographical  party  calling  itself  Republican  . 
which  knows  one  half  of  America  only  to  hate  and 
dread  it.”  He  added  further  : 

“ The  triumph  of  such  a party  puts  the  Union  in  danger.  . . . 
If  the  Republican  party  accomplishes  its  objects  and  gives  the 
government  to  the  North,  I turn  my  eyes  from  the  consequences. 
To  the  fifteen  States  of  the  South  that  government  will  appear  an 
alien  government.  It  will  appear  a hostile  government.  It  will 
represent  to  their  eye  a vast  region  of  States  organised  upon  Anti- 
slavery.” 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


75 


In  this  Presidential  campaign  of  1856,  the  warning 
note  emphasised  in  the  Democratic  canvass  in  the 
Southern  States  was  the  necessity  of  secession  from 
the  Federal  Union,  if  the  Republican  party  should 
carry  the  election.  The  Border  States  and  the 
Cotton  States  alike  were  ready  to  withdraw  them- 
selves in  a body  for  the  organisation  of  a Southern 
Confederacy  in  the  event  of  Fremont’s  accession  to 
the  Presidency.  But  in  the  political  battle  the  vic- 
tory was  adjudged  to  Buchanan.  The  Democratic 
platform  interpreting  the  Constitution  to  be  a 

compact  ” between  sovereign  States,  received 
overwhelming  popular  sanction  at  the  polls. 

For  this  reason  alone  the  Southern  States  re- 
mained as  yet  within  the  Federal  League.  But  the 
critical  four-year  period  now  opening  did  not  seem 
luminous  with  approaching  peace  in  view  of  the 
following  deliverance  on  the  part  of  the  Disunion 
Convention  at  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  January 
15,  1857:  “ Resolved,  that  the  sooner  the  separa- 
tion takes  place,  the  more  peaceful  it  will  be;  but 
that  peace  or  war  is  a secondary  consideration  in 
view  of  our  present  perils.  Slavery  must  be  con- 
quered, ‘ peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we  must.’ 

Two  days  after  Buchanan’s  inauguration,  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  was  handed  down  by  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States.  This  decision 
affirmed  that  the  mere  fact  of  Dred  Scott’s  tempo- 
rary residence  in  a territory  organised  from  the 
Louisiana  purchase  north  of  36°  30'  did  not  bring 
freedom  to  an  African  slave.  First  of  all  did  the 
Court  declare  that  a slave  was  not  a citizen  under 


7 6 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[I860 


the  Constitution ; in  assigning  the  reason  for  this 
interpretation,  the  Court  affirmed  that  the  Louisiana 
domain  “ was  acquired  by  the  general  government 
as  the  representative  and  trustee  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  and  it  must,  therefore,  be  held 
in  that  character  for  their  common  and  equal  bene- 
fit.” Beyond  this  the  Court  advanced  to  say  that 
Congress,  the  trustee  acting  for  the  States,  had  no 
authority  to  pass  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  1820, 
invalidating  the  rights  established  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. Thus  was  the  Constitution  by  the  highest 
legal  tribunal  interpreted  as  sanctioning  the  full 
claims  of  the  Southern  people  concerning  slavery. 
Justice  Curtis’s  dissenting  opinion  was  merely  the 
republication  of  the  theory  of  the  original  consolida- 
tion of  the  thirteen  States. 

The  case  was  now  made  up  on  both  sides,  and  the 
lines  of  battle  were  clearly  drawn.  The  people  of 
the  South  were  of  one  mind  still  in  denying  the 
alleged  barbarity  of  their  labour-system.  Moreover, 
they  began  to  draw  attention  to  the  tribe  of  eman- 
cipated negroes  in  the  United  States  as  more  de- 
based than  their  brethren  in  bonds.  At  the  same 
time  they  could  point  to  the  dismal  failure  of  eman- 
cipation in  the  English  West  Indies. 

In  i860,  Dr.  Charles  Hodge,  the  Princeton  theo- 
logian, wrote  as  follows: 

“ When  Southern  Christians  are  told  that  they  are  guilty  of  a 
heinous  crime,  worse  than  piracy,  robbery  or  murder,  because  they 
hold  slaves,  when  they  know  that  Christ  and  His  Apostles  never 
denounced  slave-holding  as  a crime,  never  called  upon  men  to  re- 
nounce it  as  a condition  of  admission  to  the  Church,  they  are  shocked 


1860] 


Secession  and  Slavery. 


77 


and  offended  without  being  convinced.  . . . The  argument 

from  the  conduct  of  Christ  and  his  immediate  followers,  seems  to  us 
decisive  on  the  point,  that  slave-holding  in  itself  considered  is  not  a 
crime.” 

Like  an  echo  of  Southern  opinion  in  i860  sounds 
the  following,  written  twenty  years  after  Mr.  Lin- 
coln’s Emancipation  Proclamation: 

“ Emancipation  without  any  training  for  freedom  could  not  be  a 
blessing.  . . . The  Christianity  and  the  philanthropy  of  this  age 

have  before  them  a task  that  is  far  more  serious,  more  weighty  and 
more  difficult  than  it  would  have  been,  if  the  emancipation  had  been 
a regulated  process,  even  if  its  final  consummation  had  been  postponed 
for  generations."—  G.  T.  Curtis’s  Life  of  Buchanan. 


The  echo  is  redoubled  in  force  when  we  read  the 
following,  of  a date  still  more  recent : 

“ It  was  perfectly  possible  and  reasonable  for  enlightened  and 
virtuous  men,  who  fully  recognised  it  [slavery]  as  an  evil,  yet  to 
prefer  its  continuance  to  having  it  interfered  with  in  a way  that  would 
produce  even  worse  results.  Black  slavery  in  Hayti  was  characterised 
by  worse  abuse  than  ever  was  the  case  in  the  United  States  ; yet 
looking  at  the  condition  of  that  republic  now,  it  may  well  be  ques- 
tioned whether  it  would  not  have  been  greatly  to  her  benefit  in  the 
end  to  have  had  slavery  continue  a century  or  so  longer.” — Theodore 
Roosevelt’s  Life  of  Benton. 


CHAPTER  V. 

1859-1861. 

JOHN  BROWN — THE  CRISIS  OF  1 86 1 — LEE’S  WITH- 
DRAWAL FROM  THE  ARMY  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

HE  Autumn  of  1859  witnessed  the  at- 
tack of  John  Brown  upon  the  town 
of  Harper's  Ferry  in  Virginia.  From 
the  field  of  blood  in  Kansas,  Brown 
had  recently  fled  eastward.  In  con- 
cert with  prominent  Abolitionists,  he  made  prep- 
aration to  incite  the  slaves  in  Virginia  to  rise  in 
insurrection  against  their  masters.  More  than  four 
thousand  dollars  were  furnished  to  Brown  for  the 
prosecution  of  the  campaign.*  Two  hundred 

* It  was  the  belief  of  the  Virginians,  and  of  the  Southerners  gen- 
erally, that  the  negroes  were  being  organised  for  the  purpose  of 
attacking  their  masters.  It  was  the  contention,  on  the  other  hand, 
of  men  like  Gerrit  Smith,  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  and  others, 
through  whom  these  moneys  were  raised,  or  who  had  personal  knowl- 
edge of  the  instructions  given  for  their  use,  that  the  negroes  were 
expected  merely  to  maintain  their  organisation  in  a defensive  cam- 
paign, in  the  hope  that  public  opinion  in  both  North  and  South, 
would  be  aroused  in  the  end,  on  behalf  of  their  cause. 

78 


1859-61] 


John  Brown. 


79 


Sharpe’s  rifles,  two  hundred  revolvers,  and  nine 
hundred  and  fifty  iron-pointed  pikes  he  collected  in 
his  arsenal  at  the  Kennedy  farm  in  Maryland,  four 
miles  from  Harper’s  Ferry.  The  pikes  were  manu- 
factured especially  for  the  purpose  of  arming  the 
slaves  whom  he  expected  to  flock  to  the  standard  of 
revolt.  On  the  night  of  October  18  Brown  en- 
tered Harper’s  Ferry  with  eighteen  followers,  each 
man  armed  with  a rifle  and  revolvers.  By  midnight 
the  conspirators  were  masters  of  the  village,  and 
had  intrenched  themselves  in  the  United  States 
arsenal.  Their  leader  sent  out  a party  to  begin  the 
work  of  emancipating  the  slaves;  one  negro  man 
was  shot  down  in  cold  blood,  and  two  prominent 
citizens,  with  a number  of  slaves,  were  seized  and 
carried  into  the  arsenal.  After  sunrise,  the  citizens 
and  militia  came  together,  and,  during  the  firing 
that  followed,  men  were  slain  on  both  sides,  among 
them  the  Mayor  of  the  town,  and  also  a prominent 
land-holder  of  the  vicinity.  At  mid-day,  Brown 
betook  himself  to  the  engine-house  in  the  armory 
yard ; there  he  barred  the  doors  and  windows,  cut 
portholes  through  the  brick  walls,  and  prepared  to 
maintain  his  position.  Already  he  had  failed  in  the 
chief  aim  of  his  attack;  not  a single  slave  had  vol- 
unteered to  assist  him.  Late  in  the  evening  of  the 
19th  came  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee,  with  a company 
of  United  States  Marines.  He  had  returned  from 
Texas  to  Arlington  on  brief  leave  of  absence,  and 
was  at  once  ordered  from  Washington  to  the  scene 
of  action. 

Lee’s  memorandum-book  states  that  he  found  the 


8o 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


railroad  at  Harper’s  Ferry  “ blocked  with  arrested 
trains.”  He  hurried  his  soldiers  across  the  Poto- 
mac, and  “ posted  them,”  the  memorandum  con- 
tinues, 

“ in  the  United  States  armory  which  was  held  by  a party  of  banditti 
that  had  taken  refuge  in  the  engine-house,  where  they  had  been 
driven  by  the  troops  and  citizens  from  Virginia.  All  retreat  of  the 
insurgents  being  cut  off,  I determined  to  wait  for  daylight,  as  I 
learned  that  a number  of  citizens  were  held  as  hostages  by  the 
robbers,  whose  lives  were  threatened  if  they  should  be  attacked. 

. . . Tuesday  about  sunrise,  with  twelve  marines  under  the  com- 

mand of  Lieutenant  Green  [accompanied  by  J.  E.  B.  Stuart],  broke 
in  the  door  of  the  engine-house,  secured  the  robbers  and  released  the 
prisoners  unhurt.  All  were  killed  or  mortally  wounded  but  four, 
John  Brown,  Aaron  Stevens,  Edwin  Coppie,  and  Green  Shields 
(black).  Had  the  prisoners  removed  to  a place  of  safety  and  their 
wounds  dressed,” 

Five  men  killed  and  nine  wounded  was  the  sub- 
stance of  the  crime  charged  against  Brown  and  his 
companions  at  the  bar  of  the  Circuit  Court  in  Charles- 
town, Virginia.  After  a fair  and  lengthy  trial,  in 
which  they  were  defended  by  able  counsel,  Brown 
and  his  accomplices  were  found  guilty  of  murder 
and  executed,  December  2,  1859.  Before  this,  ap- 
plication for  appeal  was  made  through  counsellors 
of  the  highest  ability.  The  Supreme  Court  heard 
the  case,  and  refused  the  application  for  appeal. 
After  this  manner,  the  sentence  of  Brown  was  af- 
firmed by  the  highest  legal  tribunal  in  Virginia. 

To  the  Southern  people,  the  real  significance  of 
John  Brown’s  attack  appeared  not  alone  in  the 
bloodshed  caused  by  a band  of  nineteen  men;  not 
merely  in  the  purpose  of  Brown,  according  to  their 
belief,  to  stir  up  servile  war  and  to  repeat  in  the 


1861] 


John  Brown. 


81 


Southern  States  the  horrors  of  San  Domingo.  They 
knew  that  he  could  not  succeed  in  this  purpose. 

The  real  meaning  of  the  assault  was  unveiled  to 
the  world,  on  the  day  of  Brown’s  execution,  by  the 
tolling  of  funeral  bells  and  the  firing  of  minute- 
guns  in  many  parts  of  the  North.  It  was  revealed 
by  the  Church  services  and  the  public  mass-meetings 
held  for  the  purpose  of  glorifying  the  cause  of  im- 
mediate abolition,  and  for  enrolling  Brown’s  name 
in  the  calendar  of  martyrs.  John  Brown  was  merely 
a narrow-minded  fanatic  who  assumed  for  himself 
the  right  to  carry  to  a logical  conclusion  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Abolitionists.  For  almost  three  de- 
cades, the  latter  had  made  increasing  strides  in 
popularity  by  denouncing  slavery  as  a crime,  and 
the  slave-holder  as  criminal  and  outlaw.  It  was 
only  natural  that  a stern,  unsympathetic  spirit  like 
that  of  John  Brown  should  use  this  moral  code  to 
justify  his  inauguration  of  a programme  of  blood- 
shed. It  was  his  opinion,  revealed,  as  the  Southern 
people  believed,  by  his  deeds,  that  the  slave-holder 
had  forfeited  all  right  to  life,  and  Brown  supposed 
that  he  did  service  unto  God  by  attempting  to  in- 
cite the  slaves  to  take  arms  and  slay  their  masters. 

John  Brown’s  raid  startled  the  South,  for  it 
suddenly  revealed  the  width  of  the  social  chasm 
between  the  two  sections  of  the  Federal  Union. 
A blow  was  struck,  and  slave-holding  citizens  were 
slain ; the  scaffold  of  the  slayer  was  compared 
to  the  cross  on  Calvary.  Reputable  persons  made 
this  latter  assertion  in  various  forms,  and  went  un- 
rebuked. “ Saint  John  the  Just  ” was  the  verdict 
6 


82 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


of  the  Concord  philosophers  concerning  John  Brown. 

The  new  Saint  . . . will  make  the  gallows 

glorious  like  the  Cross  ” was  the  sentiment  of  Emer- 
son that  drew  applause  from  a vast  assemblage  in 
Boston.  In  the  Senate,  January,  i860,  Douglas 
declared  that  the  responsibility  for  John  Brown’s 
attack  must  be  laid  upon  Lincoln’s  doctrine  that 
the  Union  could  not  endure  half-slave  and  half-free, 
and  upon  Seward’s  theory  of  “ irrepressible  con- 
flict ” between  the  North  and  the  South. 

In  May,  i860,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated 
for  the  Presidency  by  the  Republican  Convention  in 
Chicago.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  won  this  position  of 
party-leader  by  his  speeches  in  the  campaign  of 
1858  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  In  the  joint  debates 
with  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Lincoln’s  central  theme 
was  that  the  slavery  of  the  South  was  wrong;  and 
that  the  Federal  Union  must  be  made  all  slave  or 
all  free  territory.  At  Alton,  October  15,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln declared  that  nothing  had  “ ever  threatened 
the  existence  of  this  Union  save  and  except  this 
very  institution  of  slavery!  ” At  the  same  time  he 
announced  the  existence  of  an  “ eternal  struggle  ” 
between  Northern  and  Southern  principles — declar- 
ing that  the  North  was  the  champion  of  “ the  com- 
mon right  of  humanity,”  while  the  South  was 
defending  the  old  principle  of  “ the  divine  right  of 
Kings!”  Douglas  charged  Lincoln  with  thus  an- 
nouncing the  policy  of  open  warfare  against  the 
institution  of  slavery;  the  Southern  people  believed 
this  to  be  the  creed  of  the  Republican  standard- 
bearer  of  i860. 


1861]  Chicago  Platform  of  i860.  83 

The  Chicago  platform  upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
presented  himself  to  the  country  contained  the 
declaration  that  “ the  normal  condition  of  all  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  is  that  of  freedom.” 

This  doctrine  was  based  upon  the  claim  that  the 
founders  of  the  Federal  Government  were  emanci- 
pationists who  had  “ abolished  slavery  in  all  our 
national  territory.”  The  platform  further  declared 
that  no  legislative  body,  Federal  or  territorial, 
could  “ give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States.”  This  view  set  at  naught 
the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of 
Dred  Scott,  and  only  represented  a more  advanced 
stage  in  the  evolution  of  the  consolidation  theory. 

In  the  prosecution  of  the  political  campaign  of 
i860,  the  supporters  of  the  Chicago  platform  while 
disclaiming  the  purpose  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States,  made  the  key-note  of  the  canvass  violent 
denunciation  of  the  inhumanity  of  American  slavery 
and  the  iniquity  of  its  extension  into  any  of  the 
territories.  In  this  crisis  the  Democratic  party  pre- 
sented a divided  front.  John  C.  Breckinridge  was 
the  leader  of  the  Southern  Democrats  who  upheld 
the  full  text  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  that  slavery 
had  legal  existence  in  the  territories  under  the 
Constitution.  Douglas  was  nominated  by  the  North- 
ern wing  of  the  Democratic  Party ; Bell  and  Everett 
were  leaders  of  those  who  spoke,  indefinitely,  of 
preserving  the  Union.  At  the  polls  the  eighteen 
Northern  States  held  together,  and  gave  Mr.  Lincoln 
a majority  of  the  electoral  vote;  of  the  popular  vote 
he  failed  to  receive  a majority  by  about  one  million 


84 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


ballots.  In  the  entire  block  of  the  Southern  States, 
only  about  twenty-six  thousand  ballots  were  cast 
for  the  Republican  candidate. 

A majority  of  the  Southern  people  looked  upon 
the  Federal  Union  as  substantially  broken  and 
divided  by  the  election  of  a sectional  candidate 
upon  a platform  which  they  declared  to  be  revolu- 
tionary and  hostile  to  the  South.  There  was  no 
practical  division  of  sentiment  as  to  the  obligation 
of  the  citizen  to  obey  the  mandate  of  his  State. 
But  there  was  difference  of  opinion  concerning  the 
proper  time  to  withdraw  from  the  Federal  compact. 
One  party  now  advocated  immediate  secession,  while 
the  other  desired  to  postpone  secession  until  com- 
promise between  the  sections  of  the  Union  should 
be  attempted.  In  the  Cotton  States  the  people 
decided  for  immediate  withdrawal  as  the  only  legal, 
and  therefore,  peaceable  remedy  for  sectional  differ- 
ences. Between  December  20,  i860,  and  February 
1,  1861,  these  seven  Commonwealths  summoned 
conventions  in  accordance  with  the  precedent  of 
1787  in  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
and,  through  these  bodies  as  the  incarnation  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people,  revoked  each  Common- 
wealth’s assent  to  the  Federal  compact.  As  sov- 
ereign Commonwealths  they  stood  now,  even  as 
they  stood  before  the  organisation  of  the  Federal 
league.  Not  for  a moment  did  they  think  to  re- 
main isolated  from  one  another  as  separate  States. 
The  experiment  of  1787  had  proved  a failure,  and 
these  seven  Commonwealths,  with  kindred  sympa- 
thies and  similar  ideals,  formed  a new  Federal  com- 


1861] 


The  Crisis  of  1861. 


85 


pact  among  themselves  in  February,  1 86  r , as  the 
Southern  Confederacy. 

It  was  not  conspiracy  among  a few  malcontent 
slave-h'olcTers  that  carried,  these  States  out  of  the  old 
0 moil.  There  was  not  and  had  never  been  any 
practical  division  of  sentiment  between  slave-holders 
and  non-slave-holders,  and  a wave  of  popular  enthu- 
siasm swept  both  classes  alike  as  one  mass  of 
people  into  the  movement,  and  the  leaders  were 
compelled  to  yield  to  their  practically  unanimous 
demand  for  secession.  Nor  did  these  people  take 
action  as  the  enemies  of  the  black  race.  They  were 
the  benefactors  of  the  African  serfs.  But  the  Anti- 
slavery crusaders  had  stirred  up  a race-war  of  that 
anomalous  sort  wherein  the  negro  was  ready  to  take 
sides  with  his  alleged  oppressor  against  his  self- 
appointed  champion.  Although  the  African  did 
not  greatly  desire  emancipation,  and  was  loyal  to 
his  master,  yet  the  Southern  people  had  endured 
denunciation  as  a race  of  outlaws  because  of  negro 
servitude.  Against  these  charges  the  resentment  of 
the  non-slave-holding  class  was  perhaps  greater  than 
that  of  the  owners  of  slaves.  In  behalf  of  racial 
dignity  and  racial  solidarity  did  these  Southern  Com- 
monwealths prepare  to  assert  their  legal  rights,  in 
much  the  same  spirit  in  which  the  people  of  Poland 
had  opposed  dismemberment.  “ The  maintenance 
of  the  honour,  the  rights,  the  equality,  the  security, 
and  the  glory  of  my  native  State  in  the  Union,  if 
possible;  but  if  these  cannot  be  maintained  in  the 
Union,  then  I am  for  their  maintenance  at  all  haz- 
ards, out  of  it."  Thus  spoke  A.  H.  Stephens,  of 


rr  ~~e  ~ -\sroe  o: 

Srr T-nex  rie  -r.rt  of  rrt  permit 
; i;  o;:ree»<rinr  irr;  iruuetiEze 
. a rhs  a Hr  • fhar  i ryl 

oertit?  ac  jr-tirr  r.:  rbt  CoTrnnaHv^aMa..  ni;  rins 
too  rot  CofrarTrinr  ■nEBsimoisjy  mnnnr-sr  r : 
rot  rnr -ririrr.irnrr  or  zh±  ~:^r~ rtiprrp  of  Gtortit. 
rf-et  s* . .>i  25  tor  mu:  rat  re:  pit  of  ill  rae 
srrm  Srares  Teir.  it  ~.T-rfr.  iff:  20  oread  2 fot- 

»wnn5  --'wt-'-— :---=  it  rat  fort 'imp  of  bournrks 
.an £ :.£  :?ic£t.  or  it  roe  rrff  a:  £ it  imposing-  rt 
riit  _ a.  ofit-orr  T motor  riit  irrr  or  rosier  prt- 
terirrrt  tt£  pimrr  r irw=  r psnSii  £hr  iirporra- 
iirt  re  sizes?  fruit  mrira. 

Tor  .r~:~  :i or  r:  tilt: IF t fiera! rltutitisrrttl or ror-aru 
rm  L :.r.  sear  2=  ; 2sti  rr  r r_z  m : - ; r 

: vsr  moartr  r : •_  tamest  rr  raarS*  z mt  tro  : ~.o  : 


Trltri 


-x  prr  —sans  are  tars  r : pr:  rtrr  me  o-u_rz- 
r rr  rr  rr;  rst  ou  r~rr  by  : ne  parr  of  rat  rota- 
ry rr  rr  n otter  rr  preserrt  rat  peart.  rtf  tor 
. . ■ r.  E a L ' rr  V'-  . 'f  : 

Trusr  1 


sty  ret:  it  mt  :u  orator  ftet  L-ougrt— 
- ~ - ■ : — — -rot  titr  : rot  re;  cut  mtroor  Etofner. 
me  orv  - rr  mtsiotrt  r'i.mm  were  rot  stmt, 
or  r~m:~  exprtsstf  rr  iris  -.Trnci.1  jZesagt  Tot 
j xsr-r-r  rtrttef  tnt  itreipperue  tnrerfereiire  of  the 
I"  rrrherx  re  or  it  orirt  rnt  rntsoioo  of  sitterr  it  tor 
r turr  r-rortr  tit-  or  iengrr  procurer  for  rizortol 
ettrrs  Tot  dftrertmr  otrrioxt  o:  rbt  _ mot  art 


i86i; 


The  Crisis  of  1S61. 


87 


refused  to  concede  the  legality*  of  secession,  he  ac- 
knowledged that  an  attempt  to  coerce  a seceded 
State  would  be  only  a gratuitous  act  of  war  against 

her. 

The  postponement  party-  of  secessionists  held 
sway*  in  the  Border  States.  In  1S50,  these  States 
were  ready-  to  secede,  but  now  in  1S60  they  wished 
to  continue  discussion  in  the  halls  of  legislation 
and  establish  a compromise  measure.  Crittenden  :: 
Kentucky-  brought  before  the  Senate  a proposition 
to  amend  the  Constitution  by-  extending  the  old  ft : 
50'  line  to  the  westward.  This  amendment  would 
have  recognised  territorial  slavery  only-  in  Xew 
Mexico  and  the  Indian  Reservations,  where  the 
nature  o:  the  country  itself  : rrbade  the  employment 
of  African  labour.  Virginia  called  a Peace  Conven- 
tion. and  submitted  to  Congress  practically  the  same 
compromise.  The  advantage  in  the  territories 
was  thus  offered  to  the  Anti-slavery-  party.  Both 
schemes  were  buried,  as  S.  S.  Cox.  an  actor  in  the 
drama,  has  declared,  under  the  solid  Republican 
vote  in  both  Houses. 

The  Border  States  now  awaited  the  policy  :: 
President  Lincoln.  The  Virginia  Convention  was 
still  in  session  with  the  postpe  nement  wing  in  su- 
premacy. They-  desired  to  know  if  the  intent  : 
the  new  Administration  was  peaceable.  Peaceable 
it  professed  to  be.  The  President  entered  office  with 
the  claim  that  he  desired  harmony  between  the  sec- 
tions: he  claimed  to  offer  peace  upon  a Constitu- 
tional basis.  Webster’s  great  speech  in  reply  to 
Hayne  gave  colour  to  the  President's  views;  its 


88 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


historical  inaccuracies  were  accepted  by  Lincoln  as 
veritable  history.  Want  of  accurate  knowledge 
concerning  the  origin  of  the  Federal  Union  inspired 
the  historical  errors  of  the  Inaugural  Address  of 
March  4,  1861,  which  was  merely  the  untenable 
theory  of  original  consolidation : 


“The  Union,”  said  President  Lincoln,  “ is  much  older  than  the 
States.  It  was  formed  in  fact  by  the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774. 
It  was  matured  and  continued  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
in  1776.  It  was  further  matured,  and  the  faith  of  all  the  thirteen 
States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be  perpetual  by 
the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  1778.” 

President  Lincoln  ventured  to  designate  a com- 
mittee’s recommendation  in  1774  as  a legal  instru- 
ment establishing  a government!  The  olive-branch 
proffered  in  this  Inaugural  was  interpreted  in  the 
South  as  a virtual  declaration  of  war,  and  the  party 
advocating  immediate  secession  grew  stronger  in 
the  Border  States. 

President  Lincoln  refused  to  recognise  the  Com- 
missioners sent  by  the  seven  Commonwealths  to  ask 
“ peaceful  solution  ” of  all  matters  in  dispute.  The 
most  pressing  issue  had  reference  to  the  control  of 
Forts  Sumter  and  Pickens,  in  the  harbours  of 
Charleston  and  Pensacola,  then  occupied  by  Fed- 
eral troops.  The  foundation  of  these  forts  was 
originally  the  property  of  the  States  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  Florida,  and  these  Commonwealths,  having 
withdrawn  from  the  Union,  claimed  that  the  island- 
fortresses  had  reverted  to  the  original  owners  as 
military  posts.  There  was  complete  willingness  to 


1861] 


The  Crisis  of  1 86 1. 


89 


make  compensation  to  the  Federal  Government  for 
the  property  value  of  the  forts. 

Since  the  closing  days  of  i860  many  Republicans 
had  advocated  the  policy  of  non-coercion  in  the 
case  of  the  seceded  States.  Greeley’s  paper,  The 
Tribune,  made  this  declaration  on  November  9 

“If  the  Cotton  States  shall  decide  that  they  can  do  better  out  of 
the  Union  than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting  them  go  in  peace.  The 
right  to  secede  may  be  a revolutionary  one,  but  it  exists  nevertheless. 

. . . Whenever  a considerable  section  of  our  Union  shall  deliber- 

ately resolve  to  go  out,  we  shall  resist  all  coercive  measures  designed 
to  keep  it  in.  We  hope  never  to  live  in  a republic,  whereof  one 
section  is  pinned  to  the  residue  by  bayonets.” 

“ It  will  be  an  advantage  for  the  South  to  go 
off,”  said  H.  W.  Beecher.  After  the  inauguration 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  there  was  a strong  current  of  opinion 
in  the  North  that  the  Federal  troops  should  be 
withdrawn  from  the  Southern  forts.  President  Lin- 
coln’s “ organ,”  the  National  Republican,  announced 
that  the  Cabinet  meeting  of  March  9 had  deter- 
mined to  surrender  both  Sumter  and  Pickens.  That 
Anderson  would  be  withdrawn  from  Sumter  “ was 
the  universal  impression  in  Washington  ” (Rhodes, 
U.  S.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  332).  Welling,  of  the  National 
Intelligencer,  was  requested  by  Seward  to  communi- 
cate the  Cabinet’s  purpose  to  George  W.  Summers, 
member  of  the  Virginia  Convention  ( The  Nation, 
Dec.  4,  1879).  March  15  Secretary  Seward  un- 
officially notified  the  Confederate  Commissioners, 
through  Justice  Campbell  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
that  Sumter  would  be  yielded  at  once  to  the  South- 
ern Confederacy.  Meanwhile,  Captain  G.  V.  Fox 


90 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


had  suggested  a plan  for  throwing  reinforcements 
into  Sumter.  On  this  same  fifteenth  day  of  March, 
Fox  was  sent  by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  obtain  “ accurate 
information  in  regard  to  the  command  of  Major 
Anderson.”  March  21,  after  dark,  upon  the  para- 
pet of  Fort  Sumter,  Fox  held  a private  conversation 
with  Anderson.  The  latter 

“ at  once  earnestly  condemned  any  proposal  to  send  him  reinforce- 
ments. He  asserted  that  it  was  too  late  ; he  agreed  with  General 
Scott  that  an  entrance  by  sea  was  impossible  ; and  he  impressed  upon 
Captain  Fox  his  belief  that  any  reinforcements  coming  would  at 
once  precipitate  a collision  and  inaugurate  civil  war,  and  to  this 
he  manifested  the  most  earnest  opposition.”  {Genesis  of  the  Civil 
War,  pp.  369-371.  By  Major-General  S.  W.  Crawford  who,  in 
j86i,  was  an  officer  under  Major  Anderson  in  Fort  Sumter.  The 
above  statements  are  based  upon  Fox’s  personal  letters  to  Crawford.) 

“ Every  hour  now  tended  to  strengthen  the  belief  that  the  garrison 
was  to  be  withdrawn,  and  the  preliminary  steps  to  be  taken  were 
considered  upon  both  sides.  The  public  press  as  well  as  private  ad- 
vices from  Washington,  all  seemed  to  place  the  fact  of  withdrawal 
beyond  doubt.  The  engineer  officer  had  made  his  arrangements  and 
had  reported  to  his  chief  [Major  Anderson]  his  intentions,  and  had 
received  from  that  official  his  instructions  as  to  the  disposition  to  be 
made  of  the  property.”  (Crawford’s  Genesis  of  the  Civil  War,  p. 
373-) 

March  25  brought  Colonel  Ward  H.  Lamon  of 
Washington  to  Fort  Sumter.  He  obtained  permis- 
sion from  Governor  Pickens  to  visit  Major  Anderson 
upon  the  representation  that  he  had  come  as  “ con- 
fidential agent  of  the  President,”  to  make  ar- 
rangements  for  the  removal  of  the  garrison.  “ The 
impression  produced  upon  Major  Anderson  [by 
Lamon]  as  well  as  upon  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
garrison,  was  that  the  command  was  to  be  with- 


18611 


The  Crisis  of  1861. 


91 


drawn.”  Lamon  informed  Governor  Pickens  “ that 
the  President  professed  a desire  to  evacuate  the 
work.”  After  Lamon’s  return  to  Washington  he 
sent  a written  message  to  Pickens,  that  he  “ hoped 
to  return  in  a very  few  days  to  withdraw  the  com- 
mand.” * 

Meanwhile,  the  radical  Republican  leaders  began 
to  make  protest  against  the  surrender  of  Sum- 
ter. After  the  Cabinet  meeting  of  March  29  Mr. 
Lincoln  ordered  a naval  expedition  to  be  in  readi- 
ness to  move  by  the  6th  of  April ; at  the  same  time 
he  disavowed  the  promise  of  withdrawal  made  by 
Lamon.  Nevertheless,  on  April  7 Seward  made 
written  renewal  of  his  assurance,  as  follows:  “ Faith 
as  to  Sumter  fully  kept — wait  and  see.”  On  that 
same  day,  April  7 a courier  was  already  drawing 
nigh  to  Charleston  with  a message  from  President 
Lincoln  himself,  announcing  to  Governor  Pickens 
that  an  effort  would  be  made  to  throw  supplies 
into  Sumter,  and  that  “ if  such  attempt  be  not  re- 
sisted, no  effort  to  throw  in  men,  arms,  or  ammu- 
nition will  be  made  without  further  notice,  or  in  case 
of  an  attack  upon  the  fort.”  f 

Pickens  soon  received  advices  that  the  naval  flo- 
tilla was  steaming  southward  to  enforce  President 
Lincoln’s  policy.  At  once  the  cry  was  raised  in  the 
South  that  the  Federal  Administration  had  been 
guilty  of  equivocating  conduct ; that  negotiation 
had  been  flung  aside,  and  war  declared,  in  sending 
the  naval  armaments  to  relieve  Forts  Sumter  and 


* Crawford’s  Genesis,  pp.  373,  374. 
f Ibid.  340,  394-396. 


92 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


Pickens.  When  Beauregard,  in  obedience  to  orders 
from  Montgomery,  Alabama,  opened  fire  on  Sumter 
in  the  early  morning  of  April  12,  1 86 1 , the  Federal 
war  vessels,  with  provisions,  troops,  and  arms  aboard, 
were  just  reaching  the  outer  bar  of  Charleston  har- 
bour. In  the  opinion  of  the  people  of  the  South, 
Beauregard’s  guns  expressed  nothing  more  than 
the  defensive  attitude  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
against  the  approach  of  actual  armed  invasion. 

Meanwhile,  the  Border  States  were  playing  the 
part  of  peacemakers.  An  ordinance  of  secession 
submitted  to  the  Virginia  Convention,  March  17 
was  rejected  by  a vote  of  ninety  to  forty-five.  Mr. 
Lincoln  at  once  requested  an  interview  with  a rep- 
resentative of  the  Convention,  and  the  fourth  day 
of  April  found  J.  B.  Baldwin  in  conference  with  the 
President.  Baldwin  has  stated  under  oath  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  greeted  him  with  the  assertion  that  he  had 
come  too  late.  The  President  was  deaf  to  Baldwin’s 
entreaties  that  he  should  yield  the  Southern  forts, 
and  thus  maintain  peace.  Another  committee  from 
the  Convention  arrived  in  Washington  April  12 
Their  mission  was  to  ascertain,  definitely,  the  policy 
proposed  by  the  President.  Mr.  Lincoln’s  written 
answer  to  the  committee,  April  14  was  “ distinctly 
pacific,  and  he  expressly  disclaimed  all  purpose  of 
war.”  The  railway  train  which  bore  the  committee 
to  Richmond  the  following  day  carried  the  Presi- 
dent’s proclamation  asking  the  various  Governors 
for  an  army  of  men.*  April  15,  1861,  Mr.  Lincoln 
issued  an  official  call  to  the  States  for  seventy-five 


* Crawford’s  Genesis , pp.  310-312. 


1861] 


The  Crisis  of  18 6 1. 


93 


thousand  volunteers  to  overcome  “ combinations 
too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary 
course  of  judicial  proceedings.”  Immediately  the 
Border  States  flamed  up  in  wrath ; they  declared 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  inveigled  them  into  the  policy 
of  inaction,  and  had  then  inaugurated  a war  of  inva- 
sion. The  Virginia  Convention  at  once  passed  the 
ordinance  of  secession,  April  17  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  and  Arkansas  followed  Virginia’s  exam- 
ple, and  a few  weeks  saw  the  people  of  eleven  States 
fused  together  in  the  Southern  Confederacy,  ready, 
they  declared,  to  wage  only  a war  of  defence.  At 
the  same  time,  the  people  of  the  Northern  States 
sprang  to  arms  to  “ save  the  Union.”  The  North 
and  the  South  stood  opposed  in  deadly  hostility, 
each  charging  the  other  with  the  guilt  of  aggression. 

War  had  arisen  at  the  last,  from  certain  misunder- 
standings as  to  questions  of  fact.  One  of  these  was 
centred  about  President  Lincoln’s  governmental  the- 
ory of  original  consolidation.  In  the  Inaugural  Ad- 
dress this  view  made  its  first  appearance;  and  again 
in  the  message  to  Congress,  July  4,  1861,  it  was 
expanded  in  these  terms: 

“The  States  have  their  status  in  the  Union;  and  they  have  no 
other  legal  status.  If  they  break  from  this,  they  can  only  do  so 
against  la\v  and  by  revolution.  The  Union,  and  not  themselves 
separately,  procured  their  independence  and  their  liberty.  By  con- 
quest or  purchase,  the  Union  gave  each  of  them  whatever  of  inde- 
pendence and  liberty  it  has.  The  Union  is  older  than  any  of  the 
States,  and,  in  fact,  it  created  them  as  States.  Originally,  some  in- 
dependent Colonies  made  the  Union  ; and,  in  turn,  the  Union  threw 
off  their  old  dependence  for  them  and  made  them  States,  such  as 
they  are.  Not  one  of  them  ever  had  a State  Constitution  independ- 
ent of  the  Union.” 


94 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  again  that  this  con- 
solidation theory  cannot  stand  for  one  moment  in 
the  light  of  the  actual  historical  facts.  When  Mr. 
Lincoln  proposed  this  view  of  the  origin  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government  as  the  basis  of  his  alleged  “ war 
power,”  the  difference  between  him  and  the  people 
of  the  Southern  States  was  far  more  hopeless  than 
that  between  Charles  Stuart  and  his  Parliament. 
When  Mr.  Lincoln  offered  peace  on  the  basis  of 
this  theory,  the  Southern  people  with  one  voice 
interpreted  that  peace  to  mean  their  submission  to 
an  unprecedented  form  of  centralised  government. 

A second  misunderstanding  was  concerned  with 
the  extent  and  character  of  the  secession  movement 
in  the  South.  Among  the  Republican  officials  and 
legislators  in  Washington,  it  was  maintained  that 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Southern  States  was  due  to  a 
few  conspirators , who  had  used  trickery  in  securing 
the  passage  of  the  secession  ordinances  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  Davis 
and  Toombs,  who  were  in  fact  adherents  of  the 
postponement  wing  of  secessionists  until  late  in 
December,  i860,  were  pointed  out  as  the  arch- 
conspirators who  had  stirred  up  “ rebellion  ” on  the 
part  of  the  slave-holding  minority  in  each  seceding 
State.  In  the  message  of  July  4,  1861,  President 
Lincoln  said:  “ It  may  well  be  questioned  whether 
there  is  to-day  a majority  of  the  legally  qualified 
voters  of  any  State,  except,  perhaps,  South  Caro- 
lina, in  favour  of  disunion.  There  is  much  reason 
to  believe  that  the  Union  men  are  in  the  majority 
in  many,  if  not  in  every  other  one,  of  the  so-called 
seceding  States.” 


1861] 


The  Crisis  oj  iSoi. 


95 


Mr.  Lincoln  totally  misunderstood  the  attitude  of 
the  postponement  party  among  the  secessionists. 
This  explains  his  attitude  during  the  month  of 
March,  1 86 1 . When  the  Virginia  Convention  voted 
largely  against  immediate  secession,  he  supposed 
that  the  majority  gave  complete  acquiescence  in  the 
theory  of  Federal  consolidation  announced  in  the 
Inaugural  Address.  Whereas,  these  Virginians  were 
only  awaiting  the  President’s  policy  with  reference 
to  the  Confederate  Government  at  Montgomery. 
When  he  called  for  volunteers  to  suppress  sovereign 
States  designated  as  unlawful  “ combinations,”  the 
former  Union  men  of  Virginia  were  enraged.  The 
delegates  yielded  at  once  to  the  unanimous  demand 
of  the  people  of  the  State,  and  secession  was  imme- 
diate. John  B.  Baldwin,  an  Ulsterman,  represent- 
ing the  Valley  of  Virginia,  where  few  slaves  were 
held,  and  who  voted  against  secession  on  April  17, 
at  once  signed  the  ordinance,  and,  later,  wrote  these 
words:  “ There  are  now  no  Union  men  in  Virginia. 
But  those  who  were  Union  men  will  stand  to  their 
arms  and  make  a fight  which  shall  go  down  in  his- 
tory as  an  illustration  of  what  a brave  people  will  do 
in  defence  of  their  liberties,  after  having  exhausted 
every  means  of  pacification.”  In  the  four  States  of 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas, 
with  the  sole  exception  of  the  districts  of  western 
Virginia  and  eastern  Tennessee,  there  was  but  one 
heart  and  one  voice  among  slave-holders  and  non- 
slave-holders alike;  as  one  man,  they  were  ready  for 
battle  against  the  invasion  threatened  by  President 
Lincoln.  The  adherence  of  the  entire  mass  of  the 
Southern  people  was  accorded  to  their  State  gov- 


96 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


L1859- 


ernments  and  to  the  government  of  the  Confederacy 
at  Montgomery,  with  an  enthusiasm  not  exqelled  by 
that  of  the  Swiss  Cantons  in  the  hour  of  Austrian 
invasion,  nor  by  the  Highland  clans  at  the  call  of 
Roderick  Dhu.  With  reference  to  the  unanimity 
existing  among  the  people  of  the  South,  we  quote 
the  recent  words  of  Mr.  J.  F.  Rhodes: 

“ Had  the  North  thoroughly  understood  the  problem  ; had  it 
known  that  the  people  in  the  Cotton  States  were  practically  unani- 
mous ; that  the  action  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  and  Tennes- 
see was  backed  by  a large  and  genuine  majority,  it  might  have 
refused  to  undertake  the  seemingly  unachievable  task.  ...  It 
is  impossible  to  escape  the  conviction  that  the  action  of  the  North 
was  largely  based  on  a misconception  of  the  strength  of  the  disunion 
sentiment  in  the  Confederate  States.  The  Northern  people  accepted 
the  gage  of  war  and  came  to  the  support  of  the  President  on  the 
theory  that  a majority  in  all  of  the  Southern  States,  except  South 
Carolina,  were  at  heart  for  the  Union.”  ( History  of  the  United  States, 
iii.  404-5-) 

The  censure  heaped  upon  Buchanan  for  failing  to 
imitate  the  “ Jacksonian  policy  ” of  coercion,  indi- 
cates that  this  misapprehension  continues  to  exist. 
It  is  beyond  doubt  that  an  army  or  a fleet  from 
Washington  sent  to  subdue  Charleston  during  the 
last  days  of  Buchanan’s  Administration  would  have 
driven  the  entire  brotherhood  of  Southern  States 
into  immediate  secession. 

President  Lincoln’s  call  for  an  army  to  subdue 
the  Southern  States  found  Colonel  R.  E.  Lee  at 
Arlington.  After  the  execution  of  John  Brown, 
he  had  remained  in  Washington  until  midwinter. 
On  January  15,  i860,  by  permission  of  the  War 
Department  he  was  hurrying  away  to  Richmond  at 


1861] 


The  Crisis  of  1861. 


97 


the  request  of  a legislative  committee  to  throw  the 
light  of  his  experience  on  the  matter  of  organising 
and  arming  the  Virginia  militia,  although  he  had 
already  written  the  protest,  “ My  limited  knowledge 
can  be  of  little  avail.”  From  army  headquarters, 
February  9,  came  the  order  assigning  him  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Military  Department  of  Texas.  The 
entry  in  his  diary  for  February  10,  is  thus  briefly 
made:  “ At  6 A.M.,  left  Arlington  and  its  dear  in- 
habitants for  Texas.”  From  February  20,  i860, 
the  day  when  he  assumed  command  at  San  Antonio, 
until  February  13,  1861,  the  day  when  he  laid  down 
his  authority  at  Fort  Mason  and  repaired  to  Wash- 
ington at  the  call  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  Lee  was 
occupied  with  the  passing  excitements  and  monot- 
ony of  frontier  garrison  life.  The  early  part  of  these 
twelve  months  was  spent  in  pursuit  of  the  brigand 
Cortinas,  who  would  steal  across  the  Rio  Grande, 
burn  the  homes  and  drive  off  the  horses  of  the 
ranchmen,  and  then  retire  to  his  lair  in  Mexico. 
Lee  manifested  great  energy  in  pushing  across  the 
wastes  of  western  Texas;  his  chief  daily  concern 
was  the  search  for  grass  and  water,  and  he  spent 
some  time,  also,  in  a fruitless  correspondence  with 
the  authorities  in  certain  Mexican  towns.  The 
summer  months  from  June  to  December,  i860, 
were  spent  in  San  Antonio.  He  was  always  alert 
and  busy.  The  Episcopal  Church  building  in  the 
town  was  hurried  forward  by  liberal  contributions 
from  Lee;  his  private  business  in  Virginia  was  at 
the  same  time  receiving  due  attention  through  cor- 
respondence. 

7 


98 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


Lee’s  political  views  began  to  find  expression, 
January  23,  1861,  as  follows: 

“ I received  from  Major  Nicholl,  Everett’s  Life  of  Washington 
. . . and  enjoyed  its  perusal  very  much.  How  his  spirit  would 

be  grieved,  could  he  see  the  wreck  of  his  mighty  labours.  I will  not, 
however,  permit  myself  to  believe,  until  all  the  ground  for  hope  has 
gone,  that  the  fruit  of  his  noble  deeds  will  be  destroyed  and  that  his 
precious  advice  and  virtuous  example  will  so  soon  be  forgotten  by  his 
countrymen.  As  far  as  I can  judge  from  the  papers,  we  are  between 
a state  of  anarchy  and  civil  war.  May  God  avert  both  of  these  evils 
from  us.  I fear  that  mankind  for  years  will  not  be  sufficiently 
Christianised  to  bear  the  absence  of  restraint  and  force.  I see  that 
four  States  have  declared  themselves  out  of  the  Union;  four  more 
apparently  will  follow  their  example.  Then,  if  the  Border  States 
are  dragged  into  the  gulf  of  revolution,  one  half  of  the  country  will 
be  arrayed  against  the  other.  I must  try  and  be  patient  and  await 
the  end,  for  I can  do  nothing  to  hasten  or  retard  it.” 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  in  these  terms  to  his 
son : 

“ The  South,  in  my  opinion,  has  been  aggrieved  by  the  acts  of  the 
North,  as  you  say.  I feel  the  aggression,  and  am  willing  to  take 
every  proper  step  for  redress.  It  is  the  principle  I contend  for,  not 
individual  or  private  benefit.  As  an  American  citizen  I take  great 
pride  in  my  country,  her  prosperity,  and  her  institutions,  and  would 
defend  any  State  if  her  rights  were  invaded.  But  I can  anticipate 
no  greater  calamity  for  the  country  than  a dissolution  of  the  Union. 
It  would  be  an  accumulation  of  all  the  evils  we  complain  of,  and  I 
am  willing  to  sacrifice  everything  but  honour  for  its  preservation.  I 
hope  therefore,  that  all  Constitutional  means  will  be  exhausted  before 
there  is  a resort  to  force.  Secession  is  nothing  but  revolution.  The 
framers  of  our  Constitution  never  exhausted  so  much  labour,  wisdom 
and  forbearance  in  its  formation,  and  surrounded  it  with  so  many 
guards  and  securities,  if  it  was  intended  to  be  broken  by  every  mem- 
ber of  the  Confederacy  at  will.  It  is  intended  for  ‘ perpetual  Union,’ 
so  expressed  in  the  preamble,*  and  for  the  establishment  of  a govern- 

* Lee  was  mistaken  in  this  statement.  The  term  “perpetual 
Union  ” does  not  occur  in  the  preamble  to  the  Constitution  nor  any- 


1861] 


The  Crisis  of  1861. 


99 


ment,  not  a compact,  which  can  only  he  dissolved  by  revolution,  or 
the  consent  of  all  the  people  in  Convention  assembled.  It  is  idle  to 
talk  of  secession  ; anarchy  would  [otherwise  ?]  have  been  established, 
and  not  a government,  by  Washington,  Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Madison 
and  all  the  other  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  . . . Still,  a Union 

that  can  only  be  maintained  by  swords  and  bayonets  and  in  which 
strife  and  civil  war  are  to  take  the  place  of  brotherly  love  and  kind- 
ness, has  no  charm  for  me.  I shall  mourn  for  my  country  and  for 
the  welfare  and  progress  of  mankind.  If  the  Union  is  dissolved  and 
the  Government  disrupted,  I shall  return  to  my  native  State  and 
share  the  miseries  of  my  people,  and  save  in  defence  will  draw  my 
sword  on  none.” 

After  the  withdrawal  of  Texas  from  the  Union, 
Lee  was  recalled  to  Washington.  As  he  passed 
through  San  Antonio,  February  1 6,  he  saw  the 
Federal  troops  marched  out  of  the  place,  and  the 
public  property  handed  over  to  the  commissioners 
representing  the  Convention  of  the  people  of  Texas* 
As  the  shades  of  evening  were  gathering  about 
Arlington,  March  I,  he  alighted  at  the  gate  from 
the  carriage  that  had  borne  him  from  Alexandria. 

As  Lee  entered  his  home,  his  heart  was  full  of 
love  for  the  old  Union  which  his  father  had  helped 
to  establish.  Fie  did  not  believe  in  secession  as  a 
legal  method  for  the  redress  of  grievances.  As  to 
slavery,  he  said  that  “ if  he  owned  all  the  negroes 
in  the  South,  he  would  gladly  yield  them  up  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Union.”  But  he  also  loved 
his  own  people  and  his  native  State,  and  for  Vir- 
ginia, first  and  last,  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice  prop- 
erty and  life  itself.  At  Arlington,  therefore,  he 


where  in  the  Constitution  itself.  It  did  occur  in  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation which  were  annulled  by  the  secession  of  eleven  States  in 

1787. 


IOO 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1859- 


kept  anxious  watch  during  the  first  forty  days  of 
President  Lincoln’s  Administration. 

April  1 8,  Francis  P.  Blair,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  came  to  offer  Lee  the  command  of  the 
proposed  army  of  invasion.  Afterwards  (February 
25,  1868)  Lee  thus  described  the  interview: 


“ After  listening  to  his  remarks,  I declined  the  offer  he  made  me 
to  take  command  of  the  army  that  was  to  be  brought  into  the  field, 
stating,  as  candidly  and  courteously  as  I could,  that  though  opposed 
to  secession  and  deprecating  war  I could  take  no  part  in  an  invasion 
of  the  Southern  States. 

“ I went  directly  from  the  interview  with  Mr.  Blair  to  the  office  of 
General  Scott, — told  him  of  the  proposition  that  had  been  made  to 
me  and  my  decision.  Upon  reflection  after  returning  home,  I con- 
cluded that  I ought  no  longer  to  retain  any  commission  I held  in  the 
United  States  army,  and  on  the  second  morning  thereafter  I for- 
warded my  resignation  to  General  Scott. 

“ At  the  time  I hoped  that  peace  would  have  been  preserved — 
that  some  way  would  be  found  to  save  the  country  from  the  calami- 
ties of  war  ; and  I then  had  no  other  intention  than  to  pass  the 
remainder  of  my  life  as  a private  citizen. 

“ Two  days  afterward,  on  the  invitation  of  the  Governor  of 
Virginia,  I repaired  to  Richmond,  found  that  the  Convention  then 
in  session  had  passed  the  ordinance  withdrawing  the  State  from  the 
Union,  and  accepted  the  commission  of  commander  of  its  forces, 
which  was  tendered  me.  These  are  the  simple  facts  of  the  case.” 


That  which  drove  Lee  from  the  United  States 
army  was  President  Lincoln’s  preparation  to  invade 
the  South.  The  sendee  required  of  him  he  declared 
unworthy,  and  at  once  resigned  his  office  and  retired 
to  his  own  home.  From  that  home,  as  a citizen,  he 
was  summoned  by  the  voice  of  the  people  of  his 
native  State  to  lead  them  on  the  field  of  battle. 


1861]  Withdrawal  from  the  U.  S.  Army. 


IOI 


April  20,  Colonel  Lee  sent  to  General  Scott  his 
official  resignation,  adding  that 

“ It  would  have  been  presented  at  once  but  for  the  struggle  it  has 
cost  me  to  separate  myself  from  a service  to  which  I have  devoted 
the  best  years  of  my  life,  and  all  the  ability  I possessed.  During 
the  whole  of  that  time — more  than  a quarter  of  a century — I have  ex- 
perienced nothing  but  kindness  from  my  superiors  and  a most  cordial 
friendship  from  my  comrades.  To  no  one,  General,  have  I been  as 
much  indebted  as  to  yourself  for  uniform  kindness  and  consideration, 
and  it  has  always  been  my  ardent  desire  to  merit  your  approbation. 
I shall  carry  to  the  grave  the  most  grateful  recollections  of  your  kind 
consideration,  and  your  name  and  fame  will  always  be  dear  to  me.” 

To  his  sister  in  Baltimore,  on  the  same  day,  Lee 
expressed  these  sentiments: 

“ The  whole  South  is  in  a state  of  revolution,  into  which  Virginia, 
after  a long  struggle,  has  been  drawn  ; and  though  I recognise  no 
necessity  for  this  state  of  things,  and  would  have  forborne  and 
pleaded,  to  the  end,  for  redress  of  grievances  real  or  supposed,  yet  in 
my  own  person  I had  to  meet  the  question  whether  I should  take 
part  against  my  native  State.  With  all  my  devotion  to  the  Union, 
and  the  feeling  of  loyalty  and  duty  of  an  American  citizen,  I have 
not  been  able  to  make  up  my  mind  to  raise  my  hand  against  my 
relatives,  my  children,  my  home.  I have  therefore  resigned  my  com- 
mission in  the  army.” 

To  his  brother,  Sidney  Smith  Lee,  he  sent  a mes- 
sage, April  20,  as  follows : 

“ The  question  which  was  the  subject  of  my  earnest  consultation 
with  you  on  the  i8th  inst.  has  in  my  own  mind  been  decided.  After 
the  most  anxious  inquiry  as  to  the  correct  course  for  me  to  pursue,  I 
concluded  to  resign,  and  sent  in  my  resignation  this  morning.  I 
wished  to  wait  till  the  ordinance  of  secession  should  be  acted  on  by 
the  people  of  Virginia  ; but  war  seems  to  have  commenced  and  lam 
liable  at  ajiy  time  to  be  ordered  on  duty  which  I cotild  not  conscientiously 
perform.  To  save  me  from  such  a. position,  and  to  prevent  the 


102 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


tl  859- 


necessity  of  resigning  under  orders,  I had  to  act  at  once,  and  before 
I could  see  you  again  on  the  subject,  as  I had  wished.  Iam  now  a 
private  citizen  and  have  no  other  ambition  than  to  remain  at  home. 
Save  in  the  defence  of  my  native  State,  I have  no  desire  ever  again 
to  draw  my  sword." 


What  were  the  events  characterised  by  Lee  as 
war  already  commenced  ? They  were  the  arma- 
ment sent  by  sea  to  relieve  Sumter  and  Pickens; 
President  Lincoln’s  call  for  the  militia  to  move 
against  the  Southern  States;  the  encampment 
around  the  Federal  Capitol,  April  18,  of  a regi- 
ment from  Pennsylvania;  the  invasion  of  Maryland, 
April  19,  by  a regiment  from  Massachusetts,  and 
the  President’s  proclamation,  April  19,  declaring 
the  ports  of  seven  Southern  States  in  a state  of 
blockade  and  closed  against  the  commerce  of  the 
world.  The  President  of  a league  government  had 
assumed  the  functions  of  the  Congress  of  lawmakers, 
under  the  alleged  military  necessity  which  he  had 
himself  created,  and  the  bayonets  of  his  army  were 
already  gleaming  about  the  Capitol,  when  Lee  re- 
signed on  the  morning  of  April  20. 

When  Lee  reached  Richmond,  April  22,  the 
Convention  placed  him  in  command  of  the  military 
forces  of  Virginia.  The  twenty-third  day  of  April, 
1861,  saw  Major-General  Lee  introduced  to  the  Con- 
vention. The  weight  of  fifty-four  years  had  not  bent 
the  tall,  well-knit  frame,  nor  had  they  engraved  any 
lines  in  the  handsome  features.  Lee’s  manner  was 
grave;  a great  modesty  tempered  all  his  words  and 
all  his  actions.  The  admiration  that  fell  upon  him 
from  every  eye  in  that  standing  throng  of  Virgin- 


1861] 


Withdrawal  from  the  U.  S.  Army.  103 


ians  was  more  trying  to  the  quiet  officer  than  the 
fire  from  a battery  of  guns.  President  John  Janney 
stood  with  Governor  Letcher  and  Vice-President  A. 
H.  Stephens  at  his  right  hand,  and  expressed  to 
General  Lee  the  welcome  accorded  to  him  by  the 
Convention.  After  references  to  the  patriotic  sons 
of  Westmoreland  County  and  to  Lee’s  own  achieve- 
ments in  Mexico,  Janney  thus  concluded: 

“ Sir,  we  have  by  this  unanimous  vote  expressed  our  convictions 
that  you  are  at  this  time  among  the  living  citizens  of  Virginia  ‘ first 
in  war.’  We  pray  to  God  most  fervently  that  you  may  [so]  conduct 
the  operations  committed  to  your  charge,  that  it  will  soon  be  said  of 
you  that  you  are  the  ‘ first  in  peace,’  and  when  that  time  comes  you 
will  have  earned  the  still  prouder  distinction  of  being  ‘ first  in  the 
hearts  of  your  countrymen.’  When  the  Father  of  his  country  made 
his  last  will  and  testament,  he  gave  his  swords  to  his  favorite 
nephews,  with  the  injunction  that  they  should  never  be  drawn  from 
their  scabbards  except  in  self-defence,  or  in  defence  of  the  rights  and 
principles  of  their  country,  and  that,  if  drawn  for  the  latter  purpose, 
that  should  fall  with  them  in  their  hands  rather  than  relinquish  them. 
Yesterday,  your  mother,  Virginia,  placed  her  sword  in  your  hand 
upon  the  implied  condition  that  in  all  things  you  will  keep  it  to  the 
letter  and  spirit,  that  you  will  draw  it  only  in  defence , and  that  you 
will  fall  with  it  in  your  hand  rather  than  that  the  object  for  which  it 
is  placed  there  should  fail.” 

To  this  address,  General  Lee  made  reply  in  these 
terms : 

“Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : Deeply  im- 
pressed with  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion  on  which  I appear  before 
you,  and  profoundly  grateful  for  the  honour  conferred  upon  me,  I 
accept  the  position  your  partiality  has  assigned  me,  though  I would 
greatly  have  preferred  that  your  choice  should  have  fallen  on  one 
more  capable.  Trusting  to  Almighty  God,  an  approving  conscience, 
and  the  aid  of  my  fellow-citizens,  I will  devote  myself  to  the  defence 
and  service  of  my  native  State,  in  whose  behalf  alone  would  I have 
ever  drawn  my  sword.” 


CHAPTER  VI. 

1861-1862. 

IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  FORCES  OF  VIRGINIA — THE 
CAMPAIGN  IN  WESTERN  VIRGINIA — -CONSTRUC- 
TION OF  ATLANTIC  COAST  DEFENCES. 

HE  military  forces  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Virginia  were  under  the 
control  of  Major-General  R.  E.  Lee 
from  April  23  until  May  10,  1861. 
Thereafter,  until  June  8,  he  was  as- 
signed to  the  command  of  the  forces  of  the  South- 
ern Confederacy  operating  in  Virginia.  May  25 
marked  the  change  in  his  military  rank  from  the 
position  of  Major-General  in  the  State  militia  to 
that  of  Brigadier-General  in  the  army  of  the  South- 
ern Confederacy.  The  Confederate  Government 
had  not  yet  created  a military  rank  in  the  field  ser- 
vice higher  than  the  grade  of  brigade-commander; 
it  was  Lee’s  indifference  to  the  mere  insignia  of 
office  that  prevented  friction  in  the  matter  of  lower- 
ing his  rank. 

When  Vice-President  Stephens,  in  the  month  of 


104 


1861-62] 


Commanding  Virginia  Forces.  105 

April,  saw  the  admiration  poured  out  upon  Lee  by 
the  Virginia  Convention,  and  saw  him  created 
Major-General,  he  scented  danger.  He  perceived 
that  the  Convention  of  Virginia  would  not  unite 
With  the  Confederacy  if  General  Lee  should  refuse 
to  step  down  to  the  grade  of  brigadier.  He  sought 
Lee  on  the  evening  of  April  23. 


“ I unfolded  to  him,”  writes  Stephens,  “ with  perfect  candour  the 
object  of  my  mission  [alliance  of  Virginia  with  the  Confederacy], 
the  nature  of  the  alliance  I should  propose,  and  particularly  the  effect 
it  might  have  upon  his  official  rank  and  position.  There  was  on  his 
part  equal  candour  and  frankness — no  reserve  whatever.  He  under- 
stood the  situation  fully.  With  a clear  understanding  of  its  bearing 
upon  himself  individually,  he  expressed  himself  as  perfectly  satisfied, 
and  as  being  very  desirous  to  have  the  alliance  formed.  He  stated 
in  words  which  produced  thorough  conviction  in  my  mind  of  their 
perfect  sincerity,  that  he  did  not  wish  anything  connected  with  him- 
self individually,  or  his  official  rank  or  personal  position,  to  interfere 
in  the  slightest  degree  with  the  immediate  consummation  of  that 
measure.” 


The  Convention  soon  discovered  the  omission  of 
any  provision  for  General  Lee’s  permanent  rank  in 
the  new  alliance.  They  were  ready  to  withhold 
Virginia  from  the  Confederacy  upon  this  single 
issue,  but  Lee’s  own  solicitations  led  to  the  union 
with  the  other  States.  Stephens  adds  this  word : 

The  truth  is,  a look,  or  an  intonation  of  voice, 
even,  at  this  time,  which  would  have  indicated  that 
his  professed  satisfaction  was  not  the  real  and  unaf- 
fected feeling  of  his  heart,  would  have  defeated  that 
measure.  ” 

Twelve  hours  after  the  interview  with  Stephens, 


io6 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


Lee  was  at  work  preparing  Virginia  to  meet  war 
with  war.  To  Cocke  in  Alexandria  he  thus  gave 
instructions,  April  24:  “ Let  it  be  known  that  you 
intend  no  attack;  but  invasion  of  our  soil  will  be 
considered  an  act  of  war.” 

Until  June  8,  when  President  Davis,  as  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Confederate  army  and 
navy,  assumed  the  direction  of  all  movements  in 
the  field,  General  Lee  was  setting  in  order  the  de- 
fences of  Virginia.  He  foresaw  that  the  Old  Do- 
minion would  be  the  main  theatre  of  strife,  and 
Richmond  the  objective  point  of  Northern  invasion. 
He  clearly  perceived  also  the  magnitude  of  the  task 
involved  in  defending  the  South  from  the  Northern 
onset.  President  Davis,  as  late  as  the  month  of 
May,  des^fetched  an  agent  to  England  to  purchase 
ten  thousand  Enfield  rifles  to  arm  the  Confederacy. 
More  than  a month  before  this,  Lee  had  written  to 
his  wife:  “ The  war  may  last  ten  years. 

Make  your  plans  for  several  years  of  war.”  At  the 
same  time  he  wrote  this:  “ Tell  Custis  [Lieutenant 
in  the  U.  S.  Army]  he  must  consult  his  own  judg- 
ment, reason,  and  conscience  as  to  the  course  he 
may  take.  I do  not  wish  him  to  be  guided  by  my 
wishes  or  example.  If  I have  done  wrong,  let  him 
do  better.  The  present  is  a momentuous  question 
which  every  man  must  settle  for  himself  and  upon 
principle.  ” 

Lee’s  eye  rested  now  upon  the  approaches  to  Vir- 
ginia’s borders.  He  set  himself  to  the  task  of  erect- 
ing fortifications  and  batteries  for  the  defence  of  the 
Potomac,  Rappahannock,  York,  James,  and  Eliza- 


1862] 


Commanding  Virginia  Forces.  107 

beth  rivers.  Forty  thousand  Virginia  volunteers 
were  armed  by  Jdi ne  15,  and  sent  to  watch  the 
outposts.  Already  in  April,  the  State  government 
had  seized  the  military  posts  at  Harper’s  Ferry  and 
Norfolk,  located  on  Virginia’s  soil.  About  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  cannon  were  thus  furnished  to 
Lee.  The  machinery  at  Harper’s  Ferry  for  the 
manufacture  of  arms  and  munitions  was  transplanted 
to  Richmond  and  Fayetteville,  North  Carolina. 
Only  fifty-six  thousand  stand  of  small  arms,  of  in- 
ferior quality,  were  available.  Secretary  Floyd’s 
alleged  removal  of  Federal  cannon  and  muskets 
southward,  had  failed  to  furnish  the  Southern  States 
with  their  just  share  of  serviceable  arms  and  muni- 
tions. With  the  equipment  of  a few  war  vessels 
and  the  construction  of  various  field  works  this  part 
of  Lee’s  task  was  completed. 

The  strictly  defensive  policy  of  the  Confederacy 
prevented  the  effective  protection  of  the  lower  Valley 
of  Virginia.  Upon  that  lion  of  war,  Colonel  T.  J. 
Jackson,  who  was  straining  at  the  leash  and  anxious 
to  make  ready  for  the  maintenance  of  Harper’s 
Ferry  by  planting  heavy  guns  on  Maryland  Heights, 
Lee  laid  mild  restraint  by  suggesting,  May  9,  that 
it  was  not  yet  advisable  to  “ intrude  upon  the 
soil  of  Maryland.”  To  a restless  officer,  May  13, 
he  gave  his  opinion  concerning  the  relation  of  rank 
to  honour:  I do  not  consider  that  either  rank  or 
position  are  necessary  to  bestow  upon  you  honour, 
but  believe  that  you  will  confer  honour  on  the 
position.  ” 

On  June  8,  President  Davis  assumed  the  practi- 


io8 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


cal  management  of  the  great  military  game.  To  his 
wife,  then  at  the  White  House  on  the  Pamunkey, 
Lee  thus  expressed  himself : 

“ You  may  be  aware  that  the  Confederate  Government  is  estab- 
lished here.  Yesterday  I turned  over  to  it  the  command  of  the 
military  and  naval  forces  of  the  State  ...  I do  not  know  what 
my  position  will  be.  I should  like  to  retire  to  private  life,  so  that  I 
could  be  with  you  and  the  children,  but  if  I can  be  of  service  to  the 
State  or  her  cause,  I must  continue.” 

Mrs.  Lee  had  led  her  daughters  in  flight  from 
Arlington,  and  her  stately  mansion  was  occupied  as 
Federal  headquarters  in  Virginia,  May  24.  Fur- 
niture, portraits,  chinaware,  and  other  property, 
brought  as  heirlooms  from  the  house  of  Washing- 
ton, were  left  to  become  the  spoil  of  the  Federal 
soldiery.  Lee’s  words  of  comfort  were  these:  “ I 
grieve  at  the  anxiety  that  drives  you  from  your 
home.  I can  appreciate  your  feelings  on  the  occa- 
sion, and  pray  that  you  may  receive  comfort  and 
strength  in  the  difficulties  that  surround  you. 
When  I reflect  upon  the  calamity  pending  over  the 
country  my  own  sorrows  sink  into  insignificance.” 

Nominally  as  military  adviser  of  President  Davis, 
Lee  remained  in  official  connection  with  the  Con- 
federate Cabinet.  The  war-cloud  was  now  about  to 
burst  in  two  quarters:  in  the  mountains  of  western 
Virginia,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  We 
find  no  record  of  a formal  division  of  executive 
labours,  but,  in  fact,  President  Davis  did  take  entire 
charge  of  the  larger  movements  in  the  Valley  and 
around  Manassas,  while  Lee  busied  himself  with  the 
fortunes  of  the  Confederacy  in  north-western  Vir- 


1362] 


Commanding  Virginia  Forces.  109 

ginia  and  on  the  Chesapeake  Bay.  Lee’s  usual 
term  for  Davis  was,  “ The  commanding  General.” 

At  Philippi,  June  3,  three  thousand  Federal  sol- 
diers surprised  eight  hundred  Confederates  and  put 
them  to  flight.  To  Colonel  Porterfield,  Lee  sent 
swift  words  of  sympathy  concerning  “ the  unfor- 
tunate circumstances  ” with  which  that  Confederate 
officer  had  been  beset.  In  sending  R.  S.  Garnett 
to  supersede  Porterfield,  he  broke  that  news  to  the 
latter  in  the  most  delicate  and  courteous  terms : 


“ It  is  hoped  that  he  [Garnett]  will  soon  reach  the  scene  of  action, 
that  a more  agreeable  state  of  things  will  be  inaugurated,  and  that 
loyal-spirited  citizens  of  the  country  will  be  encouraged  and  enabled 
to  put  down  the  revolution  which  you  mention.  Your  services  will 
be  very  valuable  to  General  Garnett  in  giving  him  information  as  to 
the  state  of  affairs  in  the  country  under  his  command,  and  in  aiding 
him  to  achieve  the  object  of  his  campaign.” 


By  the  first  of  July,  Lee  had  concentrated  beyond 
Beverly  forty-five  hundred  men  under  Garnett.  By 
July  18,  he  had  placed  thirty-eight  hundred  mus- 
kets and  ten  field  guns  under  Henry  A.  Wise  on  the 
Kanawha  below  Charleston.  In  these  operations, 
or  in  some  active  field-work,  Lee  desired  to  share, 
but  was  prevented.  On  June  24,  he  wrote:  “My 
movements  are  very  uncertain,  and  I wish  to  take 
the  field  as  soon  as  certain  arrangements  can  be 
made.” 

Up  into  those  western  mountains  General  Mc- 
Clellan led  twenty  thousand  soldiers  from  Ohio  and 
Indiana,  in  search  of  Garnett’s  band.  In  imitation 
of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  McClellan  issued  a proc- 


I 10 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


11861- 


lamation  from  Grafton,  dated  June  23.  He  heaped 
withering  scorn  upon  the  Confederates.  He  urged 
his  men  forward  to  victory  with  the  cheering  intelli- 
gence: “ Your  enemies  have  violated  every  moral 
law;  neither  God  nor  man  can  sustain  them  ! ” Gar- 
nett stationed  his  men  in  two  detachments  on  Rich 
Mountain  and  Laurel  Hill  in  advance  of  Beverly. 
A flank  movement  enabled  McClellan  to  capture  a 
part  of  Pegram’s  detachment  on  Rich  Mountain 
and  to  cut  off  Garnett  at  Laurel  Hill.  The  pursuit 
beyond  Carrick’s  Ford  resulted  in  the  death  of  the 
brave  Garnett, _ on  July  13. 

McClellan  supposed  that  the  two  fragments  of 
Garnett’s  command  were  two  large  separate  forces, 
and  hence  his  next  proclamation  announced  that 
he  had  “ annihilated  two  armies.”  While  he  was 
glorying  in  the  title  accorded  him  of  the  “ Young 
Napoleon,”  Lee,  on  the  other  hand,  was  bending 
every  energy  to  collect  the  scattered  Confederates, 
and  to  bring  additional  forces  into  the  mountains. 
How  tender  his  sympathy  for  the  defeated,  as  ex- 
pressed to  H.  R.  Jackson,  the  next  officer  sent  to 
command  them:  “ Our  brave  troops  must  bear  up 
against  misfortune.  Reverses  must  happen,  but 
they  ought  only  to  stimulate  us  to  greater  efforts.” 

Before  the  advance  of  J.  D.  Cox  as  far  as  Gauley 
Bridge,  Wise  retreated  entirely  from  the  Kanawha 
Valley,  and  the  trans-Appalachian  regions  seemed 
lost  to  the  Confederacy.  But  before  this,  the  vic- 
tory at  Manassas  brought  great  hope  to  the  South- 
ern people.  In  the  movements  on  the  latter  field, 
Lee  had  no  share.  But  he  was  full  of  eagerness  to 


GENERAL  JOSEPH  E.  JOHNSTON, 


1862] 


Campaign  in  Western  Virginia. 


1 1 1 


join  his  brethren  in  arms.  On  July  12,  he  unbur- 
dened himself  to  his  wife  in  these  terms: 


“ I am  very  anxious  to  get  into  the  field,  but  I am  detained  by 
matters  beyond  my  control.  I have  never  heard  of  the  assignment 
to  which  you  allude — of  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Southern  army— 
nor  have  I any  expectation  nor  wish  for  it.  President  Davis  holds 
that  position.  I have  been  labouring  to  prepare  and  get  into  the  field 
the  Virginia  troops.” 


The  military  game  against  General  Scott  was 
played  by  President  Davis.  Four  of  the  seven 
military  bands  in  Virginia  he  left  to  the  control  of 
General  Lee:  Wise  and  Garnett  in  the  mountains  of 
western  Virginia,  Huger  at  Norfolk,  and  Magrudcr 
at  Yorktown.  Davis  himself  directed  the  move- 
ments of  the  other  three. 

J.  E.  Johnston  was  withdrawn  from  Harper’s 
Ferry  to  Winchester;  his  force  there,  July  I,  was 
eleven  thousand  men  and  twenty  guns.  Later  in 
the  month,  Holmes  was  moved  across  from  Aquia 
on  the  Potomac  to  unite  with  Beauregard  at  Manas- 
sas, and  thus  were  concentrated  behind  the  Bull 
Run,  twenty-two  thousand  men  with  twenty-nine 
guns.  The  railroad  from  Manassas  to  Strasburg 
was  now  to  be  used  in  combining  these  two  armies, 
either  in  the  Valley,  or  at  Manassas,  according  to 
General  Scott’s  choice  of  routes  in  making  the  grand 
Federal  assault.  But  President  Davis  had  no  care- 
fully arranged  plan  for  the  rapid  shifting  of  soldiers 
soon  to  be  necessary,  and  Lee  was  not  ordered  to 
prepare  such  a plan,  although  Beauregard  asked  that 
one  should  be  adopted.  Johnston  and  Beauregard 


I I 2 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


were  left  almost  entirely  to  their  own  devices  in 
mapping  out  a method  of  combination  against  the 
enemy.  This  message  passed  from  Beauregard  to 
Johnston  eight  days  before  the  battle:  “ Oh,  that 
we  had  but  one  good  head  to  conduct  all  our  opera- 
tions! We  are  labouring,  unfortunately,  under  the 
disadvantage  of  having  about  seven  armies  in  the 
field,  under  as  many  independent  commanders, 
which  is  contrary  to  the  first  principles  of  the  art  of 
war.”  As  late  as  July  9,  however,  each  of  these 
officers  was  convinced  that  his  own  position  would 
be  assailed,  and  each  demanded  assistance  from 
the  other. 

July  16,  saw  McDowell  moving  upon  Manassas 
with  thirty  thousand  men;  two  days  later,  Johnston 
eluded  Patterson  in  the  Valley,  and  sped  across 
the  Blue  Ridge  Pass.  On  July  21,  an  army  of 
twenty-nine  thousand  under  Johnston  and  Beaure- 
gard stood  on  the  southern  bank  of  Bull  Run  to 
withstand  the  Federal  advance.  The  miscarriage  of 
an  order  to  Ewell  withheld  the  proposed  movement 
of  the  Confederate  right  wing  across  Bull  Run  and 
against  the  heights  of  Centreville;  the  delay  gave 
McDowell  opportunity  to  throw  his  own  right  over 
the  stream,  and  to  fall  upon  the  Confederate  left 
flank.  It  was  the  eagle  eye  of  General  T.  J.  Jack- 
son  that  found  the  key-point  of  defence  on  the  field 
that  was  well-nigh  lost.  His  brigade  formed  the 
rallying-centre  for  the  Confederate  left ; his  advance 
pierced  the  Federal  centre,  just  as  Kirby  Smith  and 
Early  came  from  afar  to  strike  the  Federal  right 
flank,  and  McDowell  fled  to  Washington.  The  vie- 


1862]  Campaign  in  Western  Virginia.  1 1 3 

tory  thus  won  brought  over-confidence  to  the  South. 
Manassas  was  ultimately  disastrous  by  reason  of  the 
resultant  inactivity  in  the  Confederacy.  No  ad- 
vance across  the  Potomac  was  attempted ; the  poli- 
ticians began  to  discuss  the  possible  successor  of 
President  Davis,  six  years  hence,  and  the  different 
States  made  rival  offers  to  secure  the  position  of 
permanent  capital  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

The  army  at  Manassas  soon  proceeded  to  bat- 
talion drill  and  the  construction  of  log-tents,  while 
Davis,  Johnston,  and  Beauregard  entered  into  a 
three-cornered  discussion  concerning  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  management  of  the  recent  campaign. 

In  Richmond,  General  Lee’s  heart  was  swelling 
with  joy  for  his  country’s  victory.  To  Beauregard, 
three  days  after  the  battle,  he  wrote:  “ I cannot 
express  the  joy  I feel  at  the  brilliant  victory  of  the 
2 1st.  The  skill,  courage,  and  endurance  displayed 
by  yourself  excite  my  highest  admiration.  You 
and  your  troops  have  the  gratitude  of  the  whole 
country.”  To  Johnston,  also,  Lee  wrote:  “ I al- 
most wept  for  joy  at  the  glorious  victory  achieved 
by  our  brave  troops.  The  feeling  of  my  heart  could 
hardly  be  repressed  on  learning  the  brilliant  share 
you  had  in  its  achievement.” 

To  his  wife,  July  27,  he  thus  poured  out  his 
sentiments : 


“ That,  indeed,  was  a glorious  victory  and  has  lightened  the 
pressure  upon  us  amazingly.  Do  not  grieve  for  the  brave  dead,  but 
sorrow  for  those  they  left  behind — friends,  relatives,  and  families. 
The  former  are  at  rest  ; the  latter  must  suffer.  The  battle  will  be 
repeated  there  in  great  force.  I hope  God  will  again  smile  on  us, 
8 


1 14 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


and  strengthen  our  hearts  and  arms.  I wished  to  partake  in  the 
former  struggle  and  am  mortified  at  my  absence.  But  the  President 
thought  it  more  important  that  I should  be  here.  I could  not  have 
done  as  well  as  has  been  done,  but  I could  have  helped  and  taken 
part  in  a struggle  for  my  home  and  neighbourhood.  So  the  work  is 
done,  I care  not  by  whom  it  is  done.  I leave  to-morrow  for  the 
army  in  western  Virginia.” 

Lee  was  definitely  asked  for  an  opinion  in  connec- 
tion with  the  controversy  between  the  two  Generals 
and  the  President.  But  he  would  say  only  this 
(November  24):  “The  successful  combination  of 
the  armies  was  made,  and  the  glorious  victory  of 
July  21  followed.’’ 

August  1,  1861,  dawned  upon  General  Lee  as  he 
rode  through  the  rain  from  Monterey  towards  Hun- 
tersville in  the  mountains  of  western  Virginia.  He 
had  been  placed  in  command  of  all  the  Confederate 
troops  in  this  American  Switzerland  of  steep  ridges 
and  narrow  valleys.  The  magnificence  of  the 
wooded  heights,  in  parallel  lines,  “ covered  with 
the  richest  sward  of  blue-grass  and  white  clover’’ 
caught  the  eye  of  the  soldier  every  hour  of  the 
three  days’  journey.  August  8 found  General 
Lee  at  the  Confederate  outpost  known  as  Valley 
Mountain,  on  the  road  from  Huntersville  to  Hut- 
tonsville.  There  he  enjoyed  the  company  of  his 
son,  Major  W.  H.  F.  Lee,  who  commanded  the 
cavalry  on  that  mountain-top.  Through  the  pour- 
ing rain,  Lee  now  looked  westward  over  the  regions 
sloping  toward  the  Ohio.  In  that  land  of  hills 
and  swift  streams  the  forces  of  the  foe  were  mar- 
shalled under  General  Rosecrans.  By  August  15, 
Rosecrans  had  stretched  a chain  of  fortified  posts 


1862] 


Campaign  in  II  ns  tern  Virginia. 


”5 


parallel  to  the  Ohio,  extending  from  Clarksburg  and 
Weston  through  Bulltown,  Sutton,  and  Summers- 
ville  to  Gauley  Bridge.  At  the  latter  point,  Cox 
had  charge  of  the  Federal  guns  that  were  pointing 
up  the  valleys  of  the  New  River  and  the  Gauley. 
A large  Federal  force  under  Reynolds  had  pushed 
forward  from  Buckhannon  to  hold  Tygart’s  Valley. 
Reynolds  left  reserves  at  Huttonsville,  and  planted 
two  thousand  men  on  Cheat  Mountain,  guarding 
the  Staunton  and  Parkersburg  road,  and  three  thou- 
sand at  Elkwater  on  the  Huntersville  road.  These 
two  posts  were  seven  miles  apart  in  a bee-line  course. 
Meanwhile,  Rosecrans  was  busy  in  recruiting  a 
larger  force  from  these  mountainous  counties  that 
were  soon  afterward  knocking  for  admission  into  the 
Federal  Union  as  the  new  State  of  West  Virginia. 

The  element  of  politics  played  a controlling  part 
in  Lee’s  campaign  in  the  mountains.  Four  briga- 
diers were  subject  to  his  orders.  On  the  Staunton 
turnpike,  in  Camp  Bartow,  facing  Cheat  Mountain, 
were  twenty-five  hundred  muskets  under  H.  R. 
Jackson;  on  the  Huntersville  road,  threatening  Elk- 
water,  were  Loring’s  thirty-five  hundred.  Along 
the  highway  from  Lewisburg  toward  Gauley  Bridge 
and  the  Kanawha  Valley,  marched  John  B.  Floyd 
and  Henry  A.  Wise,  two  former  Governors  of  Vir- 
ginia. They  had  received  military  commands  be- 
cause of  their  political  influence  in  the  western  and 
south-western  parts  of  the  ancient  Commonwealth. 

In  the  closing  days  of  July,  Wise  had  retreated 
from  the  Kanawha  across  the  Alleghanies  to  the 
Greenbrier  River.  Again,  in  August,  Wise  was  sent 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


1 16 


westward  under  Floyd  as  his  superior  in  command. 
Both  were  expected  to  use  their  personal  influence 
in  gathering  recruits,  and  their  swords  in  driving 
Cox  from  Gauley  Bridge.  As  a political  expedient 
the  appointment  of  Floyd  and  Wise  may  have  been 
well  advised ; as  a military  measure,  it  proved  disas- 
trous. An  angry  contention  arose  between  these 
two  brigadiers,  and  a large  part  of  Lee’s  time  was 
spent  in  pouring  oil  upon  troubled  waters  that 
should  have  dashed  their  united  volume  against  the 
enemy. 

Just  as  Lee  at  Valley  Mountain  began  to  spy  out 
Reynolds’s  position,  he  heard  the  first  gun  in  the 
Wise-Floyd  warfare,  in  the  form  of  a message  from 
Wise,  dated  August  7,  asking  “ special  orders, 
separating  the  command  of  General  Floyd  from 
mine.”  This  request  for  distinct  fields  of  operation 
was  the  result  of  the  first  personal  interview  between 
the  two  brigadiers.  In  reply,  Lee  kindly  advised  a 
concentration  of  forces.  August  15  found  Wise 
convinced  by  Floyd’s  orders  that  the  latter  wished 
to  “ mutilate  ” Wise’s  legion  in  order  to  augment 
Floyd’s  brigade ; two  days  later,  Wise  set  himself  in 
bold  opposition  to  Floyd  on  the  ground  that  he  was 
‘‘bound  to  maintain  the  integrity”  of  his  legion. 
From  the  summit  of  Big  Sewell  Mountain,  August 
18,  Wise  declared  the  firm  purpose,  never  to  per- 
mit his  own  subordinate  officers  to  take  orders 
directly  from  Floyd.  The  two  lines  of  riflemen, 
five  thousand  six  hundred  under  Floyd,  and  two 
thousand  two  hundred  under  Wise,  now  moved 
westward  toward  the  Gauley.  To  Wise,  Lee  sent 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  WESTERN  VIRGINIA  IN  1861, 


1862] 


Campaign  in  Western  Virginia. 


ii  7 


a message  appealing  to  “ patriotism  and  zeal  ” in 
rendering  due  obedience  to  his  legal  superior,  Floyd. 

Wise  wrote  to  Lee,  August  24,  as  follows:  “ I 
am  compelled  to  inform  you  expressly  that  every 
order  I have  received  from  General  Floyd,  indicates 
a purpose  to  merge  my  command  in  his  own,  and  to 
destroy  the  distinct  organisation  of  my  legion.” 
Moreover,  Wise  criticised  the  wisdom  of  Floyd’s 
movements,  and  made  this  request:  “ Send  me  any- 
where, so  I am  from  under  the  orders  of  General 
Floyd.”  Two  days  later  Floyd  floated  a force 
across  the  Gauley  at  Carnifex  Ferry,  and  drove 
back  Tyler’s  Ohio  regiment.  This  river  now 
separated  the  two  Confederate  brigadiers.  Since 
all  appointments  were  made  by  the  administration 
in  Richmond,  Lee  felt  constrained  to  limit  the  ex- 
ercise of  his  authority  to  a simple  appeal  “ for  the 
sake  of  the  cause  ” that  there  should  be  no  ‘‘division 
of  sentiment  or  action  ” in  the  Army  of  the  Ka- 
nawha. 

Thus  in  slowness  of  military  movement  did  the 
August  days  wear  themselves  away.  As  Septem- 
ber began  to  tell  off  the  hours,  Rosecrans  was 
marching  with  three  heavy  brigades  from  Clarksburg 
to  bring  assistance  to  Cox.  September  9 found 
Wise  and  Floyd  sending  hot  words  back  and  forth 
across  the  river,  in  a dispute  over  the  ownership  of 
a certain  brass  six-pound  gun.  The  daybreak  of 
September  10  marked  the  advance  of  Rosecrans’s 
column  upon  Floyd  at  Carnifex  Ferry.  Wise  sent 
not  a man  to  aid  the  latter.  But  Floyd’s  men  knew 
how  to  fight ; they  wrapped  their  breastworks  in  a 


1 18 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


flame  of  musketry,  and  the  Federal  assault  was  soon 
rolled  back  with  severe  loss  to  Rosecrans.  But 
unity  of  action  now  seemed  impossible  to  Floyd 
and  Wise.  No  further  advance  was  made  toward 
the  Kanawha;  and  the  two  forces  retired  again 
toward  the  mountain-tops.  Rosecrans  followed  the 
retreating  Confederates,  and  on  September  23  his 
flag  was  planted  on  Big  Sewell  Mountain,  and  his 
supplies  furnished  by  waggons  that  passed  over  a 
road  sixty  miles  in  length.  While  the  Kanawha 
expedition  was  thus  dragging  out  its  course  in  com- 
plete failure  and  permitting  Rosecrans  to  threaten 
the  flank  of  Lee’s  own  columns,  the  latter  was  con- 
fronted by  other  difficulties  on  the  ridges  overhang- 
ing the  head  waters  of  the  Cheat  River. 

Of  the  two  brigadiers  in  this  field,  Loring  out- 
ranked H.  R.  Jackson;  it  was  Loring,  therefore, 
who  had  made  the  preliminary  movements.  At 
Huntersville,  Lee  found  Loring  busied  in  planning 
an  advance  against  the  Federal  forces  under  Rey- 
nolds. The  latter  had  only  a small  body  of  soldiers 
in  the  early  days  of  August,  and  most  of  these  he 
planted  in  a fort  in  the  Cheat  Mountain  Pass,  over- 
looking Cheat  River.  Along  the  Parkersburg  road 
Jackson  was  sent  forward  against  Reynolds.  Lor- 
ing betook  himself  to  Huntersville,  and  there  began 
preparations  to  move  around  the  south-western  end 
of  Cheat  Mountain  to  the  right  and  rear  of  the 
main  Federal  position.  Loring’s  men  were  eager  to 
move;  the  way  to  Huttonsville  and  Beverly  was 
practically  undefended.  Success  depended  upon 
immediate  advance.  But  Loring’s  scheme  de- 


1862] 


Campaign  in  Western  Virginia. 


1 !9 


manded  a transportation  train  with  large  stores  con- 
centrated at  Huntersville  for  the  forty-mile  march 
to  Beverly!  For  seven  days  Lee  awaited  the  com- 
pletion of  Loring’s  battalion  of  waggons.  He  rode 
forward  and  stationed  himself  at  Valley  Mountain; 
while  Federal  reinforcements  were  pouring  into 
Tygart’s  Valley  beyond  him,  he  still  awaited 
anxiously  the  advance  of  Loring.  Loring  had  out- 
ranked Lee  in  the  old  army.  Upon  the  latter 
modesty  and  courtesy  were  so  visibly  stamped,  that 
he  would  not  exercise  his  authority.  Lee  did  not 
assume  formal  command,  nor  would  he  order  Loring 
forward,  so  long  as  Loring  protested  that  he  was  un- 
prepared. The  rain  continued  to  fall;  measles  and 
typhoid  fever  invaded  the  ranks.  Loring’s  army 
soon  became  a multitude  of  sick  and  dying,  en- 
camped in  the  mud.  When  Loring  did  move  his 
waggons  and  his  men  to  Valley  Mountain  the  enemy 
outnumbered  the  Confederates  on  both  roads,  and 
were  strongly  fortified  in  the  valley  at  Elkwater  and 
on  the  central  ridge  of  Cheat  Mountain.  The  hour 
for  an  opportune  flank  attack  had  passed.  Lee  was 
now  in  charge  of  two  small  columns  which  must 
drive  superior  forces  out  of  mountain  strongholds, 
or  retire.  When  this  task  fell  upon  him,  he  was  at 
the  same  time  bearing  the  burden  of  anxiety  con- 
cerning the  soldiers  led  by  the  quarrelling  brigadiers 
on  the  Kanawha  turnpike.  It  was  not  encouraging, 
just  as  he  pressed  forward  to  feel  the  position  of 
Reynolds,  to  receive  from  Wise  this  message,  writ- 
ten September  5 : “ Let  us  [Floyd  and  Wise] 
divide  the  balance  of  State  forces,  and  then  let  us 


I 20 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


part  in  peace.  I feel,  if  we  remain  together,  we  will 
unite  in  more  wars  than  one.” 

It  was  determined  to  attack,  simultaneously,  the 
two  Federal  fortifications.  Eastward  from  Hut- 
tonsville  the  Cheat  Mountain  lifts  itself  in  three 
parallel  ridges,  and  upon  the  second  or  central 
height,  Reynolds  had  placed  about  two  thousand 
men  behind  the  walls  of  a log  fort.  At  Elkwater  he 
had  three  thousand  men  behind  breastworks,  while 
five  thousand  waited  at  Huttonsville  to  bring  suc- 
cour to  either  outpost.  Colonel  Rust,  of  H.  R. 
Jackson’s  band,  reconnoitered  the  Federal  fortress 
on  the  Cheat  Mountain,  and  declared  his  ability  to 
flank  the  post  and  capture  it.  Upon  this  represent- 
ation, Lee  decided  to  make  the  double  assault  on 
the  mountain-top  and  at  Elkwater.  The  march  was 
to  begin  under  cover  of  darkness,  and  the  blows 
were  to  fall  in  the  early  morning  twilight  of  Sep- 
tember 12. 

From  Jackson’s  column  of  twenty-five  hundred, 
the  two  regiments  of  Taliaferro  and  Fulkerson  were 
assigned  to  Rust  for  the  flank  attack  on  the  (Fed- 
eral) right  and  rear  of  the  Cheat  Mountain  fortress. 
Jackson  was  ordered  to  lead  the  rest  of  his  men 
boldly  in  front  along  the  turnpike  against  this  post. 

From  Loring’s  column  of  thirty-five  hundred, 
three  regiments  under  S.  R.  Anderson  were  ordered 
to  gain  the  roadway  between  the  Cheat  Mountain 
fort  and  Huttonsville,  and  likewise  keep  in  touch 
with  the  two  flanking  regiments  under  Rust.  Two 
regiments  under  Donaldson  were  to  seek  the  (Fed- 
eral) left  and  rear  of  the  Elkwater  works,  and  hold 


1862] 


Campaign  in  Western  Virginia. 


I 2 I 


the  roadway  in  their  rear.  The  remainder  under 
Loring  were  to  move  forward  along  the  highway 
against  Elkwater.  The  troops  were  to  move  in 
silence  during  the  night,  and  Loring’s  bands  were  to 
await,  as  the  signal  for  attack,  the  guns  of  Rust’s 
regiments  on  the  mountain  ridge.  To  encourage 
the  troops,  Lee  published  the  following  order: 


“ The  forward  movement  . . . gives  the  General  commanding 

the  opportunity  of  exhorting  the  troops  to  keep  steadily  in  view  the 
great  principles  for  which  they  contend,  and  to  manifest  to  the  world 
their  determination  to  maintain  them.  The  eyes  of  the  country  are 
upon  you.  The  safety  of  your  homes  and  the  lives  of  all  you  hold 
dear,  depend  upon  your  courage  and  exertions.  Let  each  man  re- 
solve to  be  victorious,  and  that  the  right  of  self-government,  liberty, 
and  peace  shall  in  him  find  a defender.  The  progress  of  this  army 
must  be  forward.” 

The  initial  steps  in  the  movement  were  completed 
with  great  spirit.  Through  the  heavy  rain  and  the 
darkness,  marching  partly  in  Cheat  River  itself  and 
then  through  the  dense  forest,  over  boulders  and 
up  steep  ascents,  the  soldiers  hurried  with  noiseless 
tread.  The  dawn  found  each  column  at  the  ap- 
pointed place.  Anderson  and  Donaldson  reached 
the  rear  of  the  two  Federal  positions;  Loring  and 
Jackson  advanced  to  threaten  each  position  in  front. 
Rust  succeeded  in  placing  his  band  to  the  (Federal) 
right  and  rear  of  the  mountain  intrenchment.  Mus- 
kets were  loaded  and  bayonets  fixed  for  the  assault. 
But  the  signal  sounded  not. 

Unfortunately,  Rust  captured  some  pickets,  who 
made  him  believe  that  five  thousand  Federal  troops 
were  fortified  on  the  mountain  summit  awaiting  his 


122 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


onset.  As  the  morning  dawned,  he  saw  before  him 
heavy  abatis  and,  beyond  these,  intrenchments, 
and,  within  the  intrenchments,  he  saw  the  soldiers 
with  ready  guns.  He  gave  no  signal  except  the 
signal  to  retreat.  The  other  columns  grew  impa- 
tient and  strained  their  ears  to  catch  the  sound  of 
the  musketry-fire  on  the  ridge.  Rust  withdrew  and 
acknowledged  his  failure;  two  days  later  all  the 
bands  were  withdrawn  to  their  former  camping- 
places.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  widely  separated 
bodies  of  soldiery  usually  fail  to  make  simultaneous 
attacks.  In  this  case,  the  movement  under  Lee’s 
own  eye  at  Elkwater  was  a complete  success— but 
no  communication  was  possible  between  the  wings 
of  his  army.  In  an  order  of  September  14,  Lee 
spoke  of  the  movement  as  a forced  reconnais- 
ance,”  and  commended  “ the  cheerfulness  and 
alacrity  displayed  by  the  troops  in  this  arduous 
operation. 

Lee  had  no  words  of  blame  to  lay  upon  his  sub- 
ordinates. To  his  wife  he  wrote:  “ I cannot  tell 
you  my  regret  and  mortification  at  the  untoward 
events  that  caused  the  failure  of  the  plan.  I had 
taken  every  precaution  to  insure  success,  and 
counted  on  it;  but  the  Ruler  of  the  Universe  willed 
otherwise,  and  sent  a storm  to  disconcert  the  well- 
laid  plan.” 

To  Governor  Letcher  he  thus  expressed  himself : 

“ I was  very  sanguine  of  taking  the  enemy’s  works  on  last  Thurs- 
day morning.  I had  considered  the  subject  well.  With  great  effort 
the  troops  intended  for  the  surprise  had  reached  their  destination, 
having  traversed  twenty  miles  of  steep,  rugged  mountain-paths,  and 


1862] 


Campaign  in  Western  Virginia. 


1 2 


the  last  day  through  a terrible  storm,  which  lasted  all  night,  and  in 
which  they  had  to  stand  drenched  to  the  skin  in  the  cold  rain.  Still, 
their  spirits  were  good.  When  the  morning  broke,  I could  see  the 
enemy’s  tents  on  [Tygart’s]  Valley  River  at  the  point  on  the  Iluttons- 
ville  road  just  below  me.  It  was  a tempting  sight.  We  waited  for 
the  attack  on  Cheat  Mountain  which  was  to  be  the  signal,  till  io 
A.M.  ; the  men  [Federals]  were  cleaning  their  unserviceable  arms. 
But  the  signal  did  not  come.  All  chance  for  surprise  was  gone. 
The  provisions  of  the  men  had  been  destroyed  the  preceding  day  by 
the  storm.  They  had  nothing  to  eat  that  morning,  could  not  hold 
out  another  day  and  were  obliged  to  be  withdrawn.  The  party  sent 
to  Cheat  Mountain  to  take  that  in  the  rear  had  also  to  be  withdrawn. 
The  attack  to  come  off  from  the  east  side  failed  from  the  difficulties 
in  the  way  ; the  opportunity  was  lost  and  our  plan  discovered. 

“ It  is  a grievous  disappointment  to  me,  I assure  you.  But  for 
the  rain-storm  I have  no  doubt  it  would  have  succeeded.  This, 
Governor,  is  for  your  own  eyes.  Please  do  not  speak  of  it.  We 
must  try  again.  Our  greatest  loss  is  the  death  of  my  dear  friend, 
Colonel  [John  A.]  Washington  . . . Our  greatest  difficulty  is 

the  roads.  It  has  been  raining  in  these  mountains  about  six  weeks. 
It  is  impossible  to  get  along.  It  is  that  which  has  paralysed  all  our 
efforts.” 

Time  was  not  given  Lee  to  devise  another  plan 
against  Reynolds.  He  was  compelled  to  bring  a 
portion  of  Loring’s  command  to  aid  Floyd  and 
Wise  in  checking  the  advance  of  Rosecrans  toward 
Lewisburg.  The  two  retreating  columns  of  Con- 
federates he  succeeded  in  concentrating  in  a forti- 
fied position  on  Big  Sewell  Mountain.  With  the 
addition  of  Loring’s  troops,  Lee  had  now  about 
eight  thousand  men.  Upon  a parallel  ridge  one 
mile  distant,  Rosecrans  was  established  behind  stout 
breastworks,  with  probably  a larger  force  than  that 
of  Lee.  Each  commander  waited  for  the  other  to 
attack.  Before  September  closed,  an  order  from 
Richmond  relieved  Wise  of  his  command. 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


I 24 

In  the  midst  of  great  labours  and  still  greater 
anxieties,  Lee  had  time  to  cherish  great  sympathy 
for  the  suffering  soldiers.  He  wrote  to  his  wife: 
“We  are  without  tents,  and  for  two  nights  I have 
lain  buttoned  up  in  my  overcoat.  To-day  my  tent 
came  up,  and  I am  in  it,  yet  I fear  I shall  not 
sleep  for  thinking  of  the  poor  men.’’  Until  Oc- 
tober 6,  both  armies  continued  to  look  defiance 
at  each  other  across  the  narrow  valley.  It  was 
clear  to  see  that  the  attacking  party,  from  either 
side,  would  probably  be  defeated.  During  the 
night  of  October  6,  Rosecrans  retreated  toward 
the  Kanawha.  Lee  was  not  adequately  equipped 
for  pursuit.  Three  days  before  this,  on  October 
3,  Reynolds  had  led  five  thousand  men  from 
Cheat  Mountain  to  test  the  strength  of  H.  R. 
Jackson’s  eighteen  hundred  posted  on  the  banks  of 
the  Greenbrier.  The  latter  played  a gallant  part, 
and  hurled  back  every  assault  until  Reynolds  was 
glad  to  retire.  On  October  7,  Lee  wrote  as  fol- 
lows to  his  wife : 

“ I am  sorry,  as  you  say,  that  the  movements  of  our  armies  cannot 
keep  pace  with  the  expectations  of  the  editors  of  the  papers.  I know 
they  can  regulate  matters  satisfactory  to  themselves  on  paper.  I 
wish  they  could  do  so  in  the  field.  No  one  wishes  them  more  suc- 
cess than  I do,  and  would  be  happy  to  see  them  have  full  swing. 
General  Floyd  has  three  editors  on  his  staff.  I hope  something  will 
be  done  to  please  them.” 

The  approach  of  winter  closed  the  campaign,  and 
left  the  Federal  forces  in  possession  of  the  western 
slopes  of  Virginia.  They  had  failed  to  pass  the 
summit  of  the  Alleghanies.  The  golden  moments 


1862] 


Atlantic  Coast  Defenses. 


J25 


of  autumn,  however,  had  passed  away,  and  the 
Confederacy  had  wasted  time  and  men  in  a vain 
attempt  to  defend  the  Kanawha  Valley  and  adjacent 
regions.  The  point  open  to  attack  and  offering 
fruitful  results  to  a strong  invading  force  was  the 
State  of  Maryland.  But  the  Confederate  Adminis- 
tration let  slip  the  opportunity.  While  Lee  was 
attempting  to  maintain  the  Confederate  flag  in  the 
midst  of  the  bleak  regions  that  slope  toward  the 
Ohio  River,  Federal  troops  and  munitions  were 
pouring  into  Washington,  and  the  spring  of  1862 
found  that  city  completely  fortified  against  attack. 

Gallant  and  obedient  to  his  superiors,  and  modest 
as  to  his  own  abilities,  Lee  had  done  his  best  to 
carry  out  the  orders  given  him.  Failure  had  been 
the  result,  chiefly  because  the  campaign  in  that 
quarter  was  ill-advised  from  the  beginning,  and  be- 
cause the  inefficiency  of  some  of  the  brigadiers  had 
foredoomed  every  plan  before  Lee  assumed  active 
control.  In  perfect  silence,  however,  Lee  bore  the 
blame  which  public  clamour  laid  upon  him  for  de- 
feat, and  not  one  word  of  criticism  fell  from  his  lips 
nor  from  his  pen  concerning  his  superiors  or  his 
subordinates  in  office. 

During  the  autumn  of  1861,  the  Federal  Admin- 
istration was  gathering  at  Washington  a vast  arma- 
ment of  land  and  naval  forces  to  be  sent  against 
Virginia  and  the  other  Atlantic  States  of  the  Con- 
federacy. President  Lincoln  had  proclaimed  a 
blockade  of  all  the  Southern  ports,  and  now  sought 
to  enforce  it  by  sending  expeditions  against  the 
forts  and  batteries  planted  at  the  water’s  edge 


126 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


along  the  coasts  of  the  Carolinas,  Georgia,  and 
Florida. 

The  cannon  of  the  Confederates  were  of  small 
calibre,  and  could  make  only  a feeble  defence 
against  heavy  naval  guns.  August  28  saw  the 
reduction  of  the  Confederate  forts  guarding  Hat- 
teras  Inlet.  The  broad  waters  of  Pamlico  Sound, 
formerly  the  refuge  of  blockade-runners,  were  thus 
opened  to  the  Federal  war-vessels.  The  chain  of 
islands  along  the  coast  of  each  State  could,  very  evi- 
dently, not  be  held  by  means  of  light  shore-batteries 
against  the  Federal  men-of-war.  General  Lee  was 
sent  to  render  more  efficient  the  defences  of  the 
entire  Southern  seaboard. 

On  the  evening  of  November  7,  as  Lee  drew 
near  the  entrance  to  Port  Royal  Harbour  he  was 
met  by  the  intelligence  that  the  Federal  fleet  during 
the  day  had  passed  the  Confederate  batteries.  Lee 
looked  anxiously  about  for  men  and  weapons  to  offer 
resistance.  There  were  neither  batteries  nor  guns  in 
front  of  Beaufort;  only  three  thousand  soldiers  were 
available  to  meet  the  thirteen  thousand  men  set 
ashore  on  Hilton  Head.  The  Federal  vessels  now 
held  the  key  of  inland  navigation,  commanded  all  the 
islands  between  Charleston  and  Savannah,  threat- 
ened the  connecting  railway,  and  menaced  those 
two  great  cities  themselves.  Two  days  after  reach- 
ing his  field,  Lee  made  this  report: 

“ The  enemy,  having  complete  possession  of  the  water  and  inland 
navigation,  commands  all  the  islands  on  this  coast,  and  threatens 
both  Savannah  and  Charleston  and  can  come  in  his  boats  within  four 
miles  of  this  place  [Coosawhatchie],  His  sloops  of  war  and  large 


1862] 


Atlantic  Coast  Defenses. 


127 


steamers  can  come  up  Broad  River  to  Mackay’s  Point,  the  mouth  of 
the  Pocotaligo,  and  his  gunboats  can  ascend  some  distance  up  the 
Coosawhatchie  and  Tulifiny.  We  have  no  guns  that  can  resist  their 
batteries  and  have  no  resource  but  to  prepare  to  meet  them  in  the 
field.” 


Lee’s  call  for  men  was  heard  by  the  Carolinians 
and  Georgians.  But  arms  there  were  none.  No- 
vember 13  brought  the  steamer  Fingal  through 
the  blockade  with  the  ten  thousand  Enfield  rifles 
ordered  from  England  by  President  Davis.  Four 
rifled  cannon  likewise  came  aboard  the  runner. 
Only  half  of  these  were  assigned  to  Lee;  the  other 
half  went  to  the  Tennessee  army  under  A.  S. 
Johnston,  although  the  Governors  of  Florida,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia  clamoured  for  a share. 

By  November  21  Lee  had  glanced  along  the 
coast  as  far  south  as  Fernandina,  and  he  was  now 
ready  with  the  general  plan  of  defence:  “ The  en- 
trance to  Cumberland  Sound  and  Brunswick,  and 
the  water  approaches  to  Savannah  and  Charleston, 
are  the  only  points  which  it  is  proposed  to  defend.” 
While  engrossed  in  these  larger  cares,  Lee  could 
yet  find  time,  as  he  always  did  find  time,  to  con- 
sider more  trivial  matters  affecting  the  interests  of 
the  citizens.  On  the  same  day  when  he  reported  to 
Richmond  his  scheme  for  defending  the  entire 
coast,  he  caused  the  issue  of  the  order  forbidding 
” the  evil  practice  of  tearing  down  fences  and  other 
private  property  for  firewood  and  other  purposes. 
. . . The  General  hopes  that  it  will  only  be  neces- 
sary to  remind  the  troops  that  they  are  citizens  as 
well  as  soldiers.” 


128 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


In  a private  letter  he  said  of  the  existing  means 
of  defence  along  the  coast:  “ They  are  poor  indeed, 
and  I have  laid  off  work  to  employ  our  people  a 
month.  I hope  our  enemy  will  be  polite  enough  to 
wait  for  us.  It  is  difficult  to  get  our  people  to 
realise  their  position.” 

The  skill  of  Lee  had  blocked  the  further  encroach- 
ment of  the  hostile  fleet.  November  24,  five  Fed- 
eral vessels  crossed  Savannah  Bar,  and  Tybee  Island 
was  occupied.  Lee,  however,  had  strengthened 
Forts  Pulaski  and  Jackson,  and  Savannah  was  safe. 

As  December  came  on,  the  P'ederal  fleet  increased 
in  numbers.  The  twelfth  day  of  the  month  saw 
eighty  prows  in  Port  Royal  Harbour.  Slowly 
were  heavy  guns  added  to  the  Confederate  equip- 
ment. The  land  force  was  strengthened  as  fast 
as  arms  and  munitions  could  be  procured.  So 
strong  by  this  time  were  the  harbour  defences  of 
Charleston,  that  no  effort  was  made  to  capture  the 
city.  On  the  contrary,  the  Federal  fleet  sought  to 
do  the  city  permanent  injury  by  attempting  to  close 
up  the  ship-channel,  an  act  certainly  not  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  of  nations.  At  this  the  spirit  of 
Lee  blazed  out : 

“ It  has  been  reported  to  me  by  General  Ripley  that  the  enemy 
brought  his  stone  fleet  to  the  entrance  of  Charleston  Harbour  to-day 
[December  20],  and  sunk  between  thirteen  and  seventeen  vessels 
in  the  main  ship  channel.  The  North  Channel  and  Maffit’s  Channel 
are  still  open.  This  achievement,  so  unworthy  any  nation,  is  the 
abortive  expression  of  the  malice  and  revenge  of  a people  which  it 
wishes  to  perpetuate  by  rendering  more  memorable  a day  hateful  in 
their  calendar  [secession  of  South  Carolina],  It  is  also  indicative  of 
their  despair  of  ever  capturing  a city  they  design  to  ruin,  for  they  can 


MARY  RANDOLPH  CUSTIS, 

l EAT-GRAND  DAUGHTER  OF  MARTHA  DANDRIDGE  (cUSTIs)  WASHINGTON,  AND  WIFE  OF  ROBERT  E.  LEE. 


1862[ 


Atlantic  Coast  Defenses. 


129 


never  expect  to  possess  what  they  labour  so  hard  to  reduce  to  a con- 
dition not  to  be  enjoyed.  I think,  therefore,  it  is  certain  that  an 
attack  on  the  city  of  Charleston  is  not  contemplated,  and  we  must  en- 
deavour to  be  prepared  against  assaults  elsewhere  on  the  Southern 
Coast.” 

From  this  matter  he  turned  away  to  make  sug- 
gestion to  the  South  Carolina  Convention  to  replace 
the  twelve-months  men  by  soldiers  enlisted  for  the 
war.  “ The  Confederate  States,”  he  wrote,  “ have 
now  but  one  great  object  in  view,  the  successful 
issue  of  their  war  for  independence.  Everything 
worth  their  possessing  depends  on  that.  Every- 
thing should  yield  to  its  accomplishment.”  The 
following  letter  of  this  period  gives  further  expres- 
sion of  opinion : 

“ Among  the  calamities  of  war,  the  hardest  to  bear,  perhaps,  is 
the  separation  of  families  and  friends.  Yet  all  must  be  endured  to 
accomplish  our  independence,  and  maintain  our  self-government. 
. . . Your  old  home  [Arlington],  if  not  destroyed  by  our  enemies, 

has  been  so  desecrated  that  I cannot  bear  to  think  of  it.  I should 
have  preferred  it  to  have  been  wiped  from  the  earth,  its  beautiful  hill 
sunk,  and  its  sacred  trees  buried,  rather  than  to  have  been  degraded 
by  the  presence  of  those  who  revel  in  the  ill  they  do  for  their  own 
selfish  purposes.  You  see  what  a poor  sinner  I am,  and  how  un- 
worthy to  possess  what  has  been  given  me  ; for  that  reason  it  has 
been  taken  away.  I pray  for  a better  spirit,  and  that  the  hearts  of 
our  enemies  may  be  changed.” 

Concerning  Arlington,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  his 
wife,  December  25  : 

“ They  cannot  take  away  the  remembrances  of  the  spot  and  the 
memories  of  those  that  to  us  rendered  it  sacred.  That  will  remain 
to  us  as  long  as  life  will  last,  and  that  we  can  preserve.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  a home,  I wish  I could  purchase  Stratford.  It  is  the  only 


130 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1861- 


place  I could  go  to  now  acceptable  to  us,  that  would  inspire  me  with 
pleasure  and  local  love.  You  and  the  girls  could  remain  there  in 
quiet.  It  is  a poor  place,  but  we  could  make  enough  corn-bread  and 
bacon  for  our  support  and  the  girls  could  weave  us  clothes.” 

A month  before,  his  thoughts  had  been  carried 
back  to  his  birthplace,  as  the  following  indicates: 


“ It  [Stratford]  is  endeared  to  me  by  many  recollections  and  it  has 
always  been  the  desire  of  my  life  to  be  able  to  purchase  it.  Now 
that  we  have  no  other  home,  and  the  one  we  so  loved  has  been  for- 
ever desecrated,  that  desire  is  stronger  with  me  than  ever.  The 
horse-chestnut  you  mention  in  the  garden  was  planted  by  my  mother. 
I am  sorry  the  vault  is  so  dilapidated.  You  do  not  mention  the 
spring,  one  of  the  objects  of  my  earliest  recollections.  How  my 
heart  goes  back  to  those  happy  days.” 

A visit  to  Cumberland  Island  on  the  coast  gave 
him  the  first  sight  of  his  father’s  tomb:  “ The  gar- 
den was  beautifully  enclosed  by  the  finest  hedge  of 
wild  olive  I have  ever  seen.”  As  the  Federal  fleets 
began  to  make  attack,  he  said:  “ The  contest  must 
be  long,  and  the  whole  country  has  to  go  through 
much  suffering.” 

In  the  midst  of  multiplied  labours  and  anxieties, 
there  was  restiveness,  and,  perhaps,  jealousy  among 
some  of  his  subordinate  officers.  Yet  Lee  preserved 
his  calm,  dignified  bearing  throughout,  so  that  Gov- 
ernor Pickens  was  led  to  say,  “ General  Lee  is  a 
perfect  head,  quiet  and  retiring.  His  reserve  is 
construed  disadvantageously. 

Early  in  February  the  Federal  movements  were 
more  aggressive.  Burnside  passed  inside  Pamlico 
Sound  with  a fleet  and  an  army  of  twelve  thousand, 
and  captured  Roanoke  Island.  New  Berne  was  in 


1862]  Atlantic  Coast  Defenses.  13 1 

their  hands  by  the  14th,  and  Fort  Macon  by  the 
26th.  On  February  11  a Federal  force  was  estab- 
lished on  Edisto  Island.  But  the  mainland  was  not 
reached  in  any  vital  point.  Success  had  crowned 
Lee’s  policy  of  “ abandoning  all  exposed  points  as 
far  as  possible  within  reach  of  the  enemy’s  fleet  of 
gunboats,  and  of  taking  interior  positions  where  we 
can  meet  on  more  equal  terms.” 

With  an  utterly  inadequate  force  and  poor  equip- 
ments, Lee  had  neutralised  the  operations  of  a large 
Federal  armament  on  land  and  sea.  His  works  con- 
tinued to  stand  the  test  of  every  assault.  His  inner 
lines  were  never  shaken.  But  now  the  cloud  of 
war  was  growing  dark  around  Richmond,  and  a 
hasty  message  from  President  Davis,  March  2, 
hurried  him  back  to  Virginia.  On  March  13,  1862, 
to  General  Lee  was  assigned  the  task  of  superintend- 
ing, under  the  direction  of  President  Davis,  all  mili- 
tary operations  connected  with  the  defence  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  PENINSULAR  CAMPAIGN — LEE  IN  COMMAND 
OF  THE  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA — THE 
SEVEN  DAYS’  BATTLES  IN  DEFENCE  OF  RICH- 
MOND. 

1862. 

HE  day  that  saw  General  Lee’s  as- 
sumption of  authority  over  all  the 
forces  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
marked  also  the  final  adoption  of 
General  McClellan’s  plan  for  the 
capture  of  Richmond.  March  13,  1862,  while  Lee 
was  casting  his  first  official  glance  over  the  en- 
tire field  of  war,  McClellan  was  holding  a council  at 
Fairfax  Court-House  with  the  corps-commanders  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  These  officers  ratified 
the  Federal  leader’s  plan  to  menace  the  Confederate 
capital  with  a land  and  naval  force  moving  from 
Fort  Monroe  as  a base,  through  Yorktown  and  West 
Point  as  the  line  of  operations.  McClellan’s  well- 
drilled  host  of  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men 
was  to  be  transferred  by  water  from  Alexandria  to 
Fort  Monroe.  From  the  latter  point  the  army  was 
to  force  passage  up  the  Peninsula  between  the 


132 


1862]  The  Peninsular  Campaign.  133 

James  and  the  York.  The  Federal  fleet  was  ex- 
pected to  sail  past  the  Confederate  defences  at 
Yorktown,  and  bring  supplies  up  the  York  River  to 
furnish  the  land  force  as  it  advanced  on  Richmond 
from  West  Point. 

In  the  forts  around  Washington,  McClellan  pro- 
posed to  leave  eighteen  thousand  men  under  Wads- 
worth ; about  seven  thousand  were  to  plunge  through 
the  mud  as  far  as  Manassas,  and  over  thirty-five 
thousand  under  Banks  were  to  cross  the  Potomac 
and  hold  Winchester.  On  the  southern  branch  of 
the  Potomac  in  western  Virginia  were  massed  the 
fragments  of  the  army  of  Rosecrans,  soon  after- 
wards increased  to  sixteen  thousand  six  hundred 
men,  and  placed  under  the  direction  of  Fremont. 
On  the  Gauley  River  were  eight  thousand  Federal 
soldiers  commanded  by  Cox;  some  reserves  under 
arms  in  Pennsylvania  were  directed  to  march  to 
Manassas.  These  different  bands  of  armed  men, 
with  complete  equipments  and  vast  stores  of  sup- 
plies, received  orders  to  press  toward  the  city  of 
Richmond  from  three  points  of  the  compass. 

The  prospects  of  the  Confederacy  in  March,  1862, 
were  overcast  with  clouds.  Roanoke  Island  and 
New  Berne  had  just  fallen,  and  twelve  thousand 
men  under  Burnside  were  on  the  soil  of  North  Caro- 
lina; Fort  Pulaski,  defending  Savannah,  was  threat- 
ened. The  coasts  of  Florida  were  lost.  Farragut 
with  his  men-of-war  was  approaching  the  Lower 
Mississippi  and  New  Orleans.  In  February,  Forts 
Henry-  and  Donelson  had  surrendered,  and  along 
with  them  passed  the  military  control  of  Kentucky 


134 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


and  a part  of  Tennessee;  Nashville  and  Island  No. 
io,  soon  likewise  became  Federal  spoil.  The  Con- 
federacy was  surrounded  by  a wall  of  fire.  Every 
point  was  assailed  by  strong  forces.  The  devoted 
men  of  the  South  stood  at  bay  at  the  threshold  of 
nearly  every  State. 

To  meet  McClellan’s  multitude  in  Virginia,  Lee 
could  muster  only  a few  scattered  bands.  Magruder 
held  the  lower  Peninsula  with  eleven  thousand  mus- 
kets. Huger  was  on  guard  at  Norfolk  with  some 
heavy  guns  and  seven  thousand  infantry.  In 
Hampton  Roads  were  the  Confederate  ironclad, 
Merrimac,  and  the  Federal  ironclad,  Monitor.  Since 
the  struggle  of  March  8,  these  two  naval  giants 
had  been  glaring  at  each  other,  neither  of  them 
confident  of  victory ; but  the  Merrimac  held  the 
Monitor  and  the  Federal  fleet  at  bay,  and  the 
James  River  was  safe  as  yet  from  hostile  prows. 
Johnston  had  withdrawn  from  Manassas  his  army  of 
about  forty-seven  thousand  behind  the  Rappahan- 
nock and  Rapidan.  Holmes  commanded  a brigade 
of  two  thousand  at  Fredericksburg.  Edward  John- 
son near  Staunton  had  thirty-five  hundred,  and 
Stonewall  Jackson  was  watching  Winchester  with 
five  thousand  men.  Lee  could  marshal  only  about 
seventy-five  thousand  men  along  the  line  of  defence 
threatened  by  the  Federal  force  of  two  hundred 
thousand. 

Thus  far  in  Virginia,  however,  the  prestige  of 
success  had  remained  with  the  small  battalions. 
The  Federal  retreat  from  Manassas  in  July,  1861, 
had  been  followed  by  the  disaster  at  Ball’s  Bluff  on 


1862] 


The  Peninsular  Campaign. 


135 


the  Potomac,  wherein  Evans,  the  Confederate  hero 
of  the  Stone  Bridge  visited  destruction  upon  a 
strong  Federal  column  under  Baker,  Senator  from 
Oregon.  Moreover,  J.  E.  Johnston’s  army  of  less 
than  fifty  thousand  on  the  plains  of  Manassas  was 
supposed  by  McClellan  to  be  a host  more  than 
double  that  number,  and  during  the  long  winter 
weeks  kept  the  Federal  Administration  in  con- 
stant fear  of  the  capture  of  Washington.  President 
Lincoln  desired  to  celebrate  Washington’s  Birthday 
by  a general  advance  and  ordered  all  his  armies 
forward  on  that  day.  But  February  22  dawned 
and  closed  upon  his  inactive  regiments.  With  re- 
doubled energy,  again  the  cry  was  raised,  “ On  to 
Richmond,”  and  the  closing  days  of  March  saw  the 
Federal  brigades  floating  down  the  Potomac  to  gain 
a foothold  at  Fort  Monroe. 

Lee  found  the  Confederate  army  organised  into 
separate  divisons,  and  at  once  began  the  work  of 
securing  arms  and  supplies,  and  of  concentrating 
his  forces  to  meet  threatened  assaults.  We  find 
him  writing  in  one  direction  to  quiet  the  mur- 
murings  among  a group  of  captains  in  garrison : 
“ This  is  not  a time  to  squabble  about  rank;  every 
one  must  work,  and  do  what  he  can  to  promote  the 
cause.”  In  another  direction  he  was  compelled  to 
deny  a request  for  artillery  because  there  were  no 
guns  available,  and,  moreover,  organised  companies 

all  through  the  Confederacy  ” were  waiting  to  be 
supplied. 

The  twenty-first  day  of  March  brought  some  reve- 
lation of  McClellan’s  plan  of  operation.  Magruder 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


136 

reported  the  landing  of  large  bodies  of  Federal 
troops  at  Fort  Monroe,  and  asked  for  thirty  thous- 
and men  to  withstand  their  advance.  Lee  then 
began  to  fortify  the  water-approach  to  Richmond  by 
obstructions  in  the  James  and  batteries  at  Drewry’s 
Bluff;  at  the  same  time  he  called  back  the  troops 
from  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock  to  Richmond. 
The  daring  attack  of  Stonewall  Jackson  against 
Shields  at  Kernstown,  March  23,  put  a new  face 
upon  affairs  in  northern  Virginia.  Banks  had  sent 
one  division  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge  to  take  posses- 
sion of  Manassas  and  rebuild  the  railroad ; the 
division  of  Shields  he  retained  at  Winchester.  With 
three  thousand  men  Jackson  assaulted  the  seven 
thousand  of  Shields;  during  three  hours  the  scale  of 
battle  wavered,  and  in  the  gathering  darkness  Jack- 
son  withdrew  from  the  field.  He  maintained  ever 
afterward  that  the  result  would  have  been  a Con- 
federate victory  if  Garnett  had  not  retired  his 
brigade  when  their  ammunition  failed.  But  the  re- 
sults of  Jackson’s  attack  were  of  great  value  to  the 
Confederacy.  The  other  forces  of  Banks  were  hast- 
ened westward  from  Manassas  and  also  up  the 
valley  from  the  Potomac  to  Winchester.  Moreover, 
the  Federal  Administration  began  at  once  with 
anxious  care  to  count  the  soldiers  in  the  defences  of 
Washington,  and  Blenker’s  division  of  ten  thousand 
men  brought  additional  trouble  by  failing  to  find 
the  direct  route  to  the  Valley  of  Virginia.  In  the 
face  of  increasing  foes,  Jackson  suggested  the  idea 
underlying  his  subsequent  Valley  campaign.  On 
April  5,  he  wrote  this:  “If  Banks  is  defeated, 


1862] 


The  Peninsular  Campaign. 


137 


it  may  greatly  retard  McClellan’s  movements.” 
“ Stonewall  ” sheltered  his  little  band  in  the  Swift 
Run  Pass,  and  established  communication  across  the 
Blue  Ridge  with  Ewell  at  Gordonsville. 

The  early  morning  of  April  4 found  McClellan 
directing  two  columns  from  Fort  Monroe  against 
Magruder.  The  latter  had  six  thousand  men  for 
the  defence  of  Mulberry  Island  and  Yorktown,  and 
in  addition  he  had  arrayed  five  thousand  between 
these  two  points  in  breastworks  behind  the  Warwick 
River.  To  force  a passage  toward  Richmond,  Mc- 
Clellan’s scheme  was  as  follows:  A column  of 
assault  under  Heintzelman  was  to  move  against 
Yorktown;  a column  of  advance  under  Keyes  was 
to  brush  aside  Magruder’s  infantry  and  press  up 
the  Peninsula;  the  Federal  navy  was  to  co-operate 
in  the  demolition  of  Yorktown,  and  McDowell’s 
corps  was  to  sail  up  the  York  to  some  point  offering 
a favorable  flank  movement  on  the  Confederate 
Capital.  First  among  the  disappointments  met  by 
McClellan  was  the  information  that  the  entire  fleet 
of  Federal  war-ships  must  continue  to  keep  watch 
over  the  Merrimac,  then  floating  in  front  of  Nor- 
folk. Only  a few  gunboats  were  sent  to  co-operate 
in  the  assaults  upon  Yorktown  and  Gloucester- 
Point.  Nevertheless,  he  put  his  columns  in  motion. 
Through  the  mud  and  rain  of  the  4th  day  of  April, 
they  left  twelve  miles  of  the  journey  behind  them. 
The  morning  of  April  5 dawned  upon  the  column 
of  Keyes  as  it  was  peering  through  the  rain  and  mist 
across  the  twenty-foot  stream  of  waist-deep  water  at 
Lee’s  Mills.  Through  the  tangled  underbrush 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


138 

across  the  Warwick  were  seen  the  cannon  and  the 
rifle-pits  of  the  Confederates.  In  the  presence  of  this 
barrier,  peopled,  as  McClellan  supposed,  by  a great 
host  of  soldiery,  the  column  of  Keyes  tarried  for 
one  month!  Ten  o’clock  of  the  same  day  found 
the  column  of  Heintzelman  receiving  a salutation  of 
shells  from  the  guns  of  Yorktown.  As  McClellan 
stood  thus,  on  the  afternoon  of  April  5,  with  both 
columns  halted,  chagrined  at  the  absence  of  the  Fed- 
eral fleet,  which  was  kept  on  guard  before  the  Merri- 
mac,  he  was  handed  a telegram  announcing  that  Mc- 
Dowell’s corps  had  been  separated  from  his  army 
and  retained  as  a bulwark  to  withstand  Jackson’s 
entrance  into  Washington.  The  flanking  column, 
intended  for  the  upper  York,  was  thus  withheld  and 
McClellan  now  began  to  concentrate  his  force  for 
the  beleaguerment  of  Yorktown. 

Not  long  was  Lee  occupied  in  discerning  McClel- 
lan’s plan.  The  Confederate  commander  spent  the 
remaining  days  of  April  in  arraying  Johnston’s  army 
across  the  Peninsula,  and  in  uniting  Jackson  and 
Ewell  for  the  movement  against  Banks.  Jackson’s 
suggestion  of  April  5 was  now  developed.  To  his 
lieutenant  Lee  wrote,  in  these  terms,  on  April  25  : 
“I  have  hoped  in  the  present  divided  condition  of 
the  enemy’s  forces  that  a successful  blow  may  be  dealt 
them  by  a rapid  combination  of  our  troops.  ” Four 
days  . later,  Jackson  mapped  out  to  Lee  the  main 
campaign  itself;  first  the  blow  against  Milroy  and 
McDowell,  and  then  the  assault  upon  Banks  at  Win- 
chester. “You  must  use  your  judgment  and  dis- 
cretion,” Lee  wrote  in  assent  to  the  plan,  May  1. 


1862] 


The  Peninsular  Campaign. 


139 


Johnston  was  now  in  control  of  the  Peninsular 
field.  He  advised  a retreat  to  the  works  in  front  of 
Richmond.  Lee  opposed  the  withdrawal  of  troops 
from  the  Southern  seaports  to  assist  in  defending 
Richmond,  and  Johnston  was  ordered  to  meet  Mc- 
Clellan in  the  trenches  prepared  by  Magruder.  But 
McClellan’s  heavy  guns  were  soon  in  readiness  to 
pour  their  fire  upon  Yorktown.  Johnston  did  not 
consider  his  fifty-five  thousand  strong  enough  to 
march  out  of  the  rifle-pits  and  assail  McClellan’s 
eighty-five  thousand.  During  the  night  of  May  3, 
Johnston  withdrew  his  forces  toward  Richmond. 
On  May  5,  Longstreet  arrayed  his  division  with 
that  of  D.  H.  Hill  athwart  the  path  of  McClellan’s 
advance  at  Williamsburg.  Hooker’s  division  ad- 
vanced against  Longstreet’s  right  wing,  but  the 
Confederate  fire  sadly  thinned  his  ranks,  and  com- 
pelled him  to  leave  his  artillery  on  the  field.  D. 
H.  Hill  held  the  Confederate  left  firm  against  Han- 
cock. Time  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  Confederate 
army  was  gained  by  the  repulse  of  the  Federal 
attack  at  Williamsburg,  and  Johnston  now  arranged 
his  forces  in  line  of  battle  between  Richmond  and 
the  Chickahominy.  Huger  evacuated  Norfolk  and 
the  Merrimac  was  given  to  the  flames.  Franklin’s 
Federal  division  had  been  moved  up  the  York  to 
Eltham,  above  West  Point,  in  order  to  strike  John- 
ston’s line  in  flank.  But  McClellan  was  compelled 
now  to  draw  up  his  forces  behind  the  Chickahom- 
iny, facing  Richmond  at  a distance  of  from  seven 
to  twelve  miles.  He  still  expected  aid  from  Mc- 
Dowell, who  had  pressed  forward  from  Manassas  to 


140 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1862 


Fredericksburg  with  forty-one  thousand  men.  A 
union  of  McDowell  with  the  right  wing  of  his  own 
army  was  urged  by  McClellan.  But  the  movements 
of  Jackson  in  the  valley  again  frustrated  the  Federal 
plan  of  campaign. 

Early  in  May,  Jackson  was  able  to  count  six  thou- 
sand muskets  in  his  own  army.  Opposed  to  him 
were  six  thousand  six  hundred,  under  Milroy,  threat- 
ening Staunton  from  the  westward.  Ten  thousand 
more  were  marching  with  Fremont  to  unite  with 
Milroy.  Banks  held  twenty  thousand  in  the  lower 
valley,  and  McDowell’s  forty-one  thousand  tarried 
at  Fredericksburg.  May  8 saw  Jackson,  at  the 
close  of  a swift  march,  crushing  Milroy  near  the  vil- 
lage of  McDowell,  and  pursuing  him  to  Franklin. 
Thence  he  turned  eastward  to  the  valley  and  united 
his  force  with  Ewell’s  division.  Shields  had  now 
been  sent  to  add  strength  to  McDowell  at  Fred- 
ericksburg, and  with  only  one  division  Banks  re- 
ceived Jackson’s  sudden  onset  at  Winchester,  May 
23.  “ Stonewall  ” pursued  the  flight  of  Banks  to 

the  Potomac,  and  added  the  huge  Federal  supply 
train  to  his  own  meagre  equipment. 

The  vain  dream  of  taking  Jackson  in  the  toils 
now  entered  the  mind  of  President  Lincoln.  Orders 
were  sent  to  Frdmont  to  hasten  eastward  across  the 
mountain  to  Strasburg;  McDowell  was  directed  to 
make  speed  from  Fredericksburg  back  to  Front 
Royal  with  twenty  thousand  men.  Moreover,  Mc- 
Dowell’s advance  toward  Richmond  was  checked, and 
McClellan’s  assault  on  Richmond  was  thus  delayed 
until  a quietus  should  be  administered  to  Jackson. 


*OUT£  Of  STUARTS  RA/J 

FEDERAL  works 
«£5S«5S>  CONFED ERA  TE  >■ 


THE  ENVIRONS  OF  RICHMOND. 

BASED  ON  THE  U.  S.  WAR-RECORDS  MAP. 


1862] 


The  Peninsular  Campaign. 


141 


On  May  25,  while  Jackson  was  chasing  Banks, 
McClellan  was  completing  the  movement  of  his 
Third  and  Fourth  corps  d' armee  to  the  southern 
bank  of  the  Chickahominy.  There  they  were  forti- 
fied in  position  across  the  turnpike  leading  to  Rich- 
mond. McClellan’s  other  corps,  three  in  number, 
remained  still  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  stream, 
pushing  out  their  right  toward  Fredericksburg  to 
grasp  McDowell’s  friendly  hand.  But  May  30 
found  McDowell  at  Front  Royal,  the  companion  of 
Fremont  in  watching  the  passage  of  Jackson’s  rear- 
guard up  the  valley.  The  fox  had  escaped  from 
Lincoln’s  trap.  As  Fremont  and  Shields  both 
started  in  pursuit  only  to  meet  disaster  from  the 
strong  arm  of  “ Stonewall  ” a few  days  later  at  Cross 
Keys  and  Port  Republic,  on  that  same  thirtieth 
day  of  May,  Johnston  was  ordering  his  line  of  battle 
to  assault  the  two  advanced  corps  of  McClellan’s 
army.  May  31  saw  this  assault  delivered  at  Seven 
Pines.  The  advanced  Federal  left  wing  was  driven 
back  against  the  Chickahominy,  but  delays  on  the 
part  of  the  Confederate  officers  gave  time  for  the 
passage  of  Sumner’s  corps  across  the  swollen  river, 
and  thus  prevented  the  probable  destruction  of  the 
two  corps  of  Keyes  and  Heintzelman.  June  1 wit- 
nessed some  additional  Confederate  assaults  and 
then  the  two  antagonists  secured  themselves  behind 
intrenchments. 

General  J.  E.  Johnston  received  a severe  wound 
on  the  field  of  May  31,  and  President  Davis  at 
once  directed  General  Robert  E.  Lee  to  take  con- 
trol of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  June  1 


142 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


found  Lee  riding  to  the  front  at  Seven  Pines  to 
assume  that  active  leadership  in  the  field  which  he 
retained  until  the  close  of  the  bloody  drama.  Con- 
cerning his  new  duties  Lee  thus  wrote:  “ I wish  his 
[Johnston’s]  mantle  had  fallen  upon  an  abler  man, 
or  that  I were  able  to  drive  our  enemies  back  to 
their  homes.  I have  no  ambition  and  no  desire  but 
for  the  attainment  of  this  object.”  In  the  first 
general  order  issued  by  Lee  occurs  this  appeal  to 
the  Confederate  army : 

“ The  presence  of  the  enemy  in  front  of  the  Capita],  the  great 
interests  involved,  and  the  existence  of  all  that  is  dear  to  us,  appeal 
in  terms  too  strong  to  be  unheard,  and  he  [Lee]  feels  assured  that 
every  man  has  resolved  to  maintain  the  ancient  fame  of  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  and  the  reputation  of  its  general  [Johnston]  and 
to  conquer  or  die  in  the  approaching  contest.” 

Every  day  Lee  was  seen  riding  along  the  Confed- 
erate lines,  while  he  kept  watch  over  McClellan’s 
men  working  like  beavers.  An  eye-witness  thus 
speaks  of  him : 

“ Calm,  dignified  and  commanding  in  his  bearing,  a countenance 
strikingly  benevolent  and  self-possessed,  a clear  honest  eye,  that 
could  look  friend  or  enemy  in  the  face  ; clean-shaven,  except  a 
closely  trimmed  moustache  which  gave  a touch  of  firmness  to  the  well- 
shaped mouth  ; simply  and  neatly  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  his  rank  ; 
felt  hat,  and  top-boots  reaching  to  the  knee  ; sitting  his  horse  as  if 
his  home  was  in  the  saddle  : such  was  Robert  E.  Lee  as  he  appeared 
when  he  assumed  command  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.”  The 
following  is  Lee’s  description  of  himself : “ My  coat  is  of  gray,  of 
the  regulation  style  and  pattern,  and  my  pants  of  dark  blue,  as  is 
also  prescribed,  partly  hid  by  my  long  boots.  I have  the  same  hand- 
some hat  which  surmounts  my  gray  head  (the  latter  is  7iot  prescribed 
in  the  regulations),  and  shields  my  ugly  face,  which  is  masked  by 
a white  beard  as  stiff  and  wiry  as  the  teeth  of  a card.  In  fact,  an 


1862]  Army  of  Northern  Virginia. 


H3 


uglier  person  you  have  never  seen,  and  so  unatractive  is  it  to  our 
enemies  that  they  shoot  at  it  whenever  visible  to  them.” 

During  the  first  half  of  the  month  of  June,  1862, 
McClellan  was  massing  four  of  his  corps  on  the 
southern  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  near  Seven 
Pines,  for  the  advance  against  Richmond.  Porter’s 
corps  was  fortified  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river. 
This  separation  of  the  wings  of  his  army  was  caused 
by  McClellan’s  expectation  that  McDowell  would 
march  southward  from  Fredericksburg  to  lend  aid 
to  his  right  wing.  The  York  River  railroad  fur- 
nished supplies  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from 
the  wharf  at  the  White  House  on  the  Pamunkey. 
June  13  brought  to  Porter’s  assistance  McCall’s 
division  of  McDowell’s  corps ; Jackson’s  victories  at 
Cross  Keys  and  Port  Republic  kept  McDowell’s 
remaining  divisions  on  the  alert  along  the  northern 
borders  of  Virginia.  June  20  found  one  hundred 
and  fifteen  thousand  men  arrayed  under  McClellan’s 
battle  flag,  ready  for  the  struggle  with  Lee.  Lee 
could,  at  first,  muster  only  fifty-seven  thousand  men 
against  McClellan.  From  the  coast  of  the  Carolinas 
he  brought  forward  about  fifteen  thousand  more. 
On  June  6 Jackson  sent  the  following  suggestion: 

Should  my  command  be  required  at  Richmond, 
I can  be  at  Mechum’s  River  depot,  on  the  Central 
railroad,  the  second  day’s  march.”  This  letter 
was  based  upon  a previous  exchange  of  views.  Just 
after  the  defeat  of  Banks  at  Winchester,  Jackson  sent 
word  to  Richmond  that  if  reinforced,  he  would  cap- 
ture Washington.  “ Tell  General  Jackson,”  replied 
Lee,  “that  he  must  first  help  me  to  drive  these  people 


144 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


away  from  Richmond.”  June  8,  while  Jackson  was 
defeating  Fremont  at  Cross  Keys,  Lee  was  thus 
writing  to  his  lieutenant : “ Should  there  be  nothing 
requiring  your  attention  in  the  Valley,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent your  leaving  it  for  a few  days,  and  you  can 
make  arrangements  to  deceive  the  enemy  and  im- 
press him  with  the  idea  of  your  presence,  please  let 
me  know,  that  you  may  unite  at  the  decisive  mo- 
ment with  the  army  near  Richmond.”  When 
Jackson  received  this,  he  had  already  routed  Shields 
at  Port  Republic,  June  9,  and  was  now  watching 
Fremont  and  Shields  retire  down  the  valley.  From 
the  generous  commander-in-chief  he  soon  read  this 
despatch  of  J une  1 1 : 

“ Your  recent  successes  have  been  the  cause  of  the  liveliest  joy  in 
this  army  as  well  as  in  the  country.  The  admiration  excited  by  your 
skill  and  boldness  has  been  constantly  mingled  with  solicitude  for 
your  situation.  The  practicability  of  reinforcing  you  has  been  the 
subject  of  earnest  consideration.  It  has  been  determined  to  do  so  at 
the  expense  of  weakening  this  army.  Brigadier-General  Lawton 
with  six  regiments  from  Georgia  is  on  the  way  to  you  ; and  Brigadier- 
General  Whiting  with  eight  veteran  regiments  leaves  here  to-day. 
The  object  is  to  enable  you  to  crush  the  forces  opposed  to  you.  . . . 
With  your  main  body,  including  Ewell’s  division  and  Lawton’s  and 
Whiting’s  commands,  move  rapidly  to  Ashland  by  rail  or  otherwise 
— and  sweep  down  between  the  Chickahominy  and  Pamunkey, 
cutting  up  the  enemy’s  communications,  while  this  army  attacks 
General  McClellan  in  front.” 

With  banners  waving  and  drums  beating,  the 
brigades  of  Lawton  and  Whiting  departed  from 
Richmond.  Lee  took  measures  to  convey  to  Mc- 
Clellan the  news  of  this  reinforcement  of  Jackson. 
The  Federal  commander  thus  remained  under  the 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


145 


impression  that  Jackson  would  continue  in  the 
valley.  Lawton  proceeded  to  Port  Republic,  but 
Whiting  was  turned  back  at  Staunton.  On  June 
12,  Lee  despatched  Stuart,  with  twelve  hundred 
horsemen,  to  reconnoitre  McClellan’s  rear.  This 
daring  trooper  passed  through  Hanover  Court 
House  to  Tunstall’s  Station  on  the  York  River 
railroad ; across  this  road  he  pressed  southward, 
passed  the  swollen  Chickahominy,  and  by  moving 
night  and  day  reached  the  James  River  and  rode 
thence  to  Richmond.  Stuart  cut  a pathway  entirely 
around  McClellan’s  army  in  forty-eight  hours  and 
brought  to  Lee  information  concerning  the  Federal 
position.  Lee’s  plan  was  finally  arranged  by  the 
16th,  as  he  announced  it  to  Jackson  in  a letter  of 
that  date : 


“Fremont  and  Shields  are  apparently  retrograding,  their  troops 
shaken  and  disorganised,  and  some  time  will  be  required  to  set  them 
again  in  the  field.  If  this  is  so,  the  sooner  you  unite  with  this  army 
the  better.  McClellan  is  being  strengthened.  . . . The  pres- 

ent, therefore,  seems  favourable  for  a junction  of  your  army  and  this. 
If  you  agree  with  me,  the  sooner  you  can  make  arrangements  to  do 
so  the  better.  In  moving  your  troops,  you  could  let  it  be  understood 
that  it  was  to  pursue  the  enemy  in  your  front.  Dispose  those  to  hold 
the  Valley,  so  as  to  deceive  the  enemy,  keeping  your  cavalry  well  in 
their  front,  and  at  the  proper  time  suddenly  descending  upon  the 
Pamunkey.  To  be  efficacious,  the  movement  must  be  secret.  Let 
me  know  the  force  you  can  bring,  and  be  careful  to  guard  from 
friends  and  foes  your  purpose  and  your  intention  of  personally  leav- 
ing the  Valley.  The  country  is  full  of  spies  and  our  plans  are  im- 
mediately carried  to  the  enemy.” 

The  second  day  after  this  letter  left  Richmond 
Jackson  began  the  march  from  the  valley.  His 

IO 


146 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


LI  86  2 


footsore  men  trudged  from  Port  Republic  to  Gor- 
donsville  between  June  18  and  June  21,  inclu- 
sive. Sunday,  June  22,  was  spent  in  camp.  Since 
McClellan  held  a portion  of  the  railroad,  the  hour 
of  one  o’clock,  Monday  morning,  found  Jackson 
galloping  towards  Richmond  with  a single  compan- 
ion. He  left  fifty-two  miles  behind  him  by  noon, 
and  at  3 r.M.  began  the  conference  with  Lee  con- 
cerning the  movement  against  McClellan’s  right 
wing.  At  early  dawn  of  this  same  day,  June  23, 
Jackson’s  men  formed  column  for  the  march  to 
the  Chickahominy. 

Bewilderment  now  prevailed  in  the  Federal  coun- 
cils. June  24,  McClellan  telegraphed  the  rumour 
concerning  Jackson’s  approach  and  then  asked  for 
“ the  most  exact  information  you  have  as  to  the 
position  and  movements  of  Jackson.”  Stanton 
forwarded  to  McClellan,  June  25,  the  various  re- 
ports that  located  Jackson  at  many  points  from 
Gordonsville  to  Luray,  and  the  mountains  of  west- 
ern Virginia.  Sixty  thousand  Federal  troops  were 
on  the  alert  guarding  the  mouth  of  the  valley,  and 
the  city  of  Washington  against  “ Stonewall.”  The 
late  afternoon  of  June  25  brought  convincing 
news  to  McClellan,  who  thus  announced  the  situa- 
tion: “ I incline  to  think  that  Jackson  will  attack 
my  right  and  rear.  The  rebel  force  is  stated  at  two 
hundred  thousand,  including  Jackson  and  Beaure- 
gard. I shall  have  to  contend  against  vastly  superior 
odds  if  these  reports  be  true!  ” 

Lee’s  plan  of  attack  against  McClellan’s  right,  on 
the  northern  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  was  out-. 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


147 


lined  as  follows:  Jackson  was  to  lead  his  sixteen 
thousand  from  Ashland,  on  June  25,  to  an  en- 
campment west  of  the  Central  railway.  Thursday 
morning,  June  26,  at  3 A.M.,  he  was  to  advance 
across  the  railway  toward  Pole  Green  Church,  a point 
in  the  rear  of  Porter’s  right  flank.  As  Jackson 
crossed  the  railway,  he  was  to  inform  Branch,  who 
held  one  of  A.  P.  Hill’s  brigades  on  the  Brook 
road ; Branch  had  orders  then  to  cross  the  Chicka- 
hominy  and  move  down  the  northern  bank  upon 
Mechanicsville.  The  next  step  in  the  movement 
was  to  be  taken  by  A.  P.  Hill’s  eleven  thousand 
men,  as  thus  ordered:  “ As  soon  as  the  movements 
of  these  columns  [Jackson  and  Branch]  are  dis- 
covered, General  A.  P.  Hill,  with  the  rest  of  his 
division,  will  cross  the  Chickahominy  near  Meadow 
Bridge  [Central  railway]  and  move  direct  upon 
Mechanicsville.”  After  that,  in  succession,  Long- 
street  was  to  move  his  nine  thousand,  and  D.  H. 
Hill  his  ten  thousand,  across  the  Mechanicsville 
bridge  and  unite  with  the  general  flank  movement 
down  the  northern  bank  of  the  river.  Stuart’s 
cavalry  was  sent  to  guide  Jackson’s  column.  These 
fifty  thousand  men  were  to  strike  the  flank  and  the 
rear  of  McClellan’s  right  wing.  They  moved  in 
four  divisions  en  echelon.  D.  H.  Hill  was  expected 
to  support  Jackson’s  rear  attack,  and  Longstreet  to 
support  A.  P.  Hill’s  attack  at  Mechanicsville.  It 
was  prescribed  that  Jackson’s  column  should  be  in 
advance  of  the  others,  “ bearing  well  to  his  left, 
turning  Beaver  Dam  Creek  and  taking  the  direc- 
tion towards  Cold  Harbor.”  From  Cold  Harbor, 


148 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Jackson  and  D.  H.  Hill  were  to  “ press  forward 
towards  the  York  River  railroad,  closing  upon  the 
enemy’s  rear  and  forcing  him  down  the  Chickahom- 
iny. ” In  this  order  Lee  arrayed  his  own  left  wing, 
and  moved  it  into  action.  His  right  wing,  thirty 
thousand  strong,  was  left  in  the  line  of  fortifications 
covering  the  eastern  and  southern  approaches  to 
Richmond.  Holmes  held  three  brigades  at  Drew- 
ry’s  Bluff  and  Chaffin’s  Bluff.  Magruderand  Huger, 
with  twenty-five  thousand  men,  confronted  the  four 
advanced  Federal  corps  of  nearly  eighty  thousand. 
It  was  a dangerous  movement  for  Lee  thus  to  divide 
his  forces  in  the  face  of  the  foe.  But  Lee  knew  Mc- 
Clellan’s extreme  caution,  and  he  ordered  Magruder 
and  Huger  to  impose  upon  him  with  great  demon- 
strations in  his  front,  and,  if  need  be,  to  hold  their 
own  trenches  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

Jackson  was  ordered  to  set  the  pace.  By  the 
night  of  June  25,  he  had  pushed  his  column  only 
as  far  as  Ashland.  The  footsore  and  weary  veterans 
passed  over  the  distance  of  fifty  miles  from  Gordons- 
ville  in  three  days.  June  26,  at  3 A.M.,  Whiting 
led  the  advance  from  Ashland  on  the  Ashcake  road; 
the  head  of  his  column  began  to  cross  the  Central 
railway  at  9 A.M.,  and  at  10  A.M.  Branch  was  read- 
ing Jackson’s  announcement  of  progress.  The 
columns  of  Jackson  and  Branch  were  just  six  hours 
later  in  advancing  than  had  been  expected.  This  de- 
lay was  due  to  the  fatigue  of  Jackson’s  men  incurred 
in  the  long  march,  and  to  the  tardiness  of  the  arrival 
of  the  provisions  sent  him  from  Richmond.  It  was 
not  due  to  his  own  weariness  from  the  ride  of  Mon- 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


149 


day  morning.  “ Stonewall’s  ” vigour  was  unabated 
and  his  spirit  was  aglow  with  the  ardour  of  battle. 

In  accordance  with  instructions,  Jackson  kept  well 
to  the  left  and  pressed  toward  Cold  Harbor,  with 
Stuart’s  cavalry  guarding  his  flank.  At  3 P.M., 
Hood’s  Texans  were  engaged  in  a hot  skirmish 
across  the  Totopotomoy  Creek,  where  the  bridge 
had  to  be  rebuilt.  Darkness  fell  upon  Jackson  at 
Hundley’s  Corner,  six  or  eight  miles  to  the  rear 
of  the  Federal  position.  He  was  not  within  reach 
of  the  battle  prematurely  commenced  by  A.  P.  Hill 
at  Mechanicsville,  and  his  orders  bound  him  to  an 
eastward  course. 

Branch’s  advance  down  the  northern  bank  of  the 
stream  was  delayed  by  Federal  skirmishers,  and  at 
Atlee’s  Station  he  found  serious  battle.  When  the 
hour  of  3 P.M.  brought  neither  Jackson  nor  Branch, 
A.  P.  Hill  feared  that  the  delay  might  “ hazard  the 
failure  of  the  whole  plan.”  He  therefore  crossed 
the  river,  drove  the  Federal  soldiers  from  Mechanics- 
ville and  drew  up  his  lines  before  McClellan’s  fort- 
ress on  the  bank  of  Beaver  Dam  Creek.  D.  H.  Hill 
and  Longstreet  moved  across  their  bridge  to  Hill’s 
support. 

A.  P.  Hill’s  advance  was  daring  but  imprudent. 
Lee’s  plan  was  seriously  embarrassed.  Jackson  was 
marching  toward  Porter’s  rear;  he  had  almost  ob- 
tained a vantage  point  when  Hill’s  forward  move- 
ment brought  three  of  Lee’s  four  flanking  divisions 
face  to  face  with  the  shotted  guns  frowning  from  the 
Federal  fortifications.  Beaver  Dam  Creek  was  waist- 
deep  and  bordered  by  swamps.  Trees  had  been 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


150 


felled  along  the  steep  ascent  and  their  branches 
sharpened  to  resist  the  assailants.  The  artillery- 
posted  on  the  eastern  bank  could  sweep  every  ap- 
proach. Five  brigades  of  riflemen  under  McCall 
stood  ready  behind  breastworks  of  logs.  It  was  to 
flank  this  force  that  Lee  sent  Jackson  to  strike 
Porter’s  rear.  Now  that  A.  P.  Hill’s  passage  had 
divulged  his  plan,  Lee  rode  forward  from  his  head- 
quarters on  the  Mechanicsville  turnpike  and  pressed 
the  attack.  At  5 P.M.,  while  Jackson  was  still  north 
of  the  Totopotomoy,  engaged  in  bridging  that 
stream,  A.  P.  Hill  was  ordering  Archer,  Anderson 
and  Field  into  active  battle  along  the  Bethesda 
road,  at  Beaver  Dam  Creek.  D.  H.  Hill  sent 
Ripley  to  support  Pender  at  Ellison’s  Mill.  This 
disposition  was  made  in  obedience  to  Lee’s  order  to 
assail  both  flanks  of  the  Federal  line.  But  the  Con- 
federate brigades  were  torn  and  shattered  by  the 
storm  of  iron  poured  upon  them  from  guns  in  posi- 
tion and  infantry  intrenched. 

June  27  dawned  upon  Ewell  leading  Jackson’s 
advance  eastward  from  Hundley’s.  Porter’s  five 
brigades  under  McCall  had  scented  danger  from  the 
rear,  and  were  falling  back  to  Porter’s  central  posi- 
tion near  Cold  Harbor.  Jackson’s  flank  movement 
thus  accomplished  what  A.  P.  Hill’s  assault  failed 
to  do. 

A difficulty  of  fearful  significance  now  began  to 
disturb  the  movements  of  the  Confederate  divisions. 
This  difficulty  was  ignorance  of  the  country.  The 
Confederate  maps  were  of  little  value.  The  corps 
of  engineers  selected  by  President  Davis  had  not 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


151 


discovered  the  exact  location  of  the  Federal  de- 
fences. Jackson’s  guide  led  him  south-eastward  to 
Walnut  Grove  Church  until  Ewell’s  division  stood 
face  to  face  with  A.  P.  Hill’s  division.  The  latter 
was  moving  from  Ellison’s  Mill  toward  New  Cold 
Harbor,  while  Longstreet  was  pursuing  the  river 
road  to  the  Gaines  House.  While  Jackson’s  advance 
column  was  jammed  into  a narrow  cross-road,  and 
Ewell  was  reversing  his  guns,  D.  H.  Hill  hastened 
from  Beaver  Dam  Creek  and  led  the  march  eastward 
along  the  Bethesda  road  towards  Porter’s  right  rear. 
At  the  same  time  A.  P.  PI  ill  started  on  the  two-mile 
journey  to  find  Porter’s  left  flank  at  Gaines  Mill. 

Porter  had  intrenched  himself  east  of  Powhite 
Swamp,  with  his  back  turned  to  the  Chickahominy 
bridges.  Plis  line  of  battle  formed  a semicircle  upon 
the  bluffs  within  the  curve  of  Boatswain’s  Swamp. 
Through  tangled  underbrush,  boggy  swamps,  and 
felled  trees,  the  Confederates  must  advance  to  meet 
the  plunging  fire  of  a park  of  artillery  and  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  muskets,  increased  in  the  evening  to 
more  than  thirty-five  thousand. 

At  2 P.M.,  Jackson  was  passing  Old  Cold  Harbor 
with  D.  H.  Hill’s  division;  he  had  pressed  forward 
against  sharp-shooters  and  through  fallen  trees,  and 
was  closing  in  upon  Porter’s  right  flank.  General 
Lee,  at  the  Walnut  Grove  Church,  had  directed 
Jackson  to  hold  the  eastward  course  until  he  should 
strike  Porter  in  reverse  and  threaten  his  communi- 
cation with  York  River,  while  A.  P.  Hill  and  Long- 
street  should  drive  him  down  the  Chickahominy. 
At  Old  Cold  Harbor,  Jackson  sent  forward  a battery 


152 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


to  test  the  Federal  position.  Fierce  was  the  artillery 
fire  poured  upon  Bondurant,  and  Jackson  knew  at 
once  that  he  stood  in  Porter’s  front.  Just  as  Jack- 
son,  with  the  head  of  his  column  was  locating  Por- 
ter’s line,  at  2.30  P.M.,  A.  P.  Hill  was  ordering  his 
entire  division  into  assault  at  New  Cold  Harbor. 
Away  from  Gaines  Mill,  he  had  before  this  driven 
Porter’s  strong  skirmish  line.  When  he  learned  that 
Longstreet  was  at  his  right  hand,  Hill  dashed 
through  the  tangled  brushwood  of  the  swamps 
against  the  strong  batteries  of  the  Federal  centre. 
Gallant  and  fierce  was  this  attack,  and  for  two  hours 
the  roar  of  Hill’s  battle  continued  to  summon  the 
other  Confederate  divisions  to  his  field.  He  forced 
Porter  to  ask  aid,  and  at  3.30  P.M.  Slocum’s  five 
thousand  came  to  give  strength  to  the  Federal  de- 
fence. 

The  force  of  Hill’s  attack  gradually  abated;  his 
line  of  riflemen  could  not  drive  three  lines  of  mus- 
kets from  rifle-pits  and  barricades  one  above  another 
on  the  steep  wooded  slope,  while  the  plateau  above 
was  studded  with  heavy  guns  that  rained  an  iron 
storm  upon  the  devoted  Southerners.  At  four 
o’clock,  Lee  ordered  Longstreet  to  relieve  the 
pressure  on  Hill  by  making  a feint  against  Porter’s 
left  wing.  Sixty  feet  above  the  plateau  where 
Longstreet’s  brigades  formed  their  line  of  assault, 
the  guns  of  Morell  frowned  from  the  crest  of  Turkey 
Hill.  Rifle-pits  and  fallen  trees  gave  protection  to 
the  Federal  infantry.  Moreover,  the  approaches  to- 
wards the  Federal  left  wing  were  swept  by  the  fire 
of  the  heavy  siege  guns  that  McClellan  was  operat- 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


153 


ing  from  the  southern  bank  of  the  Chickahominy. 
Longstreet  sent  his  men  forward.  The  fire  which 
they  provoked  revealed  a foe  so  strong  that  the  full 
vigour  of  Longstreet’s  entire  division  would  be  re- 
quired for  the  blow.  The  hour  of  seven  had  come 
when  Longstreet  was  ready  to  strike. 

The  Confederate  left  wing,  however,  was  the  first 
to  beard  Porter  in  his  lair  on  the  crest  of  the  hill. 
When  the  roar  of  the  battle  against  the  Federal  left 
wing  called  Jackson  into  the  field  at  Old  Cold  Har- 
bor, no  time  remained  for  outflanking  Porter’s  right 
wing.  Jackson  supposed  that  Hill  and  Longstreet 
had  found  the  Federal  left  flank,  and  that  they  were 
driving  Porter  sidewise  into  his  own  corps.  Jack- 
son,  therefore,  drew  up  his  men  in  the  edge  of  the 
field  at  Old  Cold  Harbor.  Across  the  open  space  in 
his  front  he  expected  Porter  to  be  driven  toward  the 
York.  But  the  sound  of  the  firing  taught  him  that 
his  comrades  on  the  right  were  assailing  fortifica- 
tions. He  sent  a staff-officer  to  bring  his  men  for- 
ward. The  officer  misunderstood  the  command  and 
left  the  brigades  at  rest.  But  R.  L.  Dabney,  chief 
of  staff,  had  heard  Jackson’s  order  in  detail  and  he 
now  hurried  the  troops  into  battle.  As  they  en- 
tered the  forest  a wild  yell  rang  around  the  Confed- 
erate semicircle,  “Jackson  ’s  come!”  D.  H.  Hill 
formed  the  left  of  Jackson’s  attacking  column.  To 
the  right  of  Hill  was  Ewell,  and  to  his  right,  en  eche- 
lon, advanced  the  old  division  of  Jackson  and  then 
the  division  of  Whiting.  The  lack  of  guides  even 
yet  prevented  unity  of  action.  Jackson’s  brigades 
moved  obliquely  into  the  tangled  swamp  toward  the 


154 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


sound  of  A.  P.  Hill’s  musketry.  They  enveloped 
Porter’s  entire  right  and  centre,  and  took  the  place 
of  Hill’s  exhausted  troops  against  a portion  of  the 
Federal  left.  The  Confederate  cannon  could  not  be 
moved  through  the  dense  brushwood.  With  bayo- 
nets fixed,  “ Stonewall’s  ” soldiers  dashed  forward 
through  the  wilderness  of  obstructions  against  the 
hail  of  lead  and  iron.  Lee  now  sent  orders  to  his 
entire  line  to  press  forward  in  the  Wellington  style 
of  “ up  and  at  them.” 

Porter’s  hours  of  successful  defence  were  num- 
bered. He  had  sent  urgent  demands  for  aid  to 
McClellan  across  the  Chickahominy.  But  appre- 
hension for  the  safety  of  the  four  corps  filled  the 
mind  of  McClellan  and  his  subordinates  on  the 
southern  bank  of  the  river.  The  gallant  Magruder 
did  admirable  work  with  his  twenty-five  thousand. 
The  Confederate  artillery  under  General  Pendleton 
in  different  places  blazed  forth  with  furious  bursts 
of  fire;  the  infantry  marched  and  counter-marched, 
and  seemed  ever  on  the  point  of  making  fierce  as- 
sault against  the  lines  of  Franklin  and  Sumner. 
When  McClellan  made  requisition  upon  these  two 
commanders  for  some  brigades  in  Porter’s  behalf, 
Franklin  replied,  “ not  prudent,”  and  Sumner  said 
“ hazardous.”  Only  the  brigades  of  French  and 
Meagher  were  sent.  These  five  thousand  men 
reached  the  rear  crest  of  Porter’s  fortress  in  the 
evening  twilight,  in  time  to  receive  into  their  arms 
the  routed  and  fleeing  fugitives  of  Porter’s  defeated 
corps. 

The  Confederate  battle-storm  fell  most  heavily 


THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  COLD  HARBOR, 


* ' < ;.-v 

; !* 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


J55 


upon  Porter’s  right  flank.  D.  H.  Hill  was  the  first 
to  gain  a foothold  beyond  the  swamp  to  confront 
his  old  West  Point  room-mate,  Sykes.  The  latter 
was  fortified  behind  fence,  ditch,  and  hill-top,  and 
his  heavy  guns  made  the  steep  ascent  appear  like 
a tower  of  fire.  The  McGehee  knoll,  held  by  Sykes, 
was  the  key  to  this  part  of  the  field.  The  keen  vision 
of  Hill’s  brigadiers,  Garland  and  G.  B.  Anderson, 
caught  sight  of  the  right  end  of  Sykes’s  line.  With 
Hill’s  permission,  the  men  of  North  Carolina  began 
to  swing  around  against  the  Federal  right  flank. 
With  a wild  yell  they  touched  the  vital  point  in  the 
Federal  defence  and  began  to  roll  back  the  line  of 
regulars.  At  the  same  moment  with  this  flank  at- 
tack, against  the  front  of  Sykes’s  line  glittered  the 
bayonets  of  the“  Stonewall  ” brigade  under  Winder. 
The  latter  had  moved  obliquely  across  the  path  of 
Ewell  to  D.  H.  Hill’s  support.  The  impact  of 
Carolinians  and  Virginians  against  flank  and  front, 
scattered  the  men  of  Sykes  in  rout.  Lawton’s  Geor- 
gians swept  forward  on  Winder’s  right  and  made 
another  gap  in  Porter’s  line. 

While  Jackson  was  thus  crushing  the  Federal 
right  wing,  the  Federal  centre  and  left  wing  still 
made  obstinate  defence.  The  hill’s  crest  was 
crowned  with  Federal  guns.  Here  was  the  key- 
stone of  Porter’s  arch.  Jackson  sent  Whiting  to 
carry  these  central  works  at  the  point  of  four  thou- 
sand bayonets.  More  than  this  number  of  Federal 
troops  held  the  defences  in  Whiting’s  immediate 
front.  He  ordered  his  two  brigades  under  Flood 
and  Law  to  move  down  the  long  slope  to  the  foot 


156 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


of  the  Federal  fortress  in  double-quick  time,  with 
trailed  arms  and  without  firing  a shot.  A withering 
storm  of  balls  and  shell  began  to  beat  into  the  faces 
of  the  Confederates  as  they  advanced.  Federal 
cannon  from  the  sixty-foot  plateau  volleyed  and 
thundered ; muskets  blazed  from  the  trenches  on 
the  steep  ascent,  and  from  the  log  breastworks  at  its 
base.  Into  the  jaws  of  death  dashed  Hood  and 
Law  without  a pause.  Hood  led  the  right  with 
the  4th  Texas;  Law  led  the  left  with  the  nth 
Mississippi  and  the  4th  Alabama.  In  silence  and 
swiftness  advanced  the  two  lines  of  grey;  not  a 
shot  did  they  fire.  A thousand  men  fell,  but  the 
lines  closed  up  where  the  cannon  tore  gaps  in  the 
ranks,  and  the  pace  was  quickened  to  a run.  As 
the  Confederates  rushed  against  the  very  muzzles  of 
the  enemy’s  rifles,  the  Federal  soldiers  turned  and 
fled  up  the  hill.  With  a fierce  yell  the  men  of 
Hood  and  Law  leaped  the  ravine  and  the  breast- 
works, and  poured  a close  fire  into  the  mass  of 
fugitives.  Up  the  steep  ascent  the  Confederates 
clambered,  in  pursuit,  and  drove  the  Federal  line  in 
confusion  across  the  plateau.  Thus  in  quick  succes- 
sion, after  the  rout  of  Sykes,  Jackson’s  line  under 
Whiting  crushed  Porter’s  centre  and  captured  two 
regiments  and  fourteen  guns.  As  Whiting’s  brigades 
reached  the  hill’s  crest,  they  heard  the  cheers  of 
Jackson’s  left  wing  already  sweeping  in  victory 
across  the  McGehee  ridge  toward  the  Chickahom- 
iny;  at  the  same  moment  the  brigades  of  R.  H. 
Anderson  and  Pickett  led  the  advance  of  Long- 
street’s  division  against  the  Federal  left  wing. 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


157 


But  the  victory  snatched  by  Longstreet’s  gallant 
battalions  from  the  brow  of  Turkey  Hill,  was  shared 
by  two  of  the  brigades  (Cunningham  and  Fulker- 
son) of  Jackson’s  old  division.  These  had  pressed 
far  to  the  right,  and  furnished  aid  in  breaking 
through  the  line  opposed  to  Longstreet. 

Behind  the  Adams  House  in  the  edge  of  the 
Chickahominy  swamps,  Porter’s  men  found  shelter 
within  the  new  line  of  battle  formed  by  the  brigades 
of  French  and  Meagher.  More  than  thirty-five 
thousand  men,  in  all,  thus  faced  the  Confederate 
advance  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Chickahominy. 
The  Federal  soldiers  held  their  lines  with  great 
obstinacy,  and  Porter  conducted  his  battle  with 
coolness  and  ability.  But  the  Confederate  soldiers 
out-fought  their  opponents.  It  is  true  that  Lee 
sent  fifty  thousand  to  drive  Porter  from  his  lair. 
But  the  unsupported  attack  of  A.  P.  Hill,  at  2.30  P.M. 
threw  the  Confederate  battle  out  of  balance,  until 
Jackson  brought  his  entire  line  into  action  near  the 
close  of  the  day.  Even  then,  the  Federal  line  was 
out-numbered  at  scarcely  a single  point  of  attack, 
while  against  Whiting’s  column  Porter  presented  a 
more  numerous  front.  Tangled  swamps,  ravines, 
heaps  of  logs  and  fallen  trees,  trenches,  earthworks, 
and  blazing  cannon  had  not  kept  back  the  rush  of 
Jackson’s  men,  although  they  could  not  make  use 
of  their  own  heavy  guns  and  were  resisted  at  most 
points  by  equal  numbers,  and  in  some  places  by  a 
more  numerous  foe.  The  mantle  of  complete  dark- 
ness fell  upon  the  Confederate  advance  as  they 
reached  the  summit  of  Porter’s  fortress.  Confed- 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


158 


erate  ignorance  of  the  roads  and  bridges  across  the 
Chickahominy  prevented  the  complete  destruction 
of  Porter’s  corps.  Porter  lost  about  seven  thousand 
men  and  twenty-two  guns.  The  Confederate  loss 
was  about  six  thousand.  When  the  sun  first  beamed 
across  the  field  of  blood  on  the  morning  of  June  28, 
he  found  the  troops  of  Porter  on  the  southern  bank 
of  the  Chickahominy.  Under  cover  of  darkness 
they  had  crept  across  the  stream,  and  the  axe  and 
the  torch  removed  every  plank  and  trestle.  The 
swamp  and  the  river  were  unbridged  between 
McClellan  and  Lee’s  main  army. 

Lee’s  plan,  thus  far  successful,  contemplated  the 
capture  of  the  York  River  railroad,  and  the  sever- 
ance of  McClellan’s  communication  with  the  Pamun- 
key;  this  was  to  be  followed  by  the  destruction  or 
capture  of  the  Federal  army.  This  plan  was  in  part 
frustrated  by  McClellan’s  decision  to  cut  loose  from 
the  Pamunkey  as  a base,  and  to  move  his  army  into 
vital  connection  with  his  war  vessels  on  the  James 
River.  Such  a change  of  base  he  had  anticipated 
some  days  before  by  sending  a fleet  of  supply-boats 
up  the  James  to  Westover.  At  the  midnight  hour 
following  the  disaster  of  Cold  Harbor,  McClellan 
gave  his  five  corps  leaders  instructions  for  the  flight 
across  White  Oak  Swamp  to  the  James.  No  other 
favourable  course  was  open  to  him. 

The  morning  of  June  28  saw  McClellan’s  hun- 
dred and  five  thousand  men  massed  on  the  Richmond 
side  of  the  river.  Between  him  and  the  Confederate 
capital  was  a force  one-fourth  the  size  of  his  own, 
under  Magruder  and  Huger.  Lee’s  army  was  cut 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


*59 


in  twain  ; two-thirds  of  his  force  were  on  the  northern 
bank  of  the  unfordable  swamp.  What  an  oppor- 
tunity for  a vigorous  leader  to  lay  the  hand  on 
Richmond  ! But  McClellan  already  sought  escape, 
and  it  seems  that  none  of  his  subordinates  urged  an 
assault  against  Magruder’s  thin  line.  Porter’s  corps 
faced  northward,  and  with  a vast  array  of  heavy  guns 
guarded  the  Chickahominy  against  Lee’s  advance. 
Four  corps  held  the  line  facing  Richmond,  stretch- 
ing from  the  Golding  farm  to  the  brink  of  the  White 
Oak  Swamp.  Between  these  two  lines  of  bristling 
bayonets,  McClellan  made  ready  his  five  thousand 
waggons  and  started  them  toward  the  James.  A 
herd  of  lowing  cattle  followed  the  waggons.  Great 
columns  of  smoke  marked  the  destruction  of  stores 
that  could  not  be  moved.  Along  the  single  road- 
way that  traverses  the  Swamp,  marched  the  corps  of 
Keyes  in  advance  to  force  the  way  for  the  sup- 
ply train.  Noonday,  June  28,  found  Keyes’s  corps 
guarding  the  cross-road  four  miles  southward  from 
the  Swamp  bridge.  All  day  the  waggons  and  the  cat- 
tle were  crawling  through  the  wilderness,  concealed 
by  the  dense  forests  and  the  walls  of  living  men. 

Twenty-four  hours  passed  away  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Federal  retreat  until  Lee  discovered  the 
intention  of  McClellan.  Early  on  the  28th,  Lee  sent 
Stuart  and  Ewell  to  Dispatch  Station.  The  railway 
was  seized,  part  of  the  track  torn  up,  and  Stuart 
spread  destruction  as  far  as  the  White  House.  The 
Federal  troops  withdrew  to  the  southern  side  of  the 
river,  burned  the  railway  bridge,  and  ran  entire  am- 
munition trains  with  their  engines  into  the  Chicka- 


i6o 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


hominy.  Lee  then  knew  that  McClellan  must  seek 
another  base  than  the  Pamunkey.  But  what  base  ? 
The  James  was  open  to  him  across  White  Oak 
Swamp.  The  Peninsular  route  was  also  accessible 
across  the  lower  fords  of  the  Chickahominy.  If 
McClellan  should  retreat  down  the  Peninsula,  Lee’s 
army  must  remain  where  it  was  on  the  northern 
bank  of  the  Chickahominy.  It  was  impossible  to 
follow  McClellan’s  rear  in  the  face  of  Porter’s  bat- 
teries on  the  bluff.  Ewell  was  therefore  sent  to 
hold  Bottom’s  Bridge,  and  Stuart’s  cavalry  moved 
down  to  guard  the  Peninsular  route  to  Williamsburg. 
But  the  Federal  retreat  troubled  not  again  the  waters 
of  the  Chickahominy.  The  clouds  of  dust  arising 
from  the  march  of  the  Federal  host  warned  Lee  in 
the  evening  twilight  of  June  28  that  his  foe  was 
seeking  the  James.  The  assault  of  two  of  Magru- 
der’s  regiments  against  Franklin  at  Golding’s,  re- 
vealed the  fact  that  this  wing  of  the  Federal  force 
was  withdrawing  from  the  Chickahominy. 

Lee’s  orders  were  at  once  given  for  pursuit  to 
begin  at  the  dawning  of  June  29.  Longstreet  and 
A.  P.  Hill  were  ordered  to  move  across  the  river  at 
the  New  Bridge  and  to  follow  the  Darby  town  route 
to  the  Long  Bridge  road  until  they  should  strike  the 
Federal  flank.  Magruder  was  sent  in  pursuit  down 
the  Williamsburg  road,  and  Huger  moved  along  the 
parallel  Charles  City  road.  Holmes  led  six  thousand 
men  down  the  River  road  to  intercept  the  retreat  at 
Malvern  Hill.  Jackson  was  commanded  to  rebuild 
the  Grape  Vine  Bridge  and  to  follow  McClellan’s 
rear  through  the  Swamp. 


1862J 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


1 6 1 


The  afternoon  of  Sunday,  June  29,  offered  Lee 
an  opportunity  for  striking  a blow,  and  he  bent  all 
his  energies  toward  bringing  his  columns  into  action. 
McClellan’s  army  was  then  outstretched  over  the 
long  roadway  from  Savage’s  Station  to  Malvern 
Hill.  The  corps  of  Keyes  was  in  advance,  sup- 
ported by  the  shattered  brigades  of  Porter;  these 
watched  the  waggons  on  the  Quaker  road  and  were 
feeling  their  way  across  the  Malvern  slopes  toward 
the  James.  The  broken  divisions  of  McCall  and 
Slocum  had  just  emerged  from  the  Swamp  road  and 
were  in  camp  near  the  Willis  Church.  Heintzel- 
man’s  advance  was  crossing  at  Brackett’s  ford  at 
6.30  P.  M.,  and  going  into  bivouac  just  south  of  the 
Swamp  at  10  P.M.  About  the  hour  of  four  in  the 
afternoon,  Sumner’s  corps  and  Smith’s  division  of 
Franklin’s  corps,  were  resisting  the  onslaught  of 
Magruder  at  Savage’s  Station.  The  vulnerable  part 
of  this  long,  creeping  serpent  was  the  middle  part  of 
his  body,  at  the  southern  edge  of  the  Swamp. 
Toward  this  point  Lee  urged  Huger  forward  by  the 
Charles  City  road,  Longstreet  and  A.  P.  Hill  by  the 
Darbytown  road,  and  Holmes  on  the  River  road. 
Much  now  depended  on  the  vigour  of  Huger  and 
the  celerity  of  Longstreet.  Huger  was  held  back 
by  the  trees  felled  across  his  path,  while  Longstreet 
marched  only  twelve  miles  from  the  Chickahominy 
to  Atlee’s  farm  on  the  Darbytown  road,  and  went 
into  camp  some  miles  from  McClellan’s  retreating 
line.  Jackson  spent  the  day  in  bridging  the  Chicka- 
hominy, while  Magruder  sent  only  a part  of  his  men 
into  battle  under  McLaws  at  Savage’s  Station. 

II 


162 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Moreover,  Holmes  failed  to  strike  the  serpent’s 
head  on  Malvern  Hill,  and  McClellan’s  movement 
continued.  With  a more  rapid  march  by  Long- 
street  and  Hill,  Lee  might  have  cut  the  long  line 
in  twain  at  the  Willis  Church  and  thus  have  forced 
the  Federal  commander  to  attack  the  Confederates 
in  position. 

The  early  dawn  of  June  30,  found  the  situation 
completely  changed.  Success  had  crowned  McClel- 
lan’s retreat  across  the  Swamp.  His  trains  had  all 
made  the  passage,  and  his  rearguard,  Richardson’s 
division,  was  destroying  the  Swamp  bridge  at  10 
A.  M.  The  main  body  of  the  Federal  army,  over 
sixty  thousand  men,  was  now  concentrated  south  of 
the  Swamp  in  defence  of  the  line  of  retreat.  At  the 
edge  of  the  Swamp,  facing  northward  and  command- 
ing the  roadway  by  a park  of  artillery,  stood  the  rear- 
guard of  twenty  thousand  men  under  Franklin. 
Encircling  the  Charles  City  cross-roads,  in  front  of 
Frayser’s  farm,  were  arrayed  over  forty  thousand 
men  under  Sumner  and  Heintzelman  with  their  can- 
non and  muskets  commanding  the  two  Richmond 
approaches. 

McClellan’s  position  was  strong;  he  occupied  a 
compact  defensive  stronghold  on  the  edge  of  the 
Swamp,  his  right  and  his  left  within  supporting  dis- 
tance of  each  other  on  inner  lines. 

At  eleven  o’clock,  the  head  of  Jackson’s  column 
in  pursuit  ran  against  Franklin’s  heavy  guns  in  posi- 
tion to  defend  the  road  across  the  unbridged  Swamp. 
Crutchfield’s  batteries,  twenty-eight  guns,  opened 
fire  on  Franklin  and  drove  back  his  artillery;  Jack- 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


163 


son  then  made  an  attempt  to  cross,  but  the  effort 
only  revealed  Franklin’s  strength  in  cannon  and 
muskets.  Two  brigades  of  Sedgwick’s  division 
moved  rapidly  to  Franklin’s  aid  to  repulse  Jackson’s 
advance  at  Brackett’s  ford.  Franklin  thus  arrayed 
twenty-five  thousand  men  against  Jackson’s  twenty- 
one  thousand.  The  latter  saw  the  odds  against  him 
and  wisely  held  back  his  wearied  veterans  from  a 
costly  charge  against  the  intrenched  foe. 

While  Jackson  sent  a storm  of  shells  across  the 
Swamp,  Huger  began  an  exchange  of  cannon-shot 
with  Slocum  at  3 P.M.  Slocum’s  guns  were  planted 
on  the  Charles  City  road  behind  dense  masses  of 
fallen  trees,  and  Huger  could  not  advance.  At  4 
P. M.,  Longstreet’s  battle  began  against  McCall  at 
Glendale  or  Frayser’s  farm.  General  Lee  in  person 
moved  the  Confederate  column  of  less  than  twenty 
thousand  along  the  New  Market  road  against  the 
Federal  host  of  twice  that  number.  Longstreet 
directed  the  operations  on  the  field.  The  Confed- 
erates had  to  advance  through  tangled  underbrush 
over  uneven  ground  on  their  left,  and  on  their  right 
the  foe  had  to  be  sought  behind  a marsh.  With  the 
spring  of  the  tiger,  Longstreet  leaped  through  the 
jungle  upon  McCall’s  left  flank,  and  routed  him  from 
the  field.  Hooker  saw  McCall’s  panic-stricken  regi- 
ments follow  their  own  colours  in  a wild  rush  back- 
ward through  his  line  of  battle.  Randol’s  battery, 
guarding  the  gap  between  McCall  and  Kearney,  be- 
came Confederate  spoil.  Against  Kearney’s  left 
rushed  the  Confederates,  but  Kearney  was  aided  by 
Slocum  ; two  brigades  returned  from  Franklin’s  field 


164  Robert  E.  Lee.  [1862 

to  strengthen  Sedgwick’s  part  of  the  battle,  while 
Hooker  made  assault  against  Longstreet’s  flank. 
A.  P.  Hill’s  men  now  rushed  into  the  fight,  but  the 
Confederates  could  only  hold  the  ground  from  which 
McCall’s  men  had  fled.  McCall  himself  remained 
behind  as  Longstreet’s  prisoner,  in  company  with 
fourteen  Federal  field-guns. 

While  the  battle  raged  at  Frayser’s  farm,  Holmes 
led  his  six  thousand  and  a six-gun  battery  over  the 
slopes  of  the  Malvern  Hill  to  Turkey  Island  Bridge. 
But  Warren’s  brigade  of  fifteen  hundred  men  and 
thirty  guns,  assisted  by  the  formidable  shells  from 
the  gunboats,  drove  Holmes  back.  In  answer  to 
his  call  for  help,  Magruder’s  column  was  deflected 
from  the  edge  of  Longstreet’s  battle  and  sent  to 
Malvern  Hill,  but  that  conflict  was  concluded  before 
he  reached  the  field. 

The  result  of  this  day’s  struggle  was  to  leave 
McClellan  in  possession  of  his  line  of  retreat. 
Gladly  did  his  corps-commanders  avail  themselves 
of  it  without  specific  directions  from  McClellan,  and 
in  the  hours  of  darkness  his  column  was  withdrawn 
along  the  Quaker  road  to  the  crest  of  Malvern  Hill. 
As  night  settled  down  upon  the  carnage  of  June 
30,  McClellan  was  thus  telegraphing  Stanton : 

Another  day  of  desperate  fighting.  We  are  hard 
pressed  by  superior  numbers.  I fear  I shall  be 
forced  to  abandon  my  material  to  save  my  men 
under  cover  of  the  gunboats.  You  must  send  us 
very  large  reinforcements.” 

Sixty  feet  above  the  James  stand  the  Malvern 
bluffs.  Northward  to  the  distance  of  nearly  two 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days'  Battles. 


i65 


miles,  the  Malvern  plateau  falls  away  in  a gradual 
slope  until  it  enters  the  swamps  of  upper  West 
Run.  Across  this  plateau,  along  the  crest  of  the 
hill,  commanding  the  approach  by  the  Quaker  road- 
way, McClellan  massed  his  guns  and  his  infantry. 
In  an  arc  from  Crew’s  house  to  Binford’s  were 
planted  the  corps  of  Porter  and  the  division  of 
Couch.  McCall  stood  in  Porter’s  rear;  to  Couch’s 
right  and  rear  were  stationed  the  three  corps  of 
Heintzelman,  Sumner  and  Franklin.  The  corps  of 
Keyes  linked  this  fortress  with  the  Federal  gun- 
boats; the  declivities  on  each  flank  were  made 
strong  with  cannon  and  men. 

Noonday  of  July  1 found  Lee  marshalling  a part 
of  the  forces  of  J ackson  and  H uger  across  the  Quaker 
road  in  front  of  McClellan’s  stronghold.  Ignorance 
of  the  fact  that  two  different  roadways  were  called 
the  Quaker  road  caused  Magruder  several  miles  of 
counter-marching,  and  kept  him  away  from  the  field 
until  the  day  was  waning.  Longstreet  and  A.  P. 
Hill  were  not  ordered  into  the  battle;  Holmes,  on 
the  River  road,  faced  the  Malvern  bluff,  but  made 
no  assault. 

The  Confederate  artillery  could  not  all  be  moved 
through  the  dense  thickets  into  action  against  the 
Federal  guns.  A few  of  Lee’s  batteries  for  a time 
withstood  the  fury  of  the  iron  storm.  On  the 
Confederate  left,  the  batteries  of  Balthis,  Poague, 
and  Carpenter,  held  their  position;  on  the  Confed- 
erate right,  Davidson  and  Pegram  faced  the  Federal 
guns  after  the  repulse  of  Grimes  and  Moorman. 
As  the  Confederate  infantrymen  aligned  themselves 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


1 66 


in  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  they  saw  the  Federal 
cannon  stationed  in  their  front  tier  above  tier. 
Sixty  field-pieces  swept  the  meadows  and  the  slope 
in  front  of  Porter’s  position  at  the  Crew  house. 
Behind  this  line  were  ten  heavy  siege  guns.  More- 
over, the  crest  of  the  slope  was  swarming  with 
riflemen  and  Couch  at  the  West  house  stood  be- 
hind heavy  ordnance.  Lee  ordered  an  attack  by 
his  front  line  under  Huger,  Magruder,  D.  H.  Hill, 
and  Whiting.  Armistead’s  brigade  on  the  right 
was  to  give  the  signal  for  the  assault  by  advanc- 
ing with  a yell.  A yell  was  heard,  but  not 
from  Armistead,  and  Hill  attacked  alone;  after- 
wards, Armistead  gave  the  signal,  but  no  concert  of 
action  followed.  Later,  Magruder  fought  his  way 
toward  the  Crew  house,  but  Huger  failed  to  render 
adequate  support.  Porter’s  line  was  shaken,  and  he 
called  for  aid  ; the  additional  canister  and  musketry 
at  last  forced  Magruder  to  retire. 

D.  H.  Hill  made  gallant  assault  upon  the  Federal 
centre  and  left  centre  in  front  of  West’s.  Whiting 
on  the  left  heard  not  Hill’s  signal  and  made  no  ad- 
vance. Hill’s  blow  caused  the  Federal  centre  to 
waver;  but  reinforcements  swarmed  to  the  aid  of 
Couch,  and  Hill’s  battle  proved  to  be  only  the 
slaughter  of  his  brave  soldiers.  The  reinforcements 
hurried  forward  by  Lee  were  checked  by  the  falling 
darkness.  Five  thousand  Confederates  paid  the  tri- 
bute of  wounds  and  death  to  their  zeal  and  devotion. 
The  lateness  of  the  hour,  the  misunderstanding  of 
orders,  and  the  impossibility  of  forming  line  of  bat- 
tle in  the  edge  of  a dense  wilderness,  resulted  in 


18621 


The  Seven  Days  Battles. 


167 


bringing  only  fourteen  Confederate  brigades  into 
the  assault.  Against  the  irregular  charge  of  this 
small  body,  two  or  three  brigades  at  a time,  McClel- 
lan’s position  was  impregnable.  But  the  Federal 
commander  had  no  heart  to  hold  his  ground  ; silence 
had  scarcely  fallen  on  the  field  when  McClellan  or- 
dered Porter  to  start  the  whole  army  “ at  once  ” 
towards  Harrison’s  on  the  James,  with  this  specific 
injunction:  “ In  case  you  should  find  it  impossible 
to  move  your  heavy  artillery,  you  are  to  spike  the 
guns  and  destroy  the  carriages.”  The  order  to  Por- 
ter contained  this  final  suggestion:  ‘‘Stimulate 
your  men  by  informing  them  that  reinforcements, 
etc.,  have  arrived  at  our  new  base.”  This  night 
retreat  toward  the  river  bore  the  semblance  of  a 
rout.  Waggons  and  equipage  were  abandoned  and 
rifles  by  the  thousand  were  thrown  away  by  the 
disheartened  Federal  soldiers.  Hooker  thus  de- 
scribes the  flight:  “ It  was  like  the  retreat  of  a 
whipped  army.  We  retreated  like  a parcel  of  sheep ; 
everybody  on  the  road  at  the  same  time,  and  a few 
shots  from  the  rebels  would  have  panic-stricken  the 
whole  command.” 

Lee  ordered  Longstreet  to  lead  the  Confederate 
advance  to  the  left  of  Malvern  Hill.  But  Longstreet 
marched  only  two  miles  through  the  rain  of  July  2, 
and  halted  for  the  night  on  the  River  road.  On 
Thursday,  July  3,  the  army  was  counter-marched  to 
Willis  Church  to  seek  the  Charles  City  roadway,  but 
incompetent  guides  again  retarded  the  advance  of 
Longstreet.  When  Lee  presented  his  army  in  front 
of  McClellan’s  camp  at  Westover,  at  noon,  on  Fri- 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


1 68 


day,  July  4,  the  Federal  host  was  safe  behind  strong 
defensive  works.  Failure  had  fallen  upon  the 
entire  Federal  campaign  for  the  capture  of  Rich- 
mond. Disaster  in  the  valley  had  been  followed  by 
disaster  on  the  James.  Eighty  thousand  Confeder- 
ates, directed  by  the  skill  of  Lee  and  of  Jackson, 
had  paralysed  the  movements  of  two  hundred  thou- 
sand Federal  soldiers.  McClellan  now  called  for 

more  than  one  hundred  thousand  ” fresh  troops, 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  actually  ordered  Halleck  to  send 
him  a strong  band  from  the  western  army  near 
Corinth.  McClellan’s  artillery  had  saved  him  from 
destruction.  In  each  battle  the  Federal  hosts  held 
strong  positions,  in  most  cases  fortified.  The  Con- 
federates moved  across  open  fields,  and  by  sheer 
courage  carried  these  intrenchments.  They  had 
literally  driven  McClellan  to  the  James.  The  result 
of  these  bold  assaults  was  a Confederate  loss  of 
twenty  thousand  men,  while  the  Federal  loss  was 
sixteen  thousand  men.  But  the  war-cloud  lowered 
no  longer  near  the  capital  of  the  Confederacy. 

“ Under  ordinary  circumstances,  the  Federal  army 
should  have  been  destroyed.”  Thus  spake  Lee  of 
the  Seven  Days.  The  chief  reason  for  McClellan’s 
escape,  said  Lee,  was 

“the  want  of  correct  and  timely  information.  This  fact,  attributa- 
ble chiefly  to  the  character  of  the  country,  enabled  General  McClellan 
skilfully  to  conceal  his  retreat,  and  to  add  much  to  the  obstructions 
with  which  nature  had  beset  the  way  of  our  pursuing  columns  ; but 
regret  that  more  was  not  accomplished  gives  way  to  gratitude  to  the 
sovereign  Ruler  of  the  Universe  for  the  results  achieved.” 

In  his  tender  of  thanks  to  the  army,  July  7,  Lee 


1862] 


The  Seven  Days'  Battles. 


169 


summed  up  the  results  of  the  struggle  in  these 
terms : 

“ The  immediate  fruits  of  our  success  are  the  relief  of  Richmond 
from  a state  of  siege  ; the  rout  of  the  great  army  that  so  loqg  men- 
aced its  safety  ; many  thousand  prisoners,  including  officers  of  high 
rank  ; the  capture  or  destruction  of  stores  to  the  value  of  millions, 
and  the  acquisition  of  thousands  of  arms  and  forty  pieces  of  superior 
artillery. 

“The  sendee  rendered  to  the  country  in  this  short  but  eventful 
period  can  scarcely  be  estimated,  and  the  General  commanding  can- 
not adequately  express  his  admiration  of  the  courage,  endurance  and 
soldierly  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  engaged.  These  brilliant 
results  have  cost  us  many  brave  men  ; but  while  we  mourn  the  loss  of 
our  gallant  dead,  let  us  not  forget  that  they  died  nobly  in  defence  of 
their  country’s  freedom,  and  have  linked  their  memory  with  an  event 
that  will  live  forever  in  the  hearts  of  a grateful  people. 

“ Soldiers,  your  country  will  thank  you  for  the  heroic  conduct  you 
have  displayed,  conduct  worthy  of  men  engaged  in  a cause  so  just 
and  sacred,  and  deserving  a nation’s  gratitude  and  praise.” 

General  Lee  now  possessed  the  full  confidence  of 
his  soldiers.  Every  day  during  this  struggle  they 
had  seen  his  eyes  flash  with  fire  as  he  urged  the  lines 
into  battle.  Under  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy’s 
guns  he  rode  in  person  to  direct  the  assaults.  Re- 
connaissances to  points  of  danger  he  made  alone  in 
person.  His  own  fierce  determination  moved  Hill 
and  Magruder  against  the  artillery  at  Malvern  Hill, 
yet  not  one  word  of  censure  did  he  have  for  his 
officers  and  men  when  he  saw  McClellan’s  escape. 
Even  amidst  the  heat  of  battle  he  could  attribute 
this  to  the  difficulties  of  the  field  itself.  At  Willis 
Church,  during  the  stir  and  bustle  of  pursuit,  D.  H. 
Hill  saw  Lee  calm  and  cool:  “ He  bore  grandly  his 
terrible  disappointment  of  the  day  before  [Frayser’s 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


1 70 

farm],  and  made  no  allusion  to  it.”  A tower  of 
strength  had  Lee  made  himself  by  one  month’s 
service  in  the  field  with  this  army  of  heroes.  Sol- 
diers looked  with  devotion  upon  a leader  who  dared 
to  give  battle  against  heavy  odds,  and  who  showed, 
also,  the  generous  daring  to  shoulder  the  responsi- 
bility for  every  movement. 


THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  MALVERN  HILL. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

LEE’S  ADVANCE  INTO  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA — SEC- 
OND MANASSAS. 

1862. 

HE  disaster  incurred  in  the  Chicka- 
hominy  swamps  at  the  hand  of  Lee, 
induced  the  Federal  Administration 
to  attempt  the  capture  of  Richmond 
from  the  direction  of  the  upper  Rap- 
pahannock. June  26  had  seen  the  organisation 
of  the  Army  of  Virginia,  under  John  Pope,  who  had 
recently  attained  some  success  in  front  of  Corinth. 
Pope’s  force  was  made  up  of  the  three  corps  of  Fre- 
mont, Banks,  and  McDowell.  Burnside’s  thirteen 
thousand  were  ordered  to  hasten  from  North  Caro- 
lina up  the  Potomac  to  Aquia,  and  preparations  were 
made  to  withdraw  McClellan’s  ninety  thousand  from 
the  James  to  the  plains  of  northern  Virginia,  to  add 
strength  to  Pope. 

To  facilitate  McClellan’s  retreat  from  the  eastern 
front  of  Richmond  was  Pope’s  first  business.  He 
was  ordered  to  plant  himself  at  the  eastern  base  of 
the  Blue  Ridge  in  order  to  menace  Charlottesville, 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


1 72 

Gordonsville,  and  the  line  of  the  Central  railroad. 
It  was  expected  that  Lee  would  divide  his  Rich- 
mond forces  to  make  resistance  against  Pope ; thus 
McClellan  could  move  down  the  James  in  safety. 
McClellan  made  strenuous  opposition  to  the  entire 
plan ; he  demanded  reinforcements  for  another 
advance  against  Richmond.  But  the  Administra- 
tion overruled  the  young  Napoleon,  and  the  army 
under  Pope  became  now  the  Federal  advance  guard 
in  the  movement  toward  the  Confederate  capital. 

Early  in  July,  Sigel  led  Fremont’s  corps  from  the 
lower  Valley  to  Sperry  ville ; Banks  likewise  moved 
his  force  across  the  Ridge  to  Little  Washington. 
Ricketts’s  division  of  McDowell’s  corps  advanced 
from  Manassas  to  Waterloo  Bridge  on  the  Rappa- 
hannock, and  King’s  division  remained  in  camp  at 
Fredericksburg.  With  his  standard  thus  unfurled 
in  the  Piedmont  region,  Pope  sought  by  means  of  a 
formal  address,  July  14,  to  reanimate  the  brigades 
whom  Jackson  had  left  demoralised  in  the  valley: 

“ I have  come  to  you  from  the  West,  where  we  have  always  seen 
the  backs  of  our  enemies, — from  an  army  whose  business  it  has  been 
to  seek  the  adversary,  and  beat  him  when  found,— whose  policy  has 
been  attack,  not  defence.  ...  I desire  you  to  dismiss  from  your 
minds  certain  phrases,  which  I am  sorry  to  find  much  in  vogue 
amongst  you.  I hear  constantly  of  taking  strong  positions  and  hold- 
ing them, — of  lines  of  retreat  and  of  bases  of  supplies.  Let  us  dis- 
card such  ideas.  The  strongest  position  a soldier  should  desire  to 
occupy  is  one  from  which  he  can  most  easily  advance  against  the 
enemy.  Let  us  study  the  probable  lines  of  retreat  of  our  opponents, 
and  leave  our  own  to  take  care  of  themselves.  Let  us  look  before  us 
and  not  behind.  Success  and  glory  are  in  the  advance.  Disaster 
and  shame  lurk  in  the  rear.” 

Pope  also  issued  certain  orders  directed  against 


1862] 


Advance  into  Northern  Virginia.  173 


the  unarmed  citizens  of  this  section.  Private  prop- 
erty was  appropriated  by  roaming  bands  of  soldiers; 
citizens  were  held  personally  accountable  for  attacks 
made  upon  the  Federal  trains  and  troops  by  gueril- 
las and  partisan  bands;  all  male  citizens,  in  case  of 
refusal  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, were  to  be  driven  beyond  the  Federal  lines 
and  “ notified  that  if  found  again  anywhere  within 
our  lines,  or  at  any  point  in  rear,  they  will  be  con- 
sidered spies,  and  subjected  to  the  extreme  rigour  of 
military  law.” 

Lee  saw  the  danger  to  Richmond,  with  Pope  in 
the  Piedmont  section  and  McClellan  still  encamped 
on  the  James.  But  the  Federal  plans  were  not  yet 
apparent.  On  July  13,  Jackson  was  sent  to  Gor- 
donsville,  with  the  divisions  of  Winder  and  Ewell, 
and  Robertson’s  cavalry,  twelve  thousand  men. 
Soon  thereafter  were  published  Pope’s  unprece- 
dented orders,  which  Lee  characterised  as  “ atroci- 
ties ” threatened  against  ‘‘defenceless  citizens.” 
By  direction  of  the  Confederate  authorities,  Lee 
sent  to  Halleck  a note  protesting  against  Pope’s 
orders  as  a violation  of  the  recent  agreement  for  the 
exchange  of  prisoners,  and  as  inaugurating  “ a 
savage  war  in  which  no  quarter  is  to  be  given.” 
Halleck  refused  to  consider  the  protest,  but  Pope 
abandoned  his  proposed  policy.  A week  before 
sending  the  protest,  Lee  wrote  this  to  his  wife: 

“ In  the  prospect  before  me  I cannot  see  a single  ray  of  pleasure 
during  this  war  ; but  so  long  as  I can  perform  any  service  to  the 
country  I am  content. 

“When  you  write  to  Rob  [of  Jackson’s  artillery]  again,  tell  him 
to  catch  Pope  for  me,  and  also  to  bring  in  his  cousin  Louis  Marshall, 


174 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


LI  862 


who,  I am  told,  is  on  his  staff.  I could  forgive  the  latter  fighting 
against  us,  but  not  his  joining  Pope.” 

On  July  27,  Lee  sent  forward  twelve  thousand 
additional  troops  under  A.  P.  Hill,  to  aid  Jackson  in 
opposing  the  advance  of  Pope. 

Before  the  gates  of  Richmond,  Lee  retained  only 
about  fifty  thousand  muskets.  D.  H.  Hill  was  sent 
secretly  to  the  southern  bank  of  the  James,  and  from 
Coggins  Point,  under  cover  of  darkness,  he  suddenly 
poured  the  fire  of  forty-three  guns  upon  McClellan’s 
shipping  and  his  city  of  tents.  Hill’s  assault  stirred 
McClellan  into  activity.  August  5 saw  him  ad- 
vance from  Westover  to  his  former  field  of  Malvern 
Hill.  Lee  moved  to  meet  him  as  far  as  the  Long 
Bridge  road.  The  Confederate  left  wing  was  pushed 
out  to  the  Willis  Church  with  orders  to  threaten 
McClellan’s  rear;  at  the  same  time  the  brigades  of 
Evans  and  Cobb,  on  the  right,  drove  the  Federal 
advance  behind  the  Malvern  guns. 

When  Lee  advanced  his  line  of  battle  against  the 
heights  held  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  morn- 
ing light  revealed  the  fact  that  McClellan  had  again 
retired  under  cover  of  darkness.  While  Lee  thus  held 
McClellan  in  ward  behind  his  Westover  fortifications 
and  Stuart  guarded  the  line  between  Richmond  and 
Gordonsville,  Jackson  was  preparing  to  spring  across 
the  Rapidan  upon  his  old  antagonist,  Banks,  who 
was  now  under  Pope’s  orders.  Lee’s  strong  desire 
was  to  send  part  of  his  own  force  to  assist  Jackson. 
He  regarded  McClellan’s  movement  to  Malvern 
Hill  as  merely  a demonstration,  but  held  it  prudent 
to  retain  his  full  line  near  Richmond.  The  manage- 


1862]  Advance  into  Northern  Virginia. 


1 75 


ment  of  the  Rapidan  campaign  he  entrusted  to  his 
lieutenant,  and  encouraged  Jackson  on  the  eve  of 
battle  in  these  terms:  “ Relying  upon  your  judg- 
ment, courage,  and  discretion,  and  trusting  to  the 
continued  blessing  of  an  ever-kind  Providence,  I 
hope  for  victory.  ” 

Jackson  was  watching  Pope’s  effort  to  concentrate 
his  army  at  Culpeper.  On  August  7,  the  Federal 
forces,  to  the  number  of  thirty-six  thousand  five 
hundred,  were  arrayed  along  the  turnpike  from 
Sperry ville  to  Culpeper,  while  the  Federal  cavalry 
kept  watch  near  the  Rapidan.  Jackson  marched 
across  the  Rapidan  against  Culpeper  Court  House. 
Banks  led  eight  thousand  men  southward  to  op- 
pose Jackson’s  advance  across  Cedar  Run.  Rick- 
etts’s division  of  nearly  ten  thousand,  likewise  moved 
from  Culpeper  to  sustain  Banks.  Across  the  road- 
way, Jackson  drew  up  the  heads  of  his  columns, 
to  meet  the  assault  delivered  by  Banks ; the  six 
brigades  forming  the  Confederate  front  line  of  battle 
numbered  eight  thousand,  seven  hundred  muskets. 
Upon  the  plain  south  of  Cedar  Run,  the  eight  thou- 
sand of  Banks  rushed  to  the  attack.  Jackson’s  front 
line  held  the  field  until  three  brigades  from  the  rear- 
guard made  him  strong  for  the  forward  movement. 
From  the  northern  slope  of  Cedar  Mountain,  Jack- 
son’s guns  rained  their  heavy  shot  upon  the  plains 
below;  along  the  Culpeper  road  rushed  Jackson’s 
left  wing;  their  bayonets  completed  the  work  of 
Jackson’s  batteries  in  routing  Banks  across  Cedar 
Run  to  the  refuge  offered  by  the  darkness  and  by 
the  ten  thousand  men  under  Ricketts. 


i ;6 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


The  sunrise  of  August  io  revealed  over  thirty 
thousand  Federal  troops  concentrated  behind  Cedar 
Run  on  the  Culpeper  road,  ten  thousand  more 
under  King  at  the  distance  of  one  day’s  march,  and 
eight  thousand  of  Burnside’s  contingent  only  three 
marches  distant  under  the  leadership  of  Reno. 
Jackson  therefore  drew  back  to  keep  in  touch  with 
Lee,  and  the  morning  of  August  12  dawned  upon 
him  near  Gordonsville,  while  Pope  remained  at  Cul- 
peper to  make  conjectures  concerning  “ Stonewall’s  ” 
movements.  Jackson  thus  made  report  to  Lee: 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  instant,  God  blessed 
our  arms  with  another  victory.”  Immediately  in 
reply  Lee  sent  Jackson  this  generous  commendation  : 

I congratulate  you  most  heartily  on  the  victory 
which  God  has  granted  you  over  our  enemies  at 
Cedar  Run.  The  country  owes  you  and  your  brave 
officers  and  soldiers  a deep  debt  of  gratitude.” 

Pope  now  advanced  his  batteries  to  the  northern 
bank  of  the  Rapidan,  and  McClellan  showed  signs 
of  final  flight  down  the  Peninsula.  Lee  at  once 
divined  the  plan  to  concentrate  the  entire  Federal 
force  under  Pope’s  banner,  and  thus  to  strike  Rich- 
mond from  the  north.  Even  before  McClellan  folded 
his  Westover  tents,  Lee  began  to  move.  His  aim 
now  was  to  hurl  his  entire  army  against  Pope  before 
the  army  of  the  Potomac  could  transplant  itself  from 
the  James  to  the  Rappahannock.  Longstreet’s 
corps  was  set  in  motion  from  Richmond  toward 
Gordonsville,  on  August  13;  not  until  the  follow- 
ing morning,  August  14,  did  McClellan  begin  to 
move  his  army  from  Westover  in  the  direction  of 


1862]  Advance  into  Northern  Virginia. 


177 


Fortress  Monroe.  Into  Gordonsville  itself  marched 
the  head  of  Longstreet’s  column,  August  15,  at 
an  hour  when  McClellan’s  rearguard  had  not  yet 
broken  camp  to  retreat  from  YVestover.  Lee’s 
strategy  was  thus  making  rapid  progress  toward 
success. 

The  Confederate  scouts  brought  news  from  the 
summit  of  Clarke’s  Mountain  of  a vast  city  of  Fed- 
eral tents  pitched  in  the  plains  about  Cedar  Moun- 
tain and  guarded  by  cavalry  outposts  at  the  Locust- 
dale  and  Raccoon  fords.  By  the  addition  of  Reno 
and  King,  Pope’s  muskets  now  numbered  beyond 
fifty  thousand.  Longstreet  counselled  a flank  move- 
ment toward  the  Confederate  left,  in  order  to  seek 
battle  on  the  Blue  Ridge  slopes.  But  to  Lee  and 
Jackson  it  seemed  wiser  to  press  rapidly  toward  the 
Confederate  right  and  to  thrust  the  Confederate 
army  between  Pope  and  Washington. 

Jackson  moved  with  rapid  step,  and  August  16 
found  his  corps  in  camp  at  Pisgah  Church,  ready  to 
leave  the  Somerville  ford  behind  them  at  the  dawn- 
ing of  the  1 8th.  On  the  same  day,  August  16, 
Lee  ordered  Longstreet  forward  from  Gordonsville 
as  far  as  this  same  Pisgah  Church,  with  his  tents 
pitched  toward  the  Raccoon  ford,  where  Lafayette 
crossed  with  his  battalions  in  Revolutionary  days. 
Longstreet  made  objection  to  the  movement  on  the 
ground  that  his  men  were  without  provisions.  Jack- 
son  offered  to  furnish  bread  to  Longstreet’s  men, 
and  pleaded  for  immediate  advance  against  Pope’s 
flank.  Lee  yielded  to  Longstreet’s  obstinacy  and 

postponed  the  attack,  and  with  characteristic  mag- 
12 


i;8 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


nanimity  assumed  entire  responsibility  for  the  delay, 
as  may  be  seen  from  the  following  report : 

“ It  was  determined  with  the  cavalry  to  destroy  the  railroad  bridge 
over  the  Rappahannock  in  rear  of  the  enemy,  while  Longstreet  and 
Jackson  crossed  the  Rapidan  and  attacked  his  left  flank.  The  move- 
ment, as  explained  in  the  accompanying  order,  was  appointed  for 
August  1 8th,  but  the  necessary  preparations  not  having  been  com- 
pleted, its  execution  was  postponed  to  the  20th.” 

The  calmness  of  Lee  while  planning  this  bold 
flank  movement  may  be  seen  in  the  following  letter, 
dated  August  17 : 

“ Here  I am  in  a tent  instead  of  my  comfortable  quarters  at 
Dobbs’s.  The  tent,  however,  is  very  comfortable  and  of  that  I have 
nothing  to  complain.  General  Pope  says  he  is  very  strong,  and 
seems  to  feel  so,  for  he  is  moving  apparently  up  to  the  Rapidan.  I 
hope  he  will  not  prove  stronger  than  we  are.  I learn  since  I have 
left  that  General  McClellan  has  moved  down  the  James  River  with 
his  whole  army.  I suppose  he  is  coming  here  too,  so  we  shall  have 
a busy  time.  Burnside  and  King  from  Fredericksburg  have  joined 
Pope,  which,  from  their  own  report,  has  swelled  Pope  to  ninety-two 
thousand.  I do  not  believe  it,  though  I believe  he  is  very  big. 
Johnny  Lee  saw  Louis  Marshall  [General  Lee’s  nephew  on  Pope’s 
staff]  after  Jackson’s  last  battle,  who  asked  him  kindly  after  his  old 
uncle,  and  said  his  mother  was  well.  Johnny  said  Louis  looked 
wretchedly  himself.  I am  sorry  he  is  in  such  bad  company,  but  I 
suppose  he  could  not  help  it.” 

August  19  found  both  Confederate  corps  massed 
near  the  Rapidan  ready  to  strike  Pope’s  left  and  rear 
the  following  day.  But  Fitz  Lee  had  led  his  brigade 
too  far  afield,  because  of  Stuart’s  indefinite  orders, 
and  failed  to  reach  the  appointed  rendezvous.  The 
entire  cavalry  corps  was  thus  delayed  twenty-four 
hours;  the  delay,  moreover,  resulted  in  the  capture 


1862] 


A dvance  into  Northern  Virginia.  1 79 


of  Stuart’s  adjutant  on  outpost  duty.  A paper  on 
the  person  of  this  adjutant  revealed  to  Pope  the 
entire  Confederate  plan. 

From  the  summit  of  Clarke’s  Mountain,  that  same 
nineteenth  day  of  August,  Lee  looked  across  the 
Rapidan  in  sorrow  upon  the  Federal  army  moving 
back  toward  the  Rappahannock.  He  was  disap- 
pointed to  see  that  Pope  was  turning  toward  his  own 
rear.  Lee  was  full  of  the  spirit  of  combativeness. 
But  his  eagerness  for  battle  was  not  greater  than 
that  of  his  own  soldiers.  Although  their  only  habi- 
tation was  the  bare  ground  with  the  covering  of  a 
single  blanket,  their  only  food  “ now  and  then  an 
ear  of  corn,  fried  apples,  or  a bit  of  ham  broiled  on 
a stick,  but  quite  frequently  [they]  do  without 
either  from  morning  until  night,”  yet  with  cheers 
and  burning  zeal  did  Lee’s  veterans  leap  forward  in 
pursuit  of  Pope. 

August  21  found  Lee’s  fifty  thousand  confront- 
ing Pope’s  fifty-five  thousand  along  the  Rappahan- 
nock River  from  Kelley’s  ford  to  Beverley  ford. 
Across  the  stream  the  artillery  continued  to  play  a 
furious  game  and  cavalry  assaults  were  made  by 
both  commanders.  The  advance  corps  of  McClel- 
lan’s army  were  in  rapid  approach  from  Alexandria 
and  Fredericksburg.  The  plains  of  Virginia,  as  far 
north  as  Washington,  were  rapidly  filling  up  with 
the  Federal  hosts. 

Lee  now  decided  to  move  up-stream,  to  swing 
Jackson’s  corps  across  the  river,  around  the  Federal 
right  flank,  and  thus  to  cut  off  Pope  from  his  line  of 
communication  with  Washington.  Jackson’s  move- 


i8o 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


ment  began  to  the  sound  of  Longstreet’s  guns;  the 
latter  kept  Banks  and  McDowell  under  arms  to  op- 
pose the  feigned  advance  of  Lee’s  right  wing  across 
the  river.  At  swift  pace  Jackson  moved  northward 
and  threw  Early  across  the  stream  at  the  Sulphur 
Springs.  Stuart  led  fifteen  hundred  horsemen  across 
Waterloo  Bridge  through  Warrenton  as  far  as  Cat- 
lett’s Station  on  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  railway. 
Pope’s  official  papers  became  Stuart’s  spoil,  but  tor- 
rents of  rain  prevented  the  daring  trooper  from  in- 
flicting further  damage.  The  swollen  river  checked 
the  progress  of  Jackson’s  rearguard,  and  Stuart  and 
Early  recrossed  the  river  and  bivouacked  once  more 
on  the  southern  bank.  Pope  had  kept  his  brigades 
busy  in  zigzag  movements  to  meet  the  threatened 
advance  of  the  Confederate  columns.  Utter  be- 
wilderment had  already-  settled  like  a cloud  over 
the  mind  of  the  Federal  commander. 

Lee  summoned  forward  from  Richmond  the  di- 
visions of  D.  H.  Hill,  J.  G.  Walker,  and  McLaws,  and 
made  ready  for  an  assault  upon  Pope’s  rear.  He 
sought  conference  with  Jackson.  Eye-witnesses  of 
this  conference  report  Lee  as  listening  while  Jackson 
made  boot-marks  in  the  sand  and  gesticulated  with 
his  hands.  The  decision  was  made  to  send  Jackson 
around  Pope’s  right  flank,  to  cut  his  communications 
and  then  to  hold  him  at  bay  until  Lee  could  bring 
forward  Longstreet’s  corps  and  deliver  battle  with 
his  entire  army  on  the  plains  beyond  the  Rappa- 
hannock. 

Jackson’s  corps  of  twenty-two  thousand  men 
stripped  themselves  of  every  encumbrance,  and 


,111 

' 


1862] 


Advance  into  Northern  Virginia. 


1 8 1 


girded  their  loins  for  the  conflict.  Ammunition 
only  was  to  be  conveyed  on  wheels.  Some  tough 
biscuits  and  a handful  of  salt  formed  the  contents  of 
the  haversacks.  Green  corn  from  the  fields,  and 
apples  from  the  trees,  were  to  supply  food  until 
these  heroes  could  draw  rations  from  the  vast  store- 
houses located  on  the  railway  in  the  rear  of  Pope’s 
army.  The  sun  of  August  25  arose  in  midsummer 
glory  upon  Jackson’s  march.  Enthusiasm  and  fierce 
courage  flashed  from  every  eye  as  these  raw-boned, 
half-clad  athletes  pressed  onward  after  their  beloved 
leader.  As  sunset  fell  upon  the  weary  column,  the 
barefooted  veterans  with  swinging  caps  and  sup- 
pressed cheers  filed  past  Jackson  in  the  roadway  at 
Salem.  Not  a soldier  nor  an  officer  knew  his  plans. 
Twenty-five  miles  had  been  left  behind  them  during 
the  single  day.  A radiance  lit  up  Jackson’s  face  as 
he  said,  “ Who  would  not  conquer  with  such  men 
as  these!  ” From  morning  until  afternoon  they  had 
listened  to  the  sound  of  Longstreet’s  artillery  as  he 
kept  Pope  at  bay  below  Waterloo  Bridge.  Those 
guns  spoke  of  another  corps  as  brave  and  as  true  as 
the  men  under  Jackson;  they  spoke  of  Lee’s  stern 
courage,  and  of  his  sublime  confidence  in  his  lieu- 
tenant, now  entrusted  with  full  authority  and  dis- 
cretion to  strike  the  chief  blow  of  the  campaign. 
Lee  was  violating  a fundamental  principle  of  mili- 
tary strategy  in  dividing  his  own  forces  before  the 
very  face  of  the  enemy;  but  this  act  of  splendid 
daring  reveals  the  perfect  harmony  that  bound  to- 
gether the  two  chief  Confederate  leaders.  It  shows 
Lee’s  quick  knowledge  of  the  temper  and  intrepid 


182 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


valour  of  his  citizen-soldiers,  that  he  could  swing  his 
army  in  separate  columns  from  the  Rappahannock 
to  Manassas,  and  there  deliver  the  aggressive  battle 
that  forced  a more  numerous  foe  from  the  soil  of 
Virginia  into  the  defences  around  Washington. 

August  26  found  Jackson  hastening  from  Salem 
forward  through  the  narrow  gorge  in  Bull  Run 
Mountain  called  Thoroughfare  Gap.  As  the  dark- 
ness fell  upon  his  swift-foooted  veterans  at  the  end 
of  a twenty-four-mile  march,  their  banner  was  un- 
furled at  Bristoe  Station,  Alexandria  railway,  and 
at  midnight  Trimble’s  bayonets  and  Stuart’s  sabres 
were  in  possession  of  Manassas  Junction,  four  miles 
to  the  eastward.  Sunset  of  this  same  day  saw 
Longstreet’s  head  of  column  going  into  camp  at 
Orleans;  Lee  had  left  six  thousand  men  to  watch 
the  river  at  Waterloo  and  was  pushing  his  main 
column  forward  in  Jackson’s  footsteps.  The  latter 
had  now  planted  himself  directly  between  Pope  and 
Washington.  Pope’s  army  had  been  augmented  by 
the  arrival  of  Porter’s  ten  thousand  men  at  Bealeton, 
Heintzelman’s  ten  thousand  at  Warrenton  Junction, 
while  Sumner,  Franklin,  and  Cox  were  approach- 
ing from  Alexandria.  The  morning  of  August  27 
dawned  upon  Pope’s  vast  Federal  host  with  face 
turned  to  the  rear,  and  under  orders  to  march  to- 
ward Gainesville  in  search  of  Jackson. 

The  early  hours  of  August  27  witnessed  great 
commotion  on  the  plains  between  the  Rappahannock 
and  Bull  Run.  The  waters  of  the  former  stream 
heard  not  the  sound  of  a gun,  but  flowed  unvexed 
toward  the  Bay.  The  rumble  of  cannon  carriages 


1862]  Advance  into  Northern  Virginia.  183 

and  the  tramp  of  heavy  columns  drew  near  the  Bull 
Run  bluffs.  Behind  the  mountain  chain  to  the 
north,  the  veterans  of  Longstreet,  accompanied  by 
Lee  in  person,  were  pressing  forward  at  steady  pace 
from  Orleans  through  Salem  to  White  Plains.  The 
disturbing  cause  of  all  this  hasty  marching  by  Fed- 
eral and  Confederate  forces  was  enjoying  in  quiet- 
ness the  spoil  of  war  at  Manassas.  Jackson’s  corps 
held  high  carnival  all  day  long  amid  the  wealth  of 
Pope’s  store  of  supplies.  Bare  feet  were  shod  and 
naked  bodies  were  clad,  but  first  of  all  were  Jackson’s 
starved  heroes  fed  upon  the  abundance  of  Manassas. 

Ewell,  behind  Broad  Run,  held  Hooker  at  bay; 
but  Sigel  and  McDowell  in  Gainesville,  and  Kearney 
and  Reno  at  Greenwich,  were,  at  sunset  between 
Jackson  and  Lee.  The  march  of  Longstreet’s  corps 
on  the  27th  carried  him  over  the  fifteen  miles  from 
Orleans  to  White  Plains.  Lee  rode  in  advance  and 
left  the  control  of  the  corps  entirely  to  his  lieuten- 
ant. Longstreet  states  that  because  couriers  from 
Jackson  affirmed  all  to  be  well,  he  did  not  urge  his 
men  to  a swift  pace.  The  gallant  brigades  under 
his  banner,  not  aware  that  speed  was  necessary,  did 
not  make  a forced  march.  As  Lee  was  moving  on- 
ward far  in  front  with  his  staff,  he  narrowly  escaped 
capture  near  Salem  by  a squadron  of  Federal  cavalry. 
A large  body  of  Federal  horsemen  were  hovering 
near  the  Confederate  column.  More  than  an  hour’s 
delay  in  the  march  of  the  corps  was  caused  by  the 
sending  of  infantry  to  drive  them  away. 

At  the  dawn  of  the  28th,  the  corps  was  moving  out 
of  White  Plains,  but  Longstreet  did  not  bring  the 


184 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


head  of  his  column  to  the  mouth  of  Thoroughfare 
Gap,  seven  miles  away,  until  three  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon.  The  pass  was  gleaming  with  Federal 
bayonets  entering  from  the  east.  Across  the  Bull 
Run  Mountain  rolled  the  booming  sound  of  distant 
cannon,  telling  of  Jackson  standing  like  a lion  at 
bay.  To  the  right  and  to  the  left  Lee  sent  scouting 
parties  in  search  of  a path  across  the  steep  cliffs. 
His  features  were  calm,  and  courtesy  and  geniality 
marked  his  manner  in  this  hour  of  impending  battle. 
Lee  sent  D.  R.  Jones’s  Georgians  straight  through 
the  pass;  at  the  eastern  gateway  they  grappled  with 
the  Federal  muskets  and  cannon  under  Ricketts. 
Three  brigades  under  Wilcox  were  sent  three  miles 
to  the  northward  to  cross  at  Hopewell  Gap  and  turn 
the  Federal  position.  Over  the  steep  rocky  crest 
that  immediately  overlooks  Thoroughfare  Gap  clam- 
bered Law  with  one  of  Hood’s  brigades.  Down  the 
eastern  slope  of  the  mountain  rushed  Law’s  men 
in  the  gathering  darkness.  As  they  fell  upon  the 
Federal  flank  Ricketts  drew  his  troops  away.  Lee’s 
brigades  began  to  pour  through  the  gap  and  their 
campfires  were  lighted  at  the  eastern  base  of  the 
mountain  within  eight  miles  of  the  field  of  Grove- 
ton,  where  Jackson  was  delivering  fierce  battle  and 
awaiting  the  coming  of  Lee. 

During  the  twenty-four  hours  preceding  this 
bivouac  of  Lee  on  the  Manassas  side  of  the  Bull 
Run  Mountain,  Jackson  had  wrought  vast  changes 
in  the  great  field  of  war.  As  the  darkness  of  the 
27th  fell  upon  him  at  Manassas,  Jackson  set  torch  to 
the  spoil  that  could  not  be  removed,  and  behind  the 


1862] 


Advance  into  Northern  Virginia.  185 

curtain  of  the  night  began  the  game  of  deluding 
Pope.  The  latter  had  begun  to  dream  of  “ bagging 
the  whole  crowd,”  and  now  changed  the  direction 
of  his  marching  columns  and  urged  all  his  brigades 
upon  Manassas  Junction.  But  the  fox  was  escaping 
even  while  Pope  was  preparing  the  toils.  Jackson 
sent  Taliaferro  with  the  trains  directly  to  Sudley. 
Due  eastward  toward  Washington  he  despatched  A. 
P.  Hill  and  Ewell;  Hill  moved  beyond  Bull  Run  to 
Centreville.  This  night  march  of  Jackson  was  made 
through  darkness  so  dense  that  Porter  with  lighted 
candles  failed  to  track  his  way  in  pursuit  from  War- 
renton  Junction  to  Manassas.  The  morning  of  the 
28th  gave  Hill  and  Ewell  time  to  move  south- 
westward  across  the  Stone  Bridge  to  Sudley  Church. 
Noonday  saw  Jackson’s  bayonets  all  in  line  on  the 
southern  bank  of  Bull  Run.  His  shotted  guns  were 
ready  behind  the  Warrenton  turnpike  looking  down- 
stream toward  the  field  of  their  former  victory  of 
July,  1861. 

Far  afield  were  Pope’s  brigades  on  this  moment- 
ous morning.  Amidst  the  smoking  embers  of  his 
burnt  supplies  at  noonday  he  heard  rumours  of  war 
from  Centreville,  and  from  the  line  of  railway  be- 
yond. The  movement  of  Hill’s  division  and  of 
Fitz  Lee’s  horsemen  toward  Washington  gave  indi- 
cations to  Pope  that  the  fox  might  yet  be  ensnared 
on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Bull  Run.  The  third 
time  a change  was  made  in  his  proposed  point  of 
concentration.  Gainesville  and  Manassas  in  turn 
had  been  assigned  as  the  goal  for  his  converging 
battalions;  the  waning  hours  of  the  28th  saw  them 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[186? 


1 86 


all  dragging  weary  feet  toward  Centreville.  While 
Pope  thus  deluded  himself  with  the  vain  idea  that 
he  was  in  hot  pursuit  of  a defeated  foe,  the  object 
of  his  pursuit,  Jackson,  stood  defiantly  at  the  edge 
of  the  Warrenton  roadway  on  the  left  flank  of  the 
eastward-moving  Federal  columns.  With  tardy  step 
the  division  of  King,  McDowell’s  corps,  was  passing 
along  this  highway  from  Gainesville  toward  Centre- 
ville in  the  late  afternoon.  With  the  spring  of  the 
lion  two  of  Jackson’s  three  divisions  leaped  upon 
King’s  column.  The  sun  had  disappeared  when  the 
assault  began ; short  and  fierce  was  the  encounter, 
and  Taliaferro  and  Ewell,  the  division  commanders, 
were  both  disabled.  King’s  line  was  forced  back- 
ward, and  under  cover  of  darkness  he  withdrew  from 
the  field  of  blood.  During  the  night,  King  was 
overtaken  by  the  division  of  Ricketts  in  full  retreat 
from  Lee’s  vanguard  at  Thoroughfare  Gap.  Both 
Federal  divisions  fled  from  Jackson’s  front,  and  the 
morning  of  the  29th  dawned  upon  them  near  Ma- 
nassas. Lee’s  strategy  was  now  practically  a suc- 
cess. No  Federal  force  opposed  the  union  of  the 
two  wings  of  his  army.  Sunrise  of  the  29th  saw 
Longstreet’s  brigades  starting  upon  the  eight-mile 
journey  to  Jackson’s  right  at  Groveton ; at  the  same 
hour  were  the  troops  of  Pope  scattered  through  the 
fields  and  along  the  highway  from  Bristoe  and  Ma- 
nassas even  to  Centreville.  From  the  latter  place 
Pope  began  to  issue  his  morning  orders  for  a fourth 
rendezvous,  reversing  the  direction  of  his  columns 
and  calling  all  his  men  toward  “ Stonewall’s  ” field 
near  Groveton. 


SECOND  BATTLE  OF  MANASSAS. 


BASED  ON  THE  U.  S.  WAR-RECORDS  MAP 


1862] 


Advance  into  Northern  Virginia. 


187 


The  corps  of  Longstreet  moved  leisurely  eastward 
from  Thoroughfare  Gap.  But  the  morning’s  early 
hours  brought  them  the  sounds  of  Jackson’s  renewed 
conflict ; like  war-horses,  these  gallant  soldiers 
snuffed  the  battle  from  afar  and  voluntarily  quick- 
ened their  pace.  Under  Lee  in  person  they  filed 
through  Gainesville  down  the  turnpike  to  the  left, 
and  at  ten  o’clock  they  were  taking  position  in  front 
of  that  village  upon  the  right  flank  of  Jackson’s  line. 
As  Lee  stood  near  Groveton,  he  saw  toward  his  left 
a great  battle  in  full  progress.  The  roar  of  heavy 
guns  and  the  crash  of  musketry  told  him  where 
Jackson’s  men  were  arrayed  in  a line  of  two  and 
one  half  miles  from  Groveton  to  Sudley  Church. 
Behind  the  embankments  and  excavations  of  an 
unfinished  railroad,  and  in  the  midst  of  heavy 
woods,  stood  “ Stonewall’s  ” veterans  fighting  their 
second  day’s  battle  on  the  same  field.  Since  early 
morning,  the  storm  of  battle  had  lowered  heavily 
against  Jackson’s  left,  under  A.  P.  Hill.  Sigel’s 
entire  corps,  from  6.30  to  10.30,  had  there  at- 
tempted to  push  its  way  up  the  southern  bank  of  the 
Bull  Run,  but  had  met  severe  repulse  at  the  hands 
of  Gregg’s  brigade  of  South  Carolinians,  assisted  by 
Thomas’s  Georgians.  Just  as  Lee  was  planting 
Longstreet  in  front  of  Gainesville,  Heintzelman  and 
Reno  were  leading  up  their  two  corps,  eighteen 
thousand  five  hundred  men,  to  Sigel’s  aid  against 
Jackson’s  left.  Moreover,  the  clouds  of  dust,  the 
waving  banners,  the  varied  sounds  of  war  that  were 
manifest  upon  the  knolls  and  plains  that  stretched 
away  toward  Manassas  and  Bull  Run,  told  Lee 


i SB 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


where  the  Federal  host  was  assembling  for  a grand 
assault. 

Pope’s  troops  were  wearied  by  the  protracted 
marchings  in  quest  of  Jackson.  From  far  Centre- 
ville  rode  Pope  himself  that  morning  of  the  29th, 
and  at  noonday  he  took  position  on  Buck  Hill  near 
the  Warrenton  turnpike.  Deployed  in  his  front, 
and  holding  the  triangle  between  the  Warrenton 
and  Sudley  roads,  Pope  found  the  corps  of  Heintzel- 
man,  Reno,  and  Sigel,  and  the  division  of  Reynolds. 
These  thirty-five  thousand  stood  at  last  face  to  face 
with  Jackson.  Pope  urged  them  against  “Stone- 
wall’s  ’’  left  where  Sigel  had  already  suffered  defeat. 
The  two  corps  of  McDowell  and  Porter,  nearly 
thirty  thousand  strong,  Pope  ordered  to  advance 
from  Manassas  upon  Gainesville.  Banks,  with 
eight  thousand,  was  yet  absent  from  the  scene. 
The  Federal  cavalry  were  hovering  about  the  flanks 
of  the  army.  Pope  refused  to  believe  that  Lee  had 
reached  the  field  and  proposed  to  hurl  his  seventy- 
five  thousand  against  Jackson’s  line  of  about  twenty 
thousand. 

Lee  stationed  himself  between  the  Meadowville 
and  Pageland  lanes,  near  the  southern  edge  of  the 
Warrenton  highway.  Even  farther  to  the  front  he 
rode  to  watch  the  movements  of  his  foe.  He  found 
himself  in  close  proximity  to  the  Federal  left  flank. 
As  the  Federal  line  moved  forward  again  to  assail 
Jackson’s  left,  Lee  urged  Longstreet  to  assail  the 
Federal  left.  After  reconnaissance,  Longstreet  re- 
ported that  the  position  “ was  not  inviting.’’ 

“ General  Lee  was  quite  disappointed,’’  says 


1862] 


Second  Manassas. 


189 


Longstreet,  “ by  my  report  against  immediate 
attack  along  the  turnpike,  and  insisted  that  by 
throwing  some  of  the  brigades  beyond  the  Federal 
left,  their  position  would  be  broken  up  and  a favour- 
able field  gained.”  At  this  moment  came  Stuart 
with  news  of  the  approach  of  McDowell  and  Porter 
from  Manassas.  This  force,  however,  failed  to 
attack.  Lee  urged  Longstreet  to  attack  Porter,  but 
Longstreet  watched  and  waited.  When  McDowell 
soon  afterward  turned  to  his  right  and  marched  by 
the  Sudley  road  to  Pope’s  battle  against  Jackson, 
leaving  Porter  alone  near  Manassas,  Lee  “ again 
became  anxious  to  bring  on  the  battle  by  attacking 
down  the  Groveton  pike.”  But  Longstreet  pleaded 
the  near  approach  of  darkness  as  an  objection,  and 
suggested  a forced  reconnaissance.  “ To  this  he  re- 
luctantly gave  consent,”  says  Longstreet. 

With  this  repeated  urgency  did  Lee  seek  to  de- 
liver assault  against  Pope’s  centre  and  left  during 
the  afternoon  hours  when  the  battle  waxed  fierce 
and  fiercer  in  the  woods  near  Sudley.  Six  success- 
ive waves  of  attack  surged  against  Jackson’s  left 
during  the  day.  After  10. 30  A.M.,  additional  bri- 
gades moved  forward,  but  Gregg  and  Thomas  drove 
them  back.  At  3 o’clock  P.M.,  another  Federal  col- 
umn essayed  to  break  the  Confederate  line,  but 
Johnson  and  Starke  rushed  to  aid  the  brigades  of 
Hill,  and  a fearful  slaughter  was  visited  upon  Pope’s 
divisions.  After  5 P.M.  were  the  divisions  of 
Kearney  and  Stevens  massed  for  a final  assault. 
During  ten  hours  of  almost  continuous  battle  against 
an  increasing  foe,  the  same  small  Confederate  bri- 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


190 

gades  held  the  field.  The  gallant  and  modest  Gregg 
now  sent  this  message:  “ Tell  General  Hill  that  my 
ammunition  is  exhausted  but  that  I will  hold  my 
position  with  the  bayonet.”  As  his  Carolinians 
were  forced  backward,  Thomas’s  Georgians  and 
Branch’s  North  Carolinians  came  to  their  aid. 
From  rock  to  rock,  from  tree  to  tree,  they  retired, 
still  offering  courageous  battle.  The  Virginians 
under  Field  and  Early,  the  Georgians  under  Lawton, 
and  the  Louisianians  under  Hays,  rushed  to  the 
rescue  and  turned  the  Federal  tide  backward  in 
complete  defeat.  During  a portion  of  the  time,  the 
majority  of  the  Confederates  engaged  in  this  strug- 
gle were  without  a cartridge.  Pope’s  brigades  on 
this  flank  were  completely  shattered.  In  the  centre, 
Lee  defended  his  position  against  the  power  of  Rey- 
nolds by  a hot  fire  from  Hood’s  batteries,  and  at 
sunset  he  turned  loose  the  war-dogs  of  Hood’s  divi- 
sion in  a forced  reconnaissance  against  the  Federal 
centre.  King  was  driven  back  and  Hood  retained 
as  battle-trophies  one  heavy  gun  and  three  flags. 

The  night  of  the  29th  closed  down  upon  the  Con- 
federate army  in  the  position  selected  at  midday. 
Defeat  had  been  visited  upon  every  assault  made  by 
Federal  arms.  While  Pope  telegraphed  to  Wash- 
ington his  claim  of  victory,  Lee  awaited  the  dawning 
of  Saturday,  August  30,  in  the  full  confidence  of 
driving  his  foe  across  Bull  Run.  With  absolute 
truth  it  may  be  asserted  that  Lee’s  banner  now 
floated  over  an  army  whose  fighting  qualities  have 
never  yet  been  surpassed  on  any  field  of  war. 
Caesar’s  Tenth  Legion  and  Napoleon’s  Guard  were 


1862] 


Second  Manassas. 


191 

more  than  matched  by  the  heroes  who  rested  where 
they  had  fought,  and  at  any  moment  were  ready  to 
spring  to  arms  to  beat  back  the  foe.  Pale  with 
hunger  and  worn  with  long  marching,  the  Confed- 
erate soldiers  were  still  practically  invincible.  The 
two  chief  leaders,  Lee  and  Jackson,  had  inspired 
their  men  to  trust  in  the  God  of  battles.  As  both 
chieftains  closed  their  eyes  that  night  in  slumber, 
the  whispered  prayer  was  yet  upon  their  lips.  Along 
the  Confederate  line  of  battle,  but  chiefly  in  Jack- 
son’s corps,  when  night  had  closed  the  strife,  groups 
of  veterans  gathered  themselves  for  united  prayer. 

By  the  chaplains,  or  by  some  ragged  soldier,  were 
these  midnight  devotions  led.  With  the  last  peti- 
tion to  Heaven,  the  men  betook  themselves  to  their 
allotted  posts  ready  for  the  battle  of  the  morrow. 
Like  Bruce’s  men  at  Bannockburn,  these  embattled 
patriots  were  ready  to  give  life  for  home  and 
country : 


“ Upon  the  spot  where  they  have  kneeled, 

These  men  will  die  or  win  the  field.” 

As  brilliant  as  the  sun  of  Austerlitz  arose  the  sun 
of  the  Second  Manassas,  August  30,  1862.  Lee 
stood  defiant  near  the  Warrenton  road,  one  half- 
mile  west  of  Groveton,  within  the  angle  formed  by 
his  two  wings.  Across  the  rolling  country  to  the 
left,  as  far  as  Sudley  Church,  the  forests  and  up- 
lands behind  the  unfinished  railway  were  held  by 
Jackson’s  guns  and  muskets  under  A.  P.  Hill,  Law- 
ton,  and  Starke.  Almost  at  a right  angle  to  this 
left  wing  was  Lee’s  right  wing,  drawn  out  across  the 


192 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Warrenton  turnpike  and  across  the  Manassas  rail- 
road as  far  as  Dawkins’s  Branch.  Behind  the  heavy 
forests,  Lee  had  here  arrayed  the  brigades  of  Long- 
street  under  Wilcox,  Hood,  Kemper,  and  D.  R. 
Jones.  R.  H.  Anderson’s  six  thousand  muskets 
stood  in  the  roadway  as  a reserve  behind  the  Con- 
federate centre.  Nearly  fifty  thousand  men  stood 
ready  to  obey  his  orders,  as  Lee  measured  with  his 
eye  the  triangular  field  of  war.  Eastward  along 
the  turnpike  which  equally  divided  the  battle-terri- 
tory, he  saw  the  forest  and  the  open  ground  sepa- 
rated into  ridges  and  plateaus  by  the  winding  tribu- 
taries of  Young’s  Branch.  Behind  this  screen  of 
trees  and  hills  he  could  hear  the  early  rumbling  of 
the  enemy's  gun-carriages.  Upon  a ridge  that 
marked  the  angle  made  by  his  two  converging 
wings,  Lee  placed  thirty-six  guns  under  S.  D.  Lee 
to  sweep  the  plains  and  the  heights  in  front  of  Jack- 
son’s line. 

Strange  to  record,  Pope  noticed  the  absence  of 
Lee’s  advanced  skirmishers  of  the  day  before,  and 
conceived  the  idea  that  the  Confederate  army  was 
in  full  retreat  toward  the  Bull  Run  Mountain.  He 
therefore  ordered  his  columns  “ in  pursuit  ” along 
the  Warrenton  and  Haymarket  roads.  Porter’s 
corps  had  been  drawn  from  Dawkins’s  Branch  to 
Pope’s  centre  and  was  now  thrust  forward  to  lead 
the  Federal  advance.  The  defeat  of  Cold  Harbor 
was  fresh  in  Porter’s  memory,  and  he  did  not  be- 
lieve in  Lee’s  retreat.  Instead  of  hurrying  forward 
in  column,  Porter  formed  his  own  corps  in  threefold 
line  of  battle ; King’s  division  he  arrayed  on  his  right 


1862] 


Second  Manassas. 


1 93 


in  seven  lines  of  attack;  the  division  of  Reynolds 
was  to  render  support  at  Porter’s  left.  Behind  this 
host  under  Porter,  the  corps  of  Sigel  and  half  the 
corps  of  Reno  stood  ready.  In  the  dense  wood  that 
lies  east  of  Groveton,  and  north  of  the  Warrenton 
turnpike,  Porter  stationed  this  thunderbolt  of  war 
for  an  assault  upon  Lee’s  left  centre.  Against  the 
extreme  Confederate  left  were  massed  the  corps  of 
Heintzelman  and  half  of  the  two  corps  of  McDowell 
and  Reno.  Pope  was  ready  to  throw  his  entire  force 
against  Lee’s  left  wing.  In  two  lines  of  battle  stood 
Jackson’s  Ironsides  ready  for  the  attack. 

Noonday  looked  down  upon  the  brigades  that 
were  still  moving  forward  to  take  position  under 
Porter's  banner.  The  early  morning  had  witnessed 
Heintzelman’s  advance  against  the  extreme  Confed- 
erate left;  A.  P.  Hill’s  guns  roared  defiance,  and 
Ricketts  drew  back.  Against  the  Confederate  cen- 
tre Reynolds’s  skirmishers  had  felt  their  way,  and 
Federal  artillery  had  volleyed  and  thundered,  but 
Lee’s  thirty-six  guns  visited  severe  repulse  on  all 
such  distant  advances.  At  3 P.M.  Porter  sounded 
the  signal  to  charge.  Through  the  dense  wood  his 
men  pressed  forward;  then  across  the  open  field, 
from  the  Dogan  house  to  the  railway  cut,  rushed 
Porter’s  first  blue-coated  line.  The  old  “ Stonewall  ” 
division  under  Starke,  and  the  division  of  Lawton 
were  first  to  greet  the  Federal  troops  with  the 
leaden  messengers  of  death ; heavy  guns  from  the 
rearward  heights  poured  their  weight  of  iron  upon 
Porter’s  brave  men.  In  Starke’s  immediate  front 

the  conflict  was  fierce  and  almost  hand  to  hand. 

-13 


i94 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


The  two  Confederate  lines  were  merged  into  one, 
and  with  tenacious  grasp  held  the  edge  of  the  rail- 
road excavation.  Two  flags  waved  defiance  for 
thirty  minutes  within  ten  paces  of  each  other;  men 
were  strewn  upon  the  ground  like  leaves  in  autumn. 
Ammunition  failed  with  a part  of  Jackson’s  line,  but 
these  men  of  Virginia  and  of  Louisiana,  John- 
son’s and  Stafford’s  brigades,  gathered  stones  from 
the  ground  and  flung  them  with  deadly  effect. 
Porter’s  charge  was  checked  by  these  stone  missiles. 
Through  the  forest,  farther  to  the  Confederate  left, 
stood  the  lines  of  Lawton  and  A.  P.  Hill  engaged 
in  similar  fierce  conflict. 

While  thus  the  storm  of  battle  surged  and  roared, 
Porter’s  reserve  lines  essayed  to  cross  the  open  field 
to  bring  their  comrades  aid.  Now  it  was  that  Lee’s 
central  battalion  of  thirty-six  guns  with  enfilading 
fire,  carried  death  across  the  treeless  plain  in  front 
of  his  left  wing.  Porter’s  assault  was  visibly  shaken 
by  these  guns.  Bayonets,  stones,  and  musket-balls, 
still  preserved  an  impregnable  front  along  Jackson’s 
line.  Longstreet  replied  to  Lee’s  command  to  ad- 
vance by  opening  an  additional  artillery  fire  upon 
Porter’s  left  rear.  These  cannon-shot  had  just  be- 
gun to  play  when  the  Federal  troops  fell  back  in 
routed  masses  from  the  fire  of  Jackson  and  S.  D. 
Lee.  “ Stonewall’s  ” brigades  sprangtothe  charge 
in  hot  pursuit.  Lee’s  eye  had  already  discerned  the 
crisis  of  battle,  and  his  order  had  gone  to  Long- 
street  to  dash  upon  the  Federal  left.  Longstreet’s 
soldiers  themselves  anticipated  the  word  of  com- 
mand by  moving  forward  on  the  run.  In  this  mag- 


1862] 


Second  Manassas. 


195 


nificent  charge  Lee  rode  to  the  front  through  the 
storm  of  shells  from  the  Federal  artillery. 

Longstreet  closed  in  the  Confederate  right  wing 
with  vigour;  across  the  hills  he  pushed  batteries  and 
brigades  against  the  flank  of  the  flying  foe.  Far  in 
front  of  the  extreme  Confederate  right,  dashed  Stuart 
with  his  horse  artillery.  Warren’s  Federal  brigade 
left  a vast  tribute  of  dead  and  wounded  just  east  of 
Groveton ; Schenck  made  gallant  defence  of  the 
Bald  Hill  summit,  but  the  Confederates  swarmed  up 
in  front  and  flank  and  the  knoll  was  won.  Hood 
swept  the  turnpike  eastward  to  the  Stone  House. 
Against  this  tide  of  Confederate  victory,  on  his  left, 
Pope’s  reserves  made  final  stand  on  the  Henry  Hill. 
Down-stream  for  more  than  a mile  Jackson  continued 
to  push  the  Federal  rout  until  darkness  fell  upon  his 
brigades  at  the  Carter  House.  Across  the  Bull  Run, 
between  Sudley  and  Stone  Bridge,  many  Federal  reg- 
iments had  rushed  in  retreat.  Darkness  upreared 
a protecting  wall  about  the  demoralized  Federal 
brigades,  gathered  in  a mass  on  the  Bull  Run 
bluffs  between  the  Henry  and  Robinson  houses. 
Long  before  sunset,  the  Stone  Bridge  began  to 
choke  with  the  rush  of  fugitives;  the  coming  dark 
ness  saw  a turbid  stream  of  defeated  soldiers  rolling 
back  in  rout  to  find  refuge  behind  Franklin’s  corps 
approaching  from  Alexandria.  At  dusk,  Pope 
sounded  the  bugle  of  general  retreat  and  fled  in  the 
night  to  his  fortress  at  Centreville.  The  field  of 
Saturday  claimed  from  Pope’s  army  nearly  twenty 
thousand  men  in  dead,  wounded,  and  prisoners. 
Since  the  first  blow  delivered  by  Jackson  upon  his 


196 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


rear,  the  Federal  commander  had  lost  thirty  thou- 
sand men  and  thirty  heavy  guns,  and  stores  and 
small  arms  innumerable.  Lee  had  paid  eight  thou- 
sand men  for  the  wondrous  victory. 

Through  the  rain  and  mud  of  the  early  morn- 
ing of  Sunday  (August  31),  Lee  pushed  his  horse- 
men across  Bull  Run  in  search  of  Pope.  Frowning 
upon  Stuart  from  the  Centreville  heights  were 
the  heavy  guns  of  the  Federal  army.  Lee  now 
despatched  Jackson  by  Sudley  Ford  toward  the 
Little  River  turnpike  with  orders  to  turn  the 
enemy’s  right  and  cut  off  his  retreat  to  Washing- 
ton. Jackson’s  men  were  still  eager  in  spirit, 
but  their  feet  were  battle-weary,  and  the  heavy 
downpour  of  rain  delayed  their  progress.  Pope 
was  resting  in  the  arms  of  twenty  thousand  fresh 
troops,  but  when  he  learned  of  Jackson’s  ap- 
proach he  issued  orders  for  a retreat  to  Fairfax. 
At  the  same  time  he  arrayed  Reno’s  corps  across 
the  turnpike  to  fight  a rearguard  battle;  Heintzel- 
man  gave  support  to  Reno.  In  the  face  of  a blind- 
ing storm  of  rain,  Jackson’s  divisions  fell  upon  this 
Federal  force  in  the  afternoon  of  Monday,  Septem- 
ber I.  In  the  midst  of  the  rolling  thunder  and  the 
lightning,  bayonets  were  freely  used  in  the  place  of 
firearms  that  would  not  fire.  Jackson  gave  Pope  a 
staggering  blow,  but  the  darkness  checked  his  ad- 
vance. Longstreet  did  not  reach  the  field  of  Ox 
Hill  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  struggle. 

Lee’s  consideration  for  the  family  of  a Federal 
officer  was  shown  the  following  day  when  he  sent  the 
body  of  Kearney  from  the  battle-field  to  Pope  under 


1862] 


Second  Manassas. 


197 


a flag  of  truce.  The  night  of  September  2 found 
the  shattered  divisions  of  Pope’s  army  behind  the 
fortifications  at  Washington.  Lee  at  Chantilly  was 
giving  rest  to  the  hungry  veterans,  who  had  out- 
marched their  supply  train.  The  pause  gave  the 
Confederates  time  to  discover  that  they  had  worn 
the  shoes  from  their  feet  in  the  hot  pursuit  of  Banks, 
McClellan,  and  Pope  since  the  days  of  the  previous 
May  and  June.  In  a campaign  of  about  four  months, 
under  Lee’s  guidance,  eighty  thousand  Confederate 
soldiers  had  driven  two  hundred  thousand  Federal 
troops  beyond  the  borders  of  Virginia,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a small  band  that  still  troubled  the  lower 
valley. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  MARYLAND — THE  CAPTURE  OF 
HARPER’S  FERRY — SHARPSBURG. 

1862. 


ENERAL  LEE  determined  to  carry 
the  war  at  once  beyond  the  Potomac 
River.  To  President  Davis  he  made 
the  suggestion,  September  3,  1862, 
that  this  was  “ the  most  propitious 
time  since  the  commencement  of  the  war  for  the 
Confederate  army  to  enter  Maryland.”  Concern- 
ing the  difficulties  of  the  movement,  he  said  in  the 
same  despatch  : 


“ The  army  is  not  properly  equipped  for  an  invasion  of  an  enemy’s 
territory.  It  lacks  much  of  the  material  of  war,  is  feeble  in  trans- 
portation, the  animals  being  much  reduced,  and  the  men  are  poorly 
provided  with  clothes,  and  in  thousands  of  instances  are  destitute  of 
shoes.  Still  we  cannot  afford  to  be  idle,  and  though  weaker  than 
our  opponents  in  men  and  military  equipments,  must  endeavour  to 
harass  if  we  cannot  destroy  them.  I am  aware  that  the  movement 
is  attended  with  much  risk,  yet  I do  not  consider  success  impossible, 
and  shall  endeavour  to  guard  it  from  loss  ” 


On  September  4,  without  awaiting  the  reply  of 

198 


1862] 


The  Campaign  in  Maryland. 


199 


Davis,  Lee  turned  the  head  of  his  column  from 
Leesburg  toward  Frederick,  Maryland.  “ The 
only  two  subjects  that  give  me  any  uneasiness,” 
he  wrote,  “ are  my  supplies  of  ammunition  and 
subsistence.  ” 

The  two  divisions  of  D.  H.  Hill  and  McLaws  with 
Hampton’s  cavalry  had  marched  the  entire  distance 
from  Richmond,  and  were  once  again  under  Lee’s 
banner.  This  forced  journey  on  foot  had  left  by 
the  way  many  wearied  men.  The  fare  of  green 
apples  and  green  corn,  and  the  continuous  bivouac 
and  battle  engaged  in  by  the  two  corps  of  Jackson 
and  Longstreet  left  thousands  of  other  stragglers 
behind.  Clad  in  fluttering  rags  and  with  feet  either 
bare  or  only  half-shod,  the  depleted  Confederate 
army  moved  forward  in  high  spirit,  with  shout  and 
song.  They  looked  like  a band  of  scarecrows. 
Ministers  of  the  Gospel,  college  professors,  lawyers, 
merchants,  physicians,  planters,  and  farm  labourers 
composed  the  incomparable  battalions  who  followed 
Lee.  They  were  without  tents,  and  their  torn  gar- 
ments were  discoloured  with  battle-stains.  But  a 
word  from  their  great  leader  could  change  their 
noisy,  irregular  column  into  a steady  line  of  battle 
in  whose  valour  and  skill  an  equal  number  of  the 
choicest  veterans  of  the  European  armies  would 
find  metal  more  than  worthy  of  their  steel.  Both 
shores  were  made  to  ring  with  the  melody  “ Mary- 
land, My  Maryland  ” as  they  waded  the  Potomac. 
The  groves  and  green  fields  of  Maryland  were  made 
vocal  with  laughter  as  the  gray -jackets  marched 
toward  Frederick.  Within  six  months  they  had  de- 


200 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


feated  Banks,  Milroy,  Shields,  McClellan,  and  Pope, 
and  now  they  were  eager  for  battle  in  front  of 
Washington. 

Lee  forbade  all  depredations  upon  private  prop- 
erty, and  ordered  his  quartermasters  to  purchase  all 
supplies  needed  by  the  army.  A general  order  issued 
from  headquarters  announced  a Confederate  victory 
in  the  West,  and  encouraged  the  soldiers  in  the 
following  terms  ' 

“Soldiers,  press  onward!  Let  each  man  feel  the  responsibility 
now  resting  on  him  to  pursue  vigorously  the  success  vouchsafed  to 
us  by  Heaven.  • Let  the  armies  of  the  East  and  the  West  vie  with 
each  other  in  discipline,  bravery  and  activity,  and  our  brethren  of 
our  sister  States  will  soon  be  released  from  tyranny,  and  our  inde- 
pendence be  established  upon  a sure  and  abiding  basis.” 

On  September  8,  Lee  and  his  brigades  were  in 
camp  at  Frederick,  Maryland.  Jackson,  Long- 
street,  and  Stuart  pitched  their  tents  near  General 
Lee  in  Best’s  Grove.  Lee  wrote  to  President 
Davis,  September  8,  suggesting  that  the  Confed- 
erate Government  should  propose  to  the  F'ederal 
Government  “ the  recognition  of  our  independ- 
ence.” Concerning  this  proposal,  he  added,  “ The 
rejection  of  this  offer  would  prove  to  the  country 
that  the  responsibility  of  the  continuance  of  the 
war  does  not  rest  upon  us  but  that  the  party  in 
power  in  the  United  States  elect  to  prosecute  it  for 
purposes  of  their  own.”  On  the  same  day  Lee 
issued  this  proclamation : 

“ To  the  people  of  Maryland  : It  is  right  that  you  should  know 
the  purpose  that  brought  the  army  under  my  command  within  the 
limits  of  your  State,  so  far  as  that  purpose  concerns  yourselves.  The 


1862]  The  Campaign  in  Maryland. 


201 


people  of  the  Confederate  States  have  long  watched  with  the  deepest 
sympathy  the  wrongs  and  outrages  that  have  been  inflicted  upon  the 
citizens  of  a Commonwealth  allied  to  the  States  of  the  South  by  the 
strongest  social,  political  and  commercial  ties.  They  have  seen  with 
profound  indignation  their  sister  State  deprived  of  every  right,  and 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  a conquered  province.  Under  the  pre- 
tence of  supporting  the  Constitution,  but  in  violation  of  its  most 
valuable  provisions,  your  citizens  have  been  arrested  and  imprisoned 
upon  no  charge,  and  contrary  to  all  forms  of  law.  The  faithful  and 
manly  protest  against  this  outrage  made  by  the  venerable  and  illus- 
trious Marylander  [Taney],  to  whom  in  better  days  no  citizen  ap- 
pealed for  right  in  vain,  was  treated  with  scorn  and  contempt  ; the 
government  of  your  chief  city  has  been  usurped  by  armed  strangers  ; 
your  legislature  has  been  dissolved  by  the  unlawful  arrest  of  its  mem- 
bers ; freedom  of  the  press  and  of  speech  has  been  suppressed ; 
words  have  been  declared  offences  by  an  arbitrary  decree  of  the 
Federal  Executive,  and  citizens  ordered  to  be  tried  by  a military  com- 
mission for  what  they  may  dare  to  speak.  Believing  that  the  people 
of  Maryland  possessed  a spirit  too  lofty  to  submit  to  such  a Govern- 
ment, the  people  of  the  South  have  long  wished  to  aid  you  in  throw- 
ing off  this  foreign  yoke,  to  enable  you  again  to  enjoy  the  inalienable 
rights  of  freemen,  and  restore  independence  and  sovereignty  to  your 
State.  In  obedience  to  this  wish  our  army  has  come  among  you,  and 
is  prepared  to  assist  you  with  the  power  of  its  arms  in  regaining  the 
rights  of  which  you  have  been  despoiled. 

“ This,  citizens  of  Maryland,  is  our  mission,  so  far  as  you  are 
concerned.  No  constraint  upon  your  free  will  is  intended  ; no  in- 
timidation will  be  allowed  within  the  limits  of  this  army,  at  least. 
Marylanders  shall  once  more  enjoy  their  ancient  freedom  of  thought 
and  speech.  We  know  no  enemies  among  you,  and  will  protect  all, 
of  every  opinion.  It  is  for  you  to  decide  your  destiny  freely  and 
without  constraint.  This  army  will  respect  your  choice,  whatever  it 
may  be  ; and  while  the  Southern  people  will  rejoice  to  welcome  you 
to  your  natural  position  among  them,  they  will  only  welcome  you 
when  you  come  of  your  own  free  will.” 

“ R.  E.  Lee,  General  Commanding.” 


The  section  of  Maryland  near  Frederick  was  hos- 
tile to  the  Confederacy,  and  time  was  not  given  for 


202 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


the  men  of  eastern  Maryland  to  array  themselves 
under  Lee’s  banner.  From  Washington  with  a host 
of  nearly  ninety  thousand  men,  composed  of  new 
and  old  soldiers,  the  restored  commander  McClellan 
was  approaching.  In  the  fortifications  about  Wash- 
ington, Banks  commanded  a garrison  of  seventy-two 
thousand  five  hundred.  McClellan  rested  his  left  on 
the  Potomac  and  his  right  on  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  railroad,  as  he  slowly  pushed  forward  his  line, 
in  convex  form,  in  search  of  Lee’s  army.  In  order 
to  draw  McClellan  away  from  his  base  of  supplies, 
Lee  began  to  withdraw  his  forces  toward  Hagers- 
town, there  to  offer  battle  or  to  threaten  Harris- 
burg and  Baltimore.  But  the  Federal  troops  had 
not  been  altogether  removed  from  the  Valley  of 
Virginia.  At  Martinsburg  and  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  a 
Federal  force  of  over  twelve  thousand  stood  on 
guard  over  the  stores  and  munitions  of  war.  Lee 
had  already  ordered  Loring  to  clear  the  Kanawha 
valley  and  then  to  advance  upon  Martinsburg. 
Winchester  he  had  designated  as  a depot  for  Confed- 
erate supplies  and  as  a rendezvous  for  the  great 
army  of  stragglers  yet  south  of  the  Potomac.  The 
Confederate  chieftain’s  plans  were  now  laid  for  the 
immediate  capture  of  the  forces  in  and  near  Harper’s 
Ferry,  as  preliminary  to  the  massing  of  his  entire 
army  at  Hagerstown.  Order  191  was  issued  from 
the  Frederick  headquarters,  on  September  9,  giv- 
ing direction  for  the  movement  of  the  Confederate 
brigades  the  following  day.  The  leading  posi- 
tion was  assigned  to  Jackson.  Across  the  South 
Mountain  and  through  Sharpsburg  he  was  ordered 


1862]  The  Campaign  in  Maryland.  203 

to  lead  his  command  of  fourteen  brigades.  Beyond 
the  Potomac  he  was  directed  to  seize  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  railway,  capture  the  force  in  Martinsburg, 
and  cut  off  the  way  of  escape  from  Harper’s  Ferry. 
This  movement  was  to  be  completed  by  the  morning 
of  Friday,  September  12.  Behind  Jackson,  Lee 
sent  McLaws,  reinforced  by  R.  H.  Anderson.  Ten 
brigades  were  combined  in  this  band,  which  was 
to  move  from  Middletown  toward  the  left  and  by 
Friday  morning  plant  heavy  guns  on  Maryland 
Heights  overlooking  Harper's  Ferry.  J.  G.  Walker, 
with  two  brigades,  was  sent  with  orders  to  establish 
his  guns  on  the  Loudoun  Heights.  Beleaguered  thus 
on  every  side,  it  was  expected  that  Harper’s  Ferry 
would  yield  at  once  to  the  Confederate  guns,  and 
that  Friday,  September  12,  would  see  these  three 
detachments  in  motion  again  toward  the  main  body 
of  the  army  at  Boonsborough  or  Hagerstown.  This 
main  body  was  made  up,  in  part,  of  nine  brigades 
under  Longstreet,  who  was  moved  across  South 
Mountain  toward  Boonsborough,  there  to  hold 
watch  over  the  supply  trains;  the  other  part  was 
composed  of  D.  H.  Hill’s  five  brigades  as  a rear- 
guard. Cavalry  was  assigned  to  each  of  the  march- 
ing divisions ; the  main  body  of  the  horsemen  under 
Stuart  made  ready  to  deliver  battle  against  the 
heads  of  McClellan’s  columns. 

The  dawning  of  September  10  marked  the  be- 
ginning of  the  great  game  of  war.  Lee’s  horse,  by 
a sudden  spring,  had  caused  painful  injury  to  his 
hands,  and  he  rode  in  an  ambulance.  The  reported 
advance  of  a Federal  force  from  Chambersburg  in- 


204 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


duced  Lee  to  move  Longstreet  as  far  as  Hagers- 
town. The  evening  of  September  1 1 found  him  in 
bivouac  there,  while  D.  H.  Hill  at  Boonsborough 
guarded  the  upper  end  of  Pleasant  Valley.  Stuart 
was  as  yet  east  of  the  South  Mountain,  holding  in 
check  the  advance  of  McClellan.  The  same  evening 
marked  Jackson’s  bivouac  beyond  the  Potomac;  his 
infantry  held  the  railroad,  and  the  cavalry  had  drawn 
the  toils  about  Martinsburg.  The  morning  of  Sep- 
tember 12,  the  hour  appointed  by  Lee,  saw  Jack- 
son  in  position  at  Martinsburg  with  all  the  Federal 
troops  corralled  at  Harper’s  Ferry.  Pleasant  Valley 
was  the  camping-place  of  McLaws  on  the  night 
of  September  ii.  He  had  marched  behind  Long- 
street  and  the  ordnance  trains  as  far  as  Middletown, 
hence  his  progress  was  retarded.  Daybreak  of  Sep- 
tember 12  saw  McLaws  advancing  to  attack  the 
Maryland  Heights,  but  the  ledges  of  rock  and  dense 
undergrowth  prevented  a vigorous  assault.  Walker’s 
brigades  were  across  the  river  at  Point  of  Rocks  on 
the  morning  of  the  i ith.  That  entire  day,  they  re- 
mained in  camp  to  rest;  the  morning  of  the  13th 
brought  them  only  to  the  foot  of  the  Blue  Ridge, 
and  the  morning  of  the  14th  saw  Walker’s  guns  in 
position  on  the  Loudoun  Heights. 

Lee  was  engaged  in  a difficult  game  on  the  mili- 
tary chessboard.  At  Hagerstown  on  the  12th  he 
awaited  reports  concerning  Harper’s  Ferry.  In  a 
letter  to  President  Davis,  on  that  day,  he  expressed 
anxiety  concerning  food  and  clothing  for  his  men. 
September  13  found  him  still  waiting  for  news 
from  Walker  and  McLaws.  To  the  latter  he  wrote, 


1862] 


The  Capture  of  Harper  s Ferry.  205 


“ Jackson  will  be  at  Harper’s  Ferry  by  noon  to- 
day.” The  depletion  of  the  army  by  straggling 
now  began  to  oppress  Lee,  and  he  sent  this  message 
to  the  President : “ Our  ranks  are  very  much  dimin- 
ished— I fear  from  a third  to  one  half  of  the  original 
numbers.  ” 

The  afternoon  of  Saturday,  September  13,  brought 
news  of  McClellan’s  rapid  approach  towrard  the 
Boonsborough  mountain-pass.  The  morning  of 
that  day  had  given  to  McClellan,  in  Frederick,  a 
copy  of  Lee’s  order  (No.  191)  outlining  the  cam- 
paign. Two  copies  had  been  sent  to  D.  H.  Hill, 
since  Hill  had  been  previously  made  subject  to  Jack- 
son’s commands.  The  copy  of  the  order  received 
by  Hill  at  Frederick  and  displayed  by  him  after  the 
close  of  the  war  was  in  Jackson’s  handwriting.  The 
copy  sent  to  Hill  directly  from  Lee’s  headquarters 
was  left  in  the  camp  by  a careless  subordinate;  a 
Federal  soldier  discovered  it  wrapped  about  some 
Confederate  cigars.  McClellan  saw  at  a glance 
Lee’s  entire  plan.  At  once  he  hastened  his  main 
body  toward  Boonsborough  in  pursuit  of  Lee. 
Franklin’s  corps  was  urged  toward  Crampton’s  gap 
to  harass  McLaws  and  bring  relief  to  Harper’s 
Ferry.  At  the  close  of  this  day,  therefore,  Lee  was 
pushing  D.  H.  Hill  back  again  to  the  defence  of  his 
rear,  while  McLaws  wras  urged  to  expedite  his  opera- 
tions and  to  join  Lee  with  speed  via  Sharpsburg. 

Sunday  morning,  September  14,  as  Lee  was  mov- 
ing Longstreet’s  brigades  from  Hagerstown  to 
Boonsborough,  he  w^as  greeted  with  the  roaring  of 
heavy  guns  from  the  entire  eastern  and  southern 


206 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


horizon.  Upon  the  mountain’s  crest  near  Boons- 
borough,  Hill’s  five  thousand  men  were  wrapped  in 
the  smoke  of  battle ; until  the  middle  of  the  after- 
noon they  held  Fox’s  Gap  against  the  onset  of 
Reno’s  corps.  At  three  o’clock  the  corps  of 
Hooker  fell  upon  Hill’s  left  near  Turner’s  Gap, 
north  of  the  National  road.  Eight  of  Longstreet’s 
brigades,  four  thousand  men,  now  gave  aid  to  Hill. 
The  battle  raged  in  both  gaps  until  the  coming  of 
the  darkness,  and  the  nine  thousand  Confederates 
continued  to  hold  the  mountain-top  in  the  face  of 
twenty-eight  thousand  Federal  soldiers. 

Six  miles  to  the  southward  from  Turner’s  Gap, 
another  battle  raged  that  afternoon,  in  Crampton’s 
Gap.  Franklin  sent  his  advance  column  of  eight 
thousand  to  drive  McLaws’s  rearguard  of  twelve  hun- 
dred men  from  the  summit.  The  hour  of  darkness 
brought  complete  success  to  the  Federal  force. 
Franklin  planted  his  banner  on  the  mountain’s  crest, 
and  McLaws  now  seemed  to  be  imprisoned  in  Pleas- 
ant Valley.  The  Sunday  afternoon  had  likewise 
borne  to  Lee’s  ears  the  sound  of  guns  from  the  direc- 
tion of  Harper’s  Ferry,  giving  indication  that  this 
fortress  had  not  yet  fallen.  So  steep  and  rocky  were 
the  sides  of  the  Maryland  Heights,  that  mid-day  of 
the  14th  came  and  passed  ere  the  guns  of  McLaws 
were  ready  to  respond  to  Jackson’s  signals  to  begin 
the  battle. 

The  outlook  was  not  cheerful  as  Lee  stood  on 
South  Mountain  in  the  gathering  darkness  of  Sep- 
tember 14.  Over  half  his  army,  in  three  separate 
divisions,  was  more  than  a dozen  miles  away.  The 


1862] 


The  Capture  of  Harper  s Ferry.  207 


two  divisions  under  his  own  direction  were  not  all 
in  line  together,  and  his  position  was  assailed  in 
front  and  on  both  flanks  by  McClellan’s  main  body. 
At  8 o’clock  in  the  evening,  September  14,  Lee 
wrote  this  order  to  McLaws:  “ The  day  has  gone 
against  us,  and  the  army  will  go  by  Sharpsburg  and 
cross  the  river.  It  is  necessary  for  you  to  abandon 
your  position  to-night.  . . . Your  troops  you 

must  have  in  hand  to  unite  with  this  command 
which  will  retire  by  Sharpsburg.”  But  McLaws 
bravely  held  his  post  and  began  to  array  his  troops 
in  line  across  the  Pleasant  Valley  to  withstand  the 
advance  of  Franklin.  His  guns  were  ready  to  open 
on  Harper’s  Ferry  with  the  dawning  of  the  follow- 
ing morning.  Lee’s  forces  in  the  South  Mountain 
passes  had  won  a day’s  time  from  McClellan,  and 
had  thus  secured  the  sucess  of  the  movement  against 
Harper’s  Ferry,  although  Lee,  as  yet,  knew  it  not. 

At  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  Lee 
stood  in  the  roadway  on  the  crest  of  the  ridge  at 
Sharpsburg,  directing  his  forces  to  positions  on  the 
right  and  left  of  the  turnpike  as  they  retired  from 
Boonsborough.  Noonday  brought  him  a note  from 
Jackson,  written  at  an  early  morning  hour  : 

Through  God’s  blessing,  Harper’s  Ferry  and  its 
garrison  are  to  be  surrendered.”  Not  until  the  re- 
ceipt of  this  news,  with  the  additional  knowledge 
that  “ Stonewall  ” was  making  all  speed  to  join  him, 
did  Lee  determine  to  stand  and  give  battle  at  Sharps- 
burg. At  2 P.M.  of  the  15th,  the  advanced  troopers 
of  McClellan’s  great  host  were  watering  their 
horses  in  the  Antietam  Creek,  and  Lee  was  posting 


208 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


his  twelve  thousand  with  their  batteries  on  the 
Sharpsburg  hills.  In  deciding  to  stand  and  deliver 
battle,  with  his  divisions  still  widely  separated,  Lee 
was  passing  almost  beyond  precedent  in  the  matter 
of  courageous  daring. 

With  cautious  step  and  slow,  McClellan  came 
across  the  South  Mountain  into  the  Antietam  valley. 
Signal  flags  were  waving  throughout  the  day  from 
remote  summits;  the  Federal  cavalry  snuffed  at 
Lee’s  banners  from  afar,  and  McClellan’s  long- 
range  guns  began  to  creep  into  position  on  the  bluffs 
east  of  the  Antietam,  and  there  exchanged  greetings 
with  the  Confederate  cannon.  McClellan  was  bring- 
ing forward  in  his  main  column  about  sixty  thousand 
men.  Franklin  and  Couch,  with  twenty  thousand 
men,  he  had  left  in  Pleasant  Valley  confronting  Mc- 
Laws’s  line  of  battle.  Franklin  spent  this  beautiful 
Monday  in  reconnoitring  the  position  of  McLaws 
and  in  sending  despatches  to  McClellan  to  the  effect 
that  the  Confederate  force  there,  only  six  thousand 
in  fact,  outnumbered  his  own  Federal  troops  “ two 
to  one”!  McClellan  passed  away  the  morning 
hours  in  his  rearguard  bivouac,  sending  telegrams 
to  Washington  made  up  of  such  alliterative  phrases 
as  “ routed  rebels,”  “ perfect  panic,”  and  “ flying 
foe!”  McClellan’s  foeman  stood  defiant  all  that 
day  at  Sharpsburg  with  his  meagre  line  of  troops, 
only  about  twelve  thousand  men  of  every  arm. 

Lee  well  knew  that  his  other  divisions  were  soon 
to  reach  him.  Already  Jackson  was  in  full  march 
from  Harper’s  Ferry.  “Stonewall”  hadnotpaused 
to  feast  his  eyes  on  the  captive  garrison  and  the 


RELATIVE  POSITION  OF  FORCES,  MORNING  OF  SEPTEMBER  14,  1862. 


BASED  ON  THE  U.  S.  WAR-RECORDS  MAP. 


1862] 


Sharpsbtirg. 


209 


seventy-three  heavy  guns  and  other  spoil  of  war 
left  in  charge  of  A.  P.  Hill.  His  footsore  veterans 
were  on  the  march  before  the  surrender  was  com- 
pleted. A brief  respite  on  the  way  gave  time  to 
cook  and  eat,  and  then  a forced  march  during  a part 
of  the  night  brought  Jackson  with  six  thousand  men 
to  Lee’s  bivouac  at  an  early  hour  on  September 
16.  J.  G.  Walker’s  thirty-two  hundred  men  came 
just  behind  “ Stonewall.”  Lee  stood  in  the  Boons- 
borough  roadway,  on  the  hill-top  at  Sharpsburg  as 
Jackson  and  Walker  approached.  There  was  joy  in 
the  face  of  the  Confederate  chieftain  as  he  gave 
cordial  greeting  and  congratulation  to  his  lieuten- 
ants. Complete  confidence  now  marked  Lee’s  words 
and  actions  when  Jackson  stood  with  him  once 
again.  Walker  thus  refers  to  Lee  at  this  hour: 

“ Anxious  enough  no  doubt,  he  was  ; but  there  was  nothing  in  his 
look  or  manner  to  indicate  it.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  calm,  digni- 
fied and  even  cheerful.  If  he  had  had  a well-equipped  army  of  a 
hundred  thousand  veterans  at  his  back,  he  could  not  have  appeared 
more  composed  and  confident.  On  shaking  hands  with  us,  he  simply 
expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  result  of  our  operations  at  Har- 
per’s Ferry,  and  with  our  timely  arrival  at  Sharpsburg  ; adding  that 
with  our  reinforcement,  he  felt  confident  of  being  able  to  hold  his 
ground  until  the  arrival  of  the  divisions  of  R.  H.  Anderson,  McLaws 
and  A.  P.  Hill.” 

To  President  Davis  on  the  same  day,  Lee  referred 
in  the  following  terms  to  the  result  of  the  campaign  : 

This  victory  of  the  indomitable  Jackson  and  his 
troops  gives  us  renewed  occasion  for  gratitude  to 
Almighty  God  for  His  guidance  and  protection.” 

September  16  brought  McClellan  to  the  front 
14 


210 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


at  Keedysville.  As  he  peered  through  the  heavy 
fog  and  saw-the  men  in  gray  jackets  on  the  Sharps- 
burg  ridges,  the  tone  of  his  despatches  was  changed 
from  that  of  the  day  before,  and  he  sent  messages 
concerning  Lee’s  “ strong  force,”  and  “ strong  posi- 
tion.” Most  of  the  day  he  spent  in  arranging  his 
troops  for  the  attack.  The  afternoon  marked  the 
advance  of  Hooker’s  corps  across  the  upper  Antie- 
tam  against  the  left  flank  of  the  Confederate  line  of 
battle.  The  corps  of  Mansfield  also  moved  across 
the  creek  to  give  support  to  Hooker. 

Lee’s  army  now  stood  on  the  defensive  along  the 
ridges  between  Sharpsburg  and  the  Antietam  Creek. 
During  the  battle,  the  Confederate  chieftain  took 
his  station  for  the  most  part  upon  a ledge  of  rock 
near  the  right-hand  side  of  the  Boonsborough  road. 
This  rock,  recently  demolished  by  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, was  within  the  limits  of  the  present  Fed- 
eral cemetery  on  the  summit  of  the  hill.  At  first 
he  placed  his  men  to  defend  the  direct  approaches 
from  the  Boonsborough  bridge  in  front  and  from 
the  Burnside  bridge  to  the  right.  The  entire  right 
wing  of  his  line  of  battle  under  Longstreet  extended 
from  the  turnpike  about  one  mile  to  the  southward 
where  a cluster  of  heavy  guns  faced  the  Antietam 
on  a bold  spur  below  the  Burnside  crossing.  The 
left  wing  of  the  Confederate  line,  extending  north- 
ward from  this  turnpike,  consisted  of  D.  H.  Hill’s 
five  brigades  and  Hood’s  two  brigades,  on  Hill’s 
left.  Hood  was  posted  in  the  woods  west  of  the 
Dunkard  Church  to  defend  the  approach  offered  by 
the  Hagerstown  turnpike.  The  advance  of  Hooker 


1862J 


Sharpsburg. 


2 1 i 


across  the  Williamsport  bridge,  far  up  the  Antietam, 
was  reported  by  the  cavalry  to  Lee  in  Sharpsburg. 
He  was  in  council  over  a map  in  an  old  house  with 
Jackson  and  Longstreet.  At  once  Jackson  was  sent 
forward  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  16th,  to  rule  the 
entire  battle  of  the  left  wing. 

When  Jackson  stood  in  the  roadway  at  the  Dunk- 
ard  Church,  he  was  in  the  central  field  of  the  ap- 
proaching conflict.  A broad  plateau  with  rolling 
surface  was  spread  out  for  some  distance  on  every 
side.  Behind  Jackson  to  the  southward  ran  the 
Hagerstown  turnpike  along  the  summit  of  the  ridge ; 
and  just  one  mile  from  the  Church  this  road  reached 
Sharpsburg.  To  the  northward  from  the  Church, 
through  the  midst  of  the  rolling  plateau,  ran  this 
same  Hagerstown  road.  On  the  western  side  of 
the  roadway  stood  a forest  of  oaks,  known  in  this 
battle  as  the  West  Wood.  At  the  Church  this  forest 
skirted  the  turnpike,  but  two  hundred  yards  north- 
ward the  woods  fell  away  to  leave  room  for  a grass- 
field  at  the  roadway’s  edge.  On  the  eastern  side  of 
the  turnpike,  and  north  of  the  Church,  the  central 
space  was  held  by  a large  field  of  ripening  corn, 
skirted  by  broad  grass-plots.  These  fields  had  as  a 
common  eastern  boundary  an  irregular  forest,  known 
as  the  East  Wood.  The  two  tracts  of  forest,  the 
West  Wood  and  the  East  Wood,  with  the  corn  and 
grass  lands  lying  between  them,  were  to  witness 
the  most  formidable  blows  of  McClellan  in  his  vain 
attempt  to  drive  Lee  from  the  hills  of  Sharpsburg. 

At  5 P.M.,  on  September  16,  Jackson  arrayed 
his  line  of  muskets  facing  northward,  across  the 


212 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


Li  862 


turnpike,  seven  hundred  yards  beyond  the  Dunkard 
Church.  In  the  cornfield  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
turnpike  were  the  brigades  of  Hood  and  Law,  seven- 
teen hundred  muskets.  Howitzers  were  posted  in 
the  open  ground,  and  Law’s  right  was  advanced  to 
the  East  Wood.  Across  the  open  field,  behind  a 
group  of  stacks  on  the  western  side  of  the  turnpike, 
with  its  left  in  the  West  Wood,  stood  the  Stonewall 
division  under  J.  R.  Jones.  These  sixteen  hundred 
muskets  were  arrayed  in  two  lines  of  battle,  with 
Poague’s  battery  on  a knoll  in  front.  Early’s 
brigade  in  the  West  Wood  gave  strength  to  the  left 
flank,  while  the  brigade  of  Hays  stood  behind  Earl}7. 
The  brigades  of  Lawton  and  Trimble  went  into 
bivouac  in  the  woods  around  the  Church.  A com- 
manding hill,  beyond  the  West  Wood  to  Jackson’s 
left,  was  crowned  by  Stuart’s  artillery,  while  the 
horsemen  hovered  about  the  flank. 

The  sunset  rays  were  gleaming  upon  Hooker’s 
muskets  as  his  corps  advanced  along  the  ridge 
southward  against  Jackson.  A Federal  battery  ran 
forward  and  at  the  distance  of  five  hundred  yards 
opened  fire  on  Jackson’s  left;  but  Poague  silenced 
the  guns  in  twenty  minutes.  Hooker’s  skirmishers 
advanced  into  the  East  Wood,  where  Law’s  veter- 
ans grappled  with  them  and  drove  them  back  to  the 
edge  of  the  forest.  Darkness  fell,  and  both  contest- 
ants rested  on  the  field  to  await  the  coming  of  the 
dawn.  For  three  days  the  brigades  of  Hood  and 
Law  had  not  tasted  bread ; they  had  subsisted  on 
green  corn  with  only  a “ half  ration  of  beef  for 
one  day.”  Under  cover  of  night  they  were  with- 


1862] 


Sharpsburg. 


213 


drawn  to  the  West  Wood  to  prepare  food;  the 
brigades  of  Lawton  and  Trimble  took  their  place. 

Lee  could  now  discern  McClellan’s  plan  to  over- 
whelm the  Confederate  left.  Hooker’s  advance 
was  only  the  prelude  to  the  assault  of  the  three 
corps  of  Hooker,  Mansfield,  and  Sumner,  a com- 
bined force  of  forty  thousand  men.  If  an  advantage 
should  be  gained  by  these  against  Jackson’s  end  of 
the  line,  McClellan  proposed  then  to  throw  Burnside 
across  the  stream  with  thirteen  thousand  men  against 
Longstreet’s  wing;  this  blow  was  to  be  followed, 
later,  by  the  attack  of  Porter  and  Franklin  with 
twenty-five  thousand  muskets  against  the  Confeder- 
ate centre.  Long-range  guns  were  planted  on  the 
eastern  bluffs  of  the  Antietam  to  command  the 
entire  Confederate  line  of  battle.  McClellan  re- 
vealed his  plan  to  assault  Lee’s  right  by  making 
Burnside’s  corps  approach  the  lower  bridge  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  16th.  The  steep,  wooded  bank  at 
the  western  end  of  this  bridge  was  occupied  by 
Toombs  with  about  six  hundred  Georgian  muskets. 
Lee  ordered  J.  G.  Walker  to  move  his  thirty-two 
hundred  men  at  dawn  of  the  17th  to  the  hill’s  crest 
in  the  rear  of  Toombs.  At  the  close  of  the  16th, 
Lee  had  nearly  twenty-five  thousand  men  of  all  arms 
to  withstand  McClellan’s  eighty-seven  thousand  ; he 
sent  urgent  messages  to  McLaws,  Anderson,  and  A. 
P.  Hill  to  hasten  forward  their  ten  thousand.  With 
mutual  confidence  in  each  other  and  with  grim  de- 
termination, Lee  and  his  hungry  band  made  ready 
to  hold  the  position. 

As  early  as  3 o’clock  on  the  morning  of  Sep- 


214 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


L1862 


tember  17,  skirmishing  began  in  the  East  Wood. 
Hooker  pushed  his  corps  of  twelve  thousand  five 
hundred  infantrymen  against  Jackson’s  front  line  of 
thirty-five  hundred,  and  at  5.30  A.M.,  Shumaker’s 
six  Confederate  batteries  began  the  harvest  of 
death.  Meade  commanded  Hooker’s  central  divi- 
sion; on  his  right  Doubleday  swept  down  both  sides 
of  the  Hagerstown  turnpike,  and  Ricketts  gave  sup- 
port to  Meade’s  left  and  rear.  This  force  was  sup- 
ported by  a battery  of  thirty  guns  posted  on  the 
hills  near  the  turnpike  in  their  rear  and  by  the 
enfilading  fire  of  twenty  rifled  guns  beyond  the  An- 
tietam.  Fierce  reply  was  roared  by  Jackson’s 
cannon  in  the  centre,  by  Stuart  from  the  Nicode- 
mus  hill,  and  by  S.  D.  Lee’s  twenty-six  guns  near 
the  Church.  In  the  East  Wood  and  the  contiguous 
cornfield,  Lawton’s  men  fought  long  and  well  in 
opposition  to  Meade  and  Ricketts.  West  of  the 
turnpike  the  Stonewall  division  was  forced  back  into 
the  woods;  Jones  was  wounded,  and  Starke  fell 
dead  as  the  battle  swayed  to  and  fro,  but  Grigsby 
rallied  the  men  forward  and  Doubleday  was  repulsed. 
The  left  of  Jackson’s  line  thus  remained  firm. 
Against  Lawton’s  right  flank  came  Ricketts  through 
the  East  Wood  facing  westward.  Into  the  awful 
storm  of  fire  that  made  the  eastern  cornfield  a place 
of  blood,  rushed  the  brigade  of  Hays,  five  hundred 
and  fifty  muskets.  Stubbornly  the  Confederates 
fought  for  every  inch  of  ground ; slowly  they  fell 
back  from  the  field  heaped  with  dead.  With  a wild 
yell,  Hood’s  brigades  rushed  forward  from  the 
Church  to  stay  the  tide  of  Federal  advance.  Their 


1862] 


Sharpsburg. 


2I5 


breakfast  was  left  uncooked  by  the  campfires;  in 
the  midst  of  the  corn  their  weight  was  thrown 
against  Hooker.  The  wounded  Lawton  was  borne 
out  as  Hood  entered.  On  Hood’s  right  three  of 
D.  H.  Hill’s  brigades  advanced  from  the  Confeder- 
ate centre  and  fell  upon  the  flank  of  Ricketts  near 
the  Mumma  house.  Little  resistance  was  made  by 
Hooker’s  broken  corps  to  this  fresh  onset;  his  bri- 
gades had  been  torn  into  fragments,  and  nearly  one 
fourth  of  his  men  lay  prostrate  on  the  field.  Hook- 
er’s shattered  regiments  found  shelter  with  the 
Federal  guns  and  with  Mansfield’s  corps  in  the  rear. 
One-half  of  Jackson’s  first  line  of  battle  lay  in  long 
rows  upon  the  field,  but  he  still  stood  defiantly 
awaiting  the  second  Federal  assault. 

During  the  night  Mansfield  had  led  the  old  corps 
of  Banks  across  the  Keedysville  bridge  and  en- 
camped near  J.  Poffenberger’s,  a mile  in  Hooker’s 
rear.  At  7.3 o A.M.,  three  hours  after  the  beginning 
of  Hooker’s  battle,  Mansfield’s  two  divisions  came 
upon  the  field,  resting  their  right  on  the  turnpike  at 
Miller’s,  while  their  left  was  extended  through  the 
East  Wood.  In  the  wood  and  in  the  cornfield  again 
did  carnage  reign.  Hood’s  eighteen  hundred  and  the 
eighteen  hundred  of  Ripley,  Colquitt,  and  Garland 
stood  face  to  face  with  the  fresh  Federal  force  of 
seven  thousand  muskets.  Mansfield  fell  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  assault,  and  Williams  took  the  baton. 
Hooker’s  troops  had  nearly  all  vanished  from  the 
plateau ; his  captains  could  not  assemble  as  many  as 
three  hundred  men  of  the  First  corps.  The  Twelfth 
corps  had  to  face  alone  the  awful  crash  of  musketry 


18621 


Sharpsbiirg. 


217 


around  the  Church.  At  the  same  time  he  kept  an 
eye  on  Burnside  at  the  lower  bridge.  Along  the 
Sharpsburg  ridge  Lee  had  eighty  heavy  guns  in 
action  against  McClellan’s  batteries  beyond  the  An- 
tietam.  The  sky  was  obscured  by  the  smoke  of 
cannon  and  bursting  shells.  The  shouting  of  the 
captains,  the  fierce  yells  of  the  Confederates,  and 
the  sharp  rattle  of  musketry  made  a pandemonium 
of  that  Sharpsburg  plateau.  Lee  stood  alert  on  his 
rock  of  observation,  and  prepared  a counterstroke 
against  McClellan  by  hastening  Walker,  McLaws, 
and  a part  of  R.  H.  Anderson’s  division  to  the  aid 
of  Jackson.  Since  early  morning  McLaws  and  And- 
erson had  been  giving  rest,  near  Sharpsburg,  to  their 
brigades,  wearied  by  the  night  march  from  Maryland 
Heights. 

The  hour  of  8.30  A.M.  brought  the  head  of 
Sumner’s  corps  of  eighteen  thousand  men  across 
the  Antietam  into  the  East  Wood.  Sedgwick’s 
division  followed  Sumner  himself  across  the  scene 
of  the  morning’s  carnage.  Sumner’s  spirit  was  not 
cheered  by  the  sight  of  many  un wounded  Federal 
soldiers  assisting  wounded  comrades  to  the  rear. 
This  game  of  generosity  was  here  played  by 
Mansfield’s  men  in  their  desire  to  escape  from  the 
Confederate  front.  Complete  silence  reigned  on 
Jackson’s  field.  Hooker’s  corps  had  disappeared; 
Greene’s  men  in  the  edge  of  the  West  Wood  were 
incapable  of  further  effort ; Jackson  was  forming  his 
line  for  an  advance.  In  three  deployed  brigades, 
Sumner’s  division  of  six  thousand  soldiers  stood  in 
the  East  Wood  facing  the  bloody  cornfield.  The 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


218 


three  lines  moved  westward  toward  the  Hagerstown 
road,  and  then  directly  across  the  turnpike  into  the 
open  field  north  of  the  Church.  As  Sumner  moved 
his  brigades  toward  the  West  Wood,  Stuart’s  guns 
poured  in  a torrent  of  shells,  and  Jackson’s  batteries 
raked  his  lines  with  canister.  Immediately  in  Sum- 
ner’s front  stood  the  gallant  Grigsby  and  his  three 
hundred.  All  honour  to  these  noble  sons  of  Vir- 
ginia. With  the  courage  of  lions  they  fought  behind 
the  ledges  of  rock  and  kept  back  the  progress  of 
Sumner’s  division  until  Lee  and  Jackson  could  set 
the  battle  in  array  for  his  annihilation.  Hood’s 
division  at  the  Church  was  wrecked,  and  Hood  sent 
S.  D.  Lee  to  tell  the  chief-commander  that  unless 
reinforcements  were  sent  at  once,  the  day  was  lost. 
S.  D.  Lee  met  General  Lee  approaching  on  horse- 
back with  one  orderly,  half-way  between  Sharpsburg 
and  the  Dunkard  Church.  Lee’s  wounded  hand 
was  in  a sling,  and  the  orderly  was  leading  his 
horse,  Traveller.  Hood’s  message  was  delivered. 
General  Lee  quietly  replied:  “ Don’t  be  excited 
about  it,  Colonel;  go  tell  General  Hood  to  hold  his 
ground;  reinforcements  are  now  rapidly  approach- 
ing between  Sharpsburg  and  the  ford.  Tell  him 
that  I am  now  coming  to  his  support.”  A moment 
later  General  Lee  pointed  to  McLaws’s  division  then 
in  sight  and  approaching  at  a double-quick. 

Jackson  sent  Early’s  brigade  through  the  West 
Wood  south  of  the  Church,  and  drove  the  greater  part 
of  Greene’s  command  across  the  turnpike.  As  Early 
turned  toward  the  north  at  the  Church,  he  found 
himself  on  Sumner’s  left  flank.  Into  the  fight 


THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  SHARPSBURG. 


1862] 


Sharpsburg. 


219 


against  Sumner  rushed  a new  thunderbolt  of  war. 
Grigsby  and  Early  were  made  strong  by  sixty-five 
hundred  muskets  under  McLaws,  G.  T.  Anderson, 
and  Walker.  A volcano  of  fire  leaped  from  behind 
the  rocks  and  oak-trees  of  the  West  Wood.  Against 
Sumner’s  front,  left  flank,  and  rear  the  fierce  Con- 
federates, eight  thousand  strong,  poured  their  vol- 
leys. Sumner’s  six  thousand  were  in  the  field  west 
of  the  turnpike.  Nearly  two  thousand  Federal 
soldiers  fell  where  they  stood.  Sumner  attempted 
to  face  his  third  line,  the  Philadelphia  brigade,  to 
meet  the  fire  from  the  rear,  “ but  the  line,”  says 
Sumner,  “ moved  off  in  a body  to  the  right  in  spite 
of  all  the  efforts  that  could  be  made  to  stop  it.” 
Sumner’s  biographer  declares  that  this  officer  be- 
came “ panic-stricken,”  and  eagerly  moved  out 
along  the  turnpike  to  the  northward  with  the  frag- 
ments of  his  first  and  second  lines  to  seek  refuge 
with  the  Federal  batteries.  McLaws  had  come  too 
late  to  swing  around  against  the  Federal  right,  and 
thus  did  Sumner  escape  destruction.  The  pillar  of 
stone  recently  erected  in  this  field  to  the  Philadelphia 
brigade,  marks  the  storm-centre  of  “ Stonewall’s  ” 
whirlwind  of  fire  that  sent  panic  into  the  hearts  of 
the  brigade,  and  terrorised  their  corps-commander. 

As  this  division  melted  away  from  Jackson’s  front, 
at  9.15  A.M.,  French’s  division  of  Sumner’s  corps, 
between  five  and  six  thousand  strong,  was  advanc- 
ing to  assault  the  Confederate  left  centre.  French 
came  up  the  hill  in  Sedgwick’s  rear,  but  at  the  East 
Wood  he  turned  to  the  left  and  marched  southward 
against  D.  H.  Hill.  The  Bloody  Lane  leaves  the 


220 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Hagerstown  road  just  south  of  the  Dunkard  Church, 
and  pursues  a zigzag  course  in  six  directions  toward 
the  Boonsborough  road.  From  the  field  near  Rou- 
lette’s house,  D.  H.  Hill  had  sent  the  three 
brigades  already  mentioned  against  the  left  flank 
of  Hooker  and  Mansfield.  When  Hill  drew  back 
from  Sumner’s  advance  he  posted  Rodes  and 
Colquitt  in  the  lane  between  the  Hagerstown 
road  and  the  Clipp  gateway ; to  the  right  of 
Rodes  he  arrayed  G.  B.  Anderson  in  the  sunken 
lane  as  far  as  the  hill-top  at  the  second  turning. 
Fifteen  hundred  muskets  and  a park  of  artillery 
made  up  this  defensive  band;  from  Hill’s  left  to 
the  West  Wood  stood  fifteen  hundred  more  from 
the  commands  of  McLaws  and  Walker.  Hill’s 
wings  formed  a right  angle  with  each  other  at  the 
junction  of  the  lane  and  the  turnpike.  Into  this  tri- 
angular ambuscade,  advancing  between  the  houses 
of  Mumma  and  Roulette,  came  French’s  front 
brigade.  Down  upon  the  right  flank  of  French 
rushed  Hill’s  left  wing  from  the  Hagerstown  road; 
their  “ sudden  and  terrible  fire  ” sent  French’s  men 
reeling  backward  in  flight  with  heavy  loss.  French 
sent  his  next  line  to  assail  Anderson  in  the  second 
portion  of  the  lane,  but  the  musketry  of  Rodes  and 
Anderson  hurled  the  entire  division  of  French  back- 
ward behind  the  crest  of  the  hill.  French’s  brigades 
were  shattered,  and  one-third  of  his  men  lay  pros- 
trate. Richardson’s  division  of  Sumner’s  corps, 
six  thousand  strong,  approached  Hill’s  right,  along 
the  ridge’s  crest,  at  the  second  angle  of  the  lane;  at 
the  same  hour,  eleven  o’clock,  came  thirty-five  hun- 


1862] 


Sharpsburg. 


221 


dred  men  of  R.  H.  Anderson’s  division  to  Hill’s  aid. 
Lee  was  keeping  watch  over  his  centre,  and  it  was 
he  who  hastened  this  reinforcement  through  the 
fields  near  the  Piper  house.  Richardson  secured  an 
enfilade  fire  upon  the  Confederate  line  in  the  sunken 
road  near  Clipp’s  house.  R.  H.  Anderson’s  bri- 
gades failed  to  check  Richardson  and  were  put  to 
flight.  Rodes  was  flanked,  and  Hill’s  entire  line 
was  forced  back  to  the  Piper  house.  The  gallant 
Hill  brought  up  batteries,  rallied  his  broken  line, 
and  thrust  Richardson  back  again  toward  the  lane. 
While  Richardson  wrestled  with  Hill  at  the  hour  of 
noon,  Franklin’s  corps  clambered  to  the  plateau. 
Franklin  thought  to  try  his  fortune  in  Jackson’s 
field,  where  an  artillery  battle  was  still  in  progress. 
He  filled  the  woods  about  Miller’s  house  with  Han- 
cock’s men,  and  advanced  Irwin’s  brigade  in  a charge 
against  the  West  Wood  at  the  Dunkard  Church. 
But  the  crash  of  Jackson’s  musketry  sent  Irwin 
scampering  back. 

Lee  from  his  post  on  the  central  summit  still  kept 
watch  over  the  battle  of  his  left  and  centre.  As 
Richardson  urged  his  men  against  Hill,  Lee  sent 
swift  message  to  Jackson  to  make  assault  against 
the  Federal  right  flank.  Orders  were  also  sent  to 
Walker  to  charge  upon  the  line  in  front  of  the  Church. 
Jackson  was  ready  to  move  upon  the  instant ; Stuart’s 
guns  were  thrown  out  to  test  the  Federal  batteries, 
and  Stuart  attempted  to  lead  his  cavalry  up  the 
bank  of  the  Potomac  to  turn  the  Federal  line.  Me 
Clellan’s  guns  commanded  this  entire  region  as  far 
as  the  Potomac,  and  the  movement  could  not  be 


222 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


made.  But  the  left  wing  and  centre  of  Lee’s  army 
at  one  o’clock  stood  with  defiance  ready  to  defend 
the  line  of  the  Hagerstown  road.  McClellan  feared 
to  assail  again  the  grim  gray -jackets,  lest  he  should 
lose  the  entire  field. 

Since  early  morning  at  the  lower  bridge  the  six 
hundred  Georgians  under  Toombs  had  inspired  cau- 
tion in  Burnside’s  corps.  Longstreet’s  guns  spent 
their  fire  in  support  of  Toombs.  In  a narrow  wood 
above  the  margin  of  the  Antietam  these  riflemen 
were  stationed.  The  steep  bluff  was  like  a fortress, 
for  it  commanded  the  bridge  and  all  its  approaches. 
With  great  gallantry,  Sturgis  led  his  Federal  division 
upon  the  bridge.  A heavy  cannonade  lent  aid  to 
his  bayonet  charge.  All  in  vain.  The  storm  of 
bullets  from  the  sheltered  Georgians  kept  back  the 
Federal  advance  during  four  hours  of  fierce  battle. 
Cool  and  determined  were  the  six  hundred,  as  they 
drove  back  four  separate  storming  parties.  Rod- 
man’s division  sought  a ford  below  the  bridge; 
Toombs  was  assailed  in  flank,  and  at  one  o’clock 
Burnside’s  corps  crossed  the  bridge.  Sturgis’s 
division  had  spent  its  strength  at  the  bridge  and 
dropped  behind.  An  hour  was  consumed  in  array- 
ing the  corps  for  the  advance  against  Lee’s  right 
wing.  In  spite  of  the  approach  of  this  formidable 
force,  Lee  was  then  ordering  Jackson  to  assault  the 
Federal  right.  Couriers  brought  to  Lee  news  of  A. 
P.  Hill’s  rapid  approach  from  Harper’s  Ferry.  Up 
the  steep  ascent  Burnside  continued  to  advance.  A 
Confederate  battery  became  his  spoil,  and  D.  R. 
Jones’s  division  was  broken  and  driven  back  to 


1862J 


Sharpsburg. 


223 


Sharpsburg.  Three  o’clock  marked  the  full  tide  of 
Burnside’s  success  against  Longstreet,  for  Long- 
street  had  only  two  thousand  to  set  in  array  against 
twelve  thousand.  But  that  hour  brought  A.  P.  Hill 
from  the  Boteler  ford  against  Burnside’s  left  flank. 
His  thirty-four  hundred  men  had  marched  seventeen 
miles  in  seven  hours.  Like  a clap  of  thunder  they 
now  burst  upon  the  Federal  brigades.  A circle  of 
Confederate  artillery  fire  crowned  the  crest  of  the 
hill  and  poured  its  storm  upon  the  masses  of  the 
Federal  troops ; one-fifth  of  the  latter  were  disabled. 
They  could  only  break  in  flight  to  seek  the  shelter 
of  their  guns  beyond  the  Antietam. 

Against  the  actual  assaults  of  about  sixty  thou- 
sand Federal  soldiers,  courageously  and  boldly  de- 
livered, Lee  maintained  his  position  in  open,  pitched 
battle  with  only  thirty-five  thousand  men.  This 
small  band  of  Confederates  was  weary  from  long 
marches  and  their  only  food  during  the  day  was 
plucked  from  the  apple-trees  that  stood  in  the  field 
of  battle.  More  than  twenty-five  thousand  addi- 
tional Federal  soldiers  by  their  presence  on  the  field 
gave  moral  support  to  McClellan’s  attacks.  McClel- 
lan’s battle  was  a failure;  he  was  defeated  with 
heavy  loss  in  every  movement.  The  Confederate 
soldiers  out-fought  the  Federal  troops  in  fair  conflict. 
Four  of  McClellan’s  corps  were  shattered,  and  the 
fragments  deserted  the  scene  of  strife;  they  could 
not  be  collected  for  a renewal  of  the  fight.  Both 
armies  suffered  vast  losses.  Eight  thousand  Con- 
federates, one-fourth  of  Lee’s  army,  lay  upon  the 
field  ; many  regiments,  and  even  brigades,  had  well- 


224 


Robert.  E Lee. 


[1862 


nigh  disappeared.  McClellan’s  loss  was  about 
twelve  thousand  five  hundred.  The  survivors  on 
both  sides  sank  down  to  rest  where  they  had  fought, 
amid  the  after  horrors  of  the  bloodiest  field  of  the 
entire  war. 

Lee  still  held  the  line  of  the  Hagerstown  turnpike, 
and  even  yet  the  unconquerable  Confederate  soldiers 
were  ready  for  battle.  An  hour  after  nightfall,  ac- 
cording to  the  statement  of  S.  D.  Lee,  General  Lee 
summoned  his  chief  officers  to  meet  him  on  the 
roadway  leading  toward  the  Potomac.  In  quiet  tone 
he  asked  each  one  as  he  came  up,  “ General,  how  is 
it  on  your  part  of  the  line  ? ” “ As  bad  as  bad  can 

be,”  said  Longstreet.  “ My  division  is  cut  to 
pieces,”  replied  D.  H.  Hill.  “ The  greatest  odds 
I have  ever  met  . . . losses  terrible,”  was  Jack- 

son’s quiet  response.  Hood  displayed  great  emo- 
tion, seemed  completely  unmanned,  and  declared 
that  he  had  no  division.  General  Lee  with  un- 
wonted excitement  exclaimed,  “ Great  God!  Gen- 
eral Hood,  where  is  your  splendid  division  you  had 
this  morning  ?”  Hood  replied,  “ They  are  lying 
on  the  field  where  you  sent  them.”  All  of  these 
officers,  says  S.  D.  Lee,  suggested  that  General  Lee 
should  cross  the  Potomac  before  daylight.  After  an 
awful  silence,  Lee  rising  more  erect  in  his  stirrups, 
said:  ‘‘  Gentlemen,  we  will  not  cross  the  Potomac 
to-night.  You  will  go  to  your  respective  com- 
mands, strengthen  your  lines;  send  two  officers  from 
each  brigade  towards  the  ford  to  collect  your  strag- 
glers and  get  them  up.  Many  others  have  come  up. 
I have  had  the  proper  steps  taken  to  collect  all  the 


1862] 


Sharpsburg. 


225 


men  who  are  in  the  rear.  If  McClellan  wants  to 
fight  in  the  morning,  I will  give  him  battle  again. 
Go!”  S.  D.  Lee,  watching  the  group  disperse, 
thought  that  he  read  in  their  countenances,  “ This 
is  a rash  conclusion,  and  we  fear  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia  is  taking  a great  risk.” 

The  moon  came  up  over  the  mountains  to  cast 
her  glow  on  the  field  where  the  dead,  the  dying,  and 
the  wearied  were  in  bivouac  in  that  place  of  unspeak- 
able suffering.  About  five  thousand  Confederate 
stragglers  came  up  during  the  night.  The  morning 
dawned  upon  the  two  lines  face  to  face  at  short 
range  with  shotted  guns  in  readiness.  Both  stood 
on  the  defensive.  Silence  reigned  upon  the  long 
ridge.  Not  a gun  was  fired.  Lee’s  spirit  of  com- 
bativeness became  more  and  more  aroused.  He  de- 
termined to  attack  the  passive  McClellan  by  sending 
Jackson  and  Stuart  around  the  Federal  right.  He 
ordered  Jackson  to  establish  fifty  heavy  guns  under 
S.  D.  Lee  and  crush  the  Federal  batteries  north  of  the 
Dunkard  Church.  When  Jackson,  Stuart,  and  S.  D. 
Lee  reported  McClellan’s  right  flank  as  impregnable, 
a shade  of  disappointment  passed  over  General  Lee’s 
face,  and  he  gave  up  the  plan  of  assault. 

The  afternoon  of  September  18  brought  news 

to  Lee  that  Humphreys  and  Couch  were  advancing 

to  support  McClellan,  and  that  the  Pennsylvania 

militia  was  ready  to  swarm  into  Maryland.  Under 

cover  of  the  dense  darkness,  in  good  order,  Lee 

crossed  the  Potomac  into  Virginia,  and  left  not  a 

waggon  nor  a gun  behind  him.  He  sent  Stuart  to 

the  northern  bank  of  the  Potomac  at  Williamsport 
15 


226 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


to  assail  McClellan’s  rear.  McClellan  raised  not  a 
hand  to  molest  the  march  of  the  Confederates,  for 
he  did  not  discover  their  absence  until  the  morning- 
of  September  19.  Three  Federal  brigades  crossed 
the  Potomac  in  pursuit,  and  laid  their  hands  on  four 
Confederate  guns.  But  they  immediately  suffered 
serious  disaster  from  the  division  of  A.  P.  Hill  under 
the  direction  of  Jackson.  McClellan  dared  not  at- 
tack Lee  in  Virginia,  for  the  Federal  army  was  de- 
spondent, and  was  daily  growing  weaker  from 
straggling  and  desertion.  The  Potomac  now  held 
the  two  armies  apart  for  a season  of  rest.  Mc- 
Clellan began  to  demand  more  troops,  and  Lee 
began  to  besiege  the  authorities  in  Richmond  for 
supplies  of  shoes  for  the  army.  To  the  anxious 
wife  he  sent  this  message  soon  after  the  battle: 


“ I have  not  laid  eyes  on  Rob  since  I saw  him  in  the  battle  of 
Sharpsburg  going  in  with  a single  gun  of  his  battery  for  the  second 
time  after  his  company  had  been  withdrawn,  in  consequence  of  three 
of  its  guns  having  been  disabled.  Custis  has  seen  him,  and  says  he 
is  very  well  and  apparently  happy  and  content.  My  hands  are  im- 
proving slowly,  and  with  my  left  hand  I am  able  to  dress  and  undress 
myself,  which  is  a great  comfort.  My  right  is  becoming  of  some 
assistance,  too,  though  it  is  still  swollen  and  sometimes  painful. 
The  bandages  have  been  removed.  I am  now  able  to  sign  my  name. 
It  has  been  six  weeks  to-day  since  I was  injured,  and  I have  at  last 
discarded  the  sling.” 


Upon  the  field  of  Sharpsburg,  Lee  had  held  his 
position  until  he  forced  McClellan  to  stand  on  the 
defensive.  As  to  the  campaign  of  invasion,  Lee’s 
fears  concerning  the  lack  of  equipments  had  been 


1862] 


Sharpsburg. 


realised.  The  movement  was  not  successful  because 
Lee’s  army  was  depleted  by  the  failure  of  barefooted 
thousands  to  march  with  him  into  Maryland.  From 
his  headquarters  near  Winchester,  October  2,  1862, 
Lee  issued  the  following  address  to  his  soldiers: 


“ In  reviewing  the  achievements  of  the  army  during  the  present 
campaign,  the  commanding  general  cannot  withhold  the  expression 
of  his  admiration  of  the  indomitable  courage  it  has  displayed  in  bat- 
tle and  its  cheerful  endurance  of  privation  and  hardship  on  the  march. 
Since  your  great  victories  around  Richmond,  you  have  defeated  the 
enemy  at  Cedar  Mountain,  expelled  him  from  the  Rappahannock, 
and  after  a conflict  of  three  days,  utterly  repulsed  him  on  the  plains 
of  Manassas,  and  forced  him  to  take  shelter  within  the  fortifications 
around  his  Capital.  Without  halting  for  repose  you  crossed  the 
Potomac,  stormed  the  heights  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  made  prisoners  of 
more  than  11,000  men  and  captured  upward  of  seventy-five  pieces  of 
artillery,  all  their  small-arms,  and  other  munitions  of  war.  While 
one  corps  of  the  army  was  thus  engaged,  the  other  insured  its  success 
by  arresting  at  Boonsborough  the  combined  armies  of  the  enemy,  ad- 
vancing under  their  favourite  general  to  the  relief  of  their  beleaguered 
comrades.  On  the  field  of  Sharpsburg,  with  less  than  one-third  his 
numbers,  you  resisted  from  daylight  until  dark  the  whole  army  of  the 
enemy,  and  repulsed  every  attack  along  his  entire  front  of  more  than 
four  miles  in  extent.  The  whole  of  the  following  day  you  stood  pre- 
pared to  resume  the  conflict  on  the  same  ground,  and  retired  next 
morning  without  molestation  across  the  Potomac.  Two  attempts 
subsequently  made  by  the  enemy  to  follow  you  across  the  river  have 
resulted  in  his  complete  discomfiture  and  being  driven  back  with 
loss.  Achievements  such  as  these  demanded  much  valour  and  patriot- 
ism. History  records  few  examples  of  greater  fortitude  and  endur- 
ance than  this  army  has  exhibited,  and  I am  commissioned  by  the 
President  to  thank  you  in  the  name  of  the  Confederate  States  for  the 
undying  fame  you  have  won  for  their  arms.  Much  as  you  have  done, 
much  more  remains  to  be  accomplished.  The  enemy  again  threatens 
with  invasion,  and  to  your  tried  valour  and  patriotism  the  country 
looks  with  confidence  for  deliverance  and  safety.  Your  past  exploits 
give  assurance  that  this  confidence  is  not  misplaced.” 


228 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


On  the  same  day,  Lee  wrote  thus  of  himself  in 
response  to  a communication  from  President  Davis: 

“ I wish  I felt  that  I deserved  the  confidence  you  express  in  me. 
I am  only  conscious  of  an  earnest  desire  to  advance  the  interests  of 
the  country  and  of  my  inability  to  accomplish  my  wishes.  The 
brave  men  of  this  army  fully  deserve  your  thanks,  and  I will  take 
pleasure  in  communicating  them.” 


tA o 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  AND  BATTLE  OF  FREDERICKS- 
BURG. 


1862. 

Y the  waters  of  the  Opequon  in  the 
lower  Shenandoah  Valley,  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia  enkindled  its 
campfires  in  September,  1862.  The 
mellow  autumn  days  brought  rest  and 
health,  and  the  harvest-fields  furnished  bread.  But 
the  marching  and  fighting  of  the  summer  had  left 
the  men  in  rags,  and  now  upon  the  bare  earth  they 
bivouacked,  without  shelter,  awaiting  a supply  of 
shoes  and  blankets.  The  Commander-in-chief  dwelt 
among  his  soldiers  in  a plain  pole-tent.  So  thickly 
strewn  with  boulders  was  the  ground  about  head- 
quarters that  horsemen  found  difficulty  in  mak- 
ing their  approach.  A farm-house  stood  near 
and  offered  shelter,  but  Lee’s  general  orders  for- 
bade interference  with  private  property,  and  this 
rule  he  first  followed  himself  by  sleeping  under  the 
thin  canvas.  No  guard  was  on  duty  near  his  per- 
son ; everything  was  arranged  with  neatness,  but 


229 


230 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1862 


with  the  utmost  simplicity.  A small  army-chest 
contained  his  entire  private  equipment  of  pewter 
plates,  forks  and  spoons.  A simple  suit  of  plain 
grey  cloth  formed  the  outward  apparel  of  the  grave, 
courtly  Virginian.  Upon  his  person  were  displayed 
none  of  the  insignia  of  rank  except  three  stars  upon 
each  side  of  the  collar  of  his  coat.  The  grey  slouch 
hat  was  in  keeping  with  the  unassuming  dignity  of 
the  man.  The  hair  was  silvered ; the  lines  in  the 
brow  were  becoming  deeper,  but  in  the  eye  there 
was  an  intense  glow  which  spake  of  the  fire  that 
slumbered  within.  The  strong  temper  of  a Wash- 
ington was  held  under  bit  and  curb.  In  moments 
when  the  patience  was  tried,  the  veins  in  Lee’s 
temples  would  swell,  the  neck  would  twitch  ner- 
vously, and  a deep  flush  would  crimson  the  forehead, 
to  show  that  the  will  to  control  was  stronger  than 
the  hidden  passion.  One  of  Lee’s  aides,  W.  H. 
Taylor,  relates  this  incident: 


“ He  had  a great  dislike  to  reviewing  army  communications  ; this 
was  so  thoroughly  appreciated  by  me  that  I would  never  present  a 
paper  for  his  action  unless  it  was  of  decided  importance  and  of  a 
nature  to  demand  his  judgment  and  decision.  On  one  occasion, 
when  an  audience  had  not  been  asked  of  him  for  several  days,  it  be- 
came necessary  to  have  one.  The  few  papers  requiring  his  action 
were  submitted.  He  was  not  in  a very  pleasant  humour  ; something 
irritated  him,  and  he  manifested  his  ill  humour  by  a little  nervous 
twist  or  jerk  of  the  neck  and  head  peculiar  to  himself,  accompanied 
by  some  harshness  of  manner.  This  was  perceived  by  me,  and  I 
hastily  concluded  that  my  efforts  to  save  him  annoyance  were  not 
appreciated.  In  disposing  of  some  cases  of  a vexatious  character 
matters  reached  a climax  ; he  became  really  worried,  and,  forgetting 
what  was  due  to  my  superior,  I petulantly  threw  the  paper  down  at 
my  side  and  gave  evident  signs  of  anger.  Then  in  a perfectly  calm 


1862] 


Fredericksburg.  231 

and  measured  tone  of  voice,  he  said,  ‘Colonel  Taylor,  when  I lose 
my  temper  don’t  you  let  it  make  you  angry.’  ” 

While  encamped  near  Winchester,  Lee  received 
a visit  from  Colonel  Garnet  Wolseley  and  other 
English  officers.  One  of  these  has  recorded  the 
following  account  of  Lee  at  this  time : 

“ Every  one  who  approaches  him  does  so  with  marked  respect  ; 
although  there  is  none  of  that  bowing  and  flourishing  of  forage-caps 
which  occurs  in  the  presence  of  European  generals  ; and  while  all 
honour  him  and  place  implicit  faith  in  his  courage  and  ability,  those 
with  whom  he  is  most  intimate  feel  for  him  the  affection  of  sons  to  a 
father.  Old  General  Scott  was  correct  in  saying  that  when  Lee 
joined  the  Southern  cause  it  was  worth  as  much  as  the  accession  of 
twenty  thousand  men  to  the  ‘rebels.’  Since  then  every  injury  that 
it  was  possible  to  inflict,  the  Northerners  have  heaped  upon  him. 
Notwithstanding  all  these  personal  losses  [the  pillage  of  Arlington], 
however,  when  speaking  of  the  Yankees  he  neither  evinced  any  bit- 
terness of  feeling  nor  gave  utterance  to  a single  violent  expression, 
but  alluded  to  many  of  his  former  friends  and  companions  among 
them  in  the  kindest  terms.  He  spoke  as  a man  proud  of  the  victor- 
ies won  by  his  country,  and  confident  of  ultimate  success  under  the 
blessing  of  the  Almighty,  whom  he  glorified  for  past  successes  and 
whose  aid  he  invoked  for  all  future  operations.” 

A half-year’s  service  as  Commander  in  the  field 
had  brought  Lee  face  to  face  with  one  of  the  great 
crises  of  the  war.  The  prestige  of  victory  was  his; 
inadequate  numbers  alone  prevented  him  from 
driving  the  flag  of  McClellan  from  the  Maryland 
Heights  and  from  winning  peace  beyond  the  Poto- 
mac. The  zeal  of  the  Northern  people  was  waning; 
McClellan’s  army  was  growing  weaker  from  deser- 
tion and  straggling,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  boldly  threw 
off  the  mask  by  proclaiming  the  emancipation  of 


232 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Southern  slaves  as  a military  measure.  In  his  In- 
augural Mr.  Lincoln  declared  that  he  had  neither 
the  “ lawful  right  ” nor  the  inclination  “ to  interfere 
with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it 
exists.”  Lee’s  view  of  Lincoln’s  course  was  thus 
expressed  officially  to  President  Davis : 

“ The  military  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been  so  per- 
fected by  the  recent  proclamation  of  President  Lincoln,  which  you 
have  no  doubt  seen,  and  civil  liberty  so  completely  trodden  under 
foot,  that  I have  strong  hopes  that  the  conservative  portion  of  that 
people,  unless  dead  to  the  feelings  of  liberty,  will  rise  and  depose  the 
party  now  in  power.” 

With  complete  lack  of  personal  resentment  toward 
any  individual  in  the  North  the  above  opinion  was 
set  forth,  for  two  days  later  Lee  was  asking  permis- 
sion of  the  Confederate  Government  to  return  the 
Federal  officer  Kearney’s  sword  and  horse  to  his 
widow  “ as  an  evidence  of  the  sympathy  felt  for 
her  bereavement  and  as  a testimony  of  the  apprecia- 
tion of  a gallant  soldier.” 

All  the  resources  of  the  South  were  needed  to  meet 
the  openly  declared  war  of  social  reconstruction  as 
well  as  of  conquest  announced  by  the  Federal  Ad- 
ministration. Lee  gave  every  energy  to  the  task  of 
calling  all  the  forces  of  the  South  into  the  field. 
In  the  midst  of  these  manifold  labours,  the  father’s 
heart  was  wrung  with  anguish  by  the  death  of  a be- 
loved daughter.  The  spirit  of  the  man  in  personal 
trial  shines  forth  in  the  message  sent  to  the  mourn- 
ing home-circle:  “ But  God  in  this,  as  in  all  things, 
has  mingled  mercy  with  the  blow  in  selecting  that 


18621 


Frederic  ksbu  rg.  233 

one  best  prepared  to  leave  us.  May  you  be  able  to 
join  me  in  saying,  ‘ His  will  be  done.’ 

From  Winchester  Lee  besieged  the  Richmond 
authorities  with  letters  asking  ammunition  and  sup- 
plies of  clothing,  and  urging  the  Government  to  re- 
cruit the  army.  “ The  number  of  barefooted 
men,”  he  wrote,  “ is  daily  increasing,  and  it  pains 
me  to  see  them  limping  over  the  rocky  roads.”  He 
asked  that  proper  arms  be  imported  from  Europe  for 
the  cavalry.  The  stragglers  began  to  flock  to  their 
old  regiments.  From  Leesburg  alone  came  ten 
thousand  barefooted  veterans,  and  some  new  sol- 
diers marched  to  the  front.  The  Confederacy  had 
begun  already  to  wrestle  with  that  economic  problem 
which  was  to  overwhelm  it  in  the  end.  From  the 
army  and  the  country,  shoemakers  were  detailed  and 
set  to  work  that  the  soldiers  might  be  shod.  It  soon 
transpired  that  blankets  were  not  to  be  obtained  in 
all  the  South;  therefore  the  shivering  Confederates 
all  the  more  sternly  resolved  to  capture  them  from 
the  enemy.  The  financial  scheme  of  a paper 
currency,  issued  on  the  credit  of  the  Confederacy, 
began  also  to  work  ruin.  The  inflation  of  prices 
foreboded  commercial  disaster  to  the  Southern  com- 
monwealths. Shoes  were  rated  at  fifty  dollars  per 
pair,  and  salt  was  sold  for  one  dollar  and  ten  cents 
a pound.  These  financial  and  economic  difficulties 
were  greater  obstacles  in  the  way  of  Lee’s  success 
than  all  the  Federal  armies  in  the  field. 

Discipline  in  the  Confederate  army  was  tightened, 
and  incapable  officers  were  removed.  As  corps- 
commanders  over  the  two  wings,  Longstreet  and 


234 


Robert  K Lee. 


[1862 


Jackson  were  appointed  at  Lee’s  suggestion.  To 
the  President  he  wrote  as  follows,  concerning  the 
latter : 

“ My  opinion  of  the  merits  of  General  Jackson  has  been  greatly 
enhanced  during  this  expedition.  He  is  true,  honest,  and  brave  ; has 
a single  eye  to  the  good  of  the  service,  and  spares  no  exertion  to 
accomplish  his  object.” 


When  Lee’s  eldest  son,  G.  W.  C.  Lee,  brought 
messages  from  Richmond,  he  sought  his  father’s 
headquarters  near  the  centre  of  the  camp,  but  found 
him  in  bivouac  on  the  flank  of  the  army,  among  the 
boulders  near  Longstreet’s  quarters.  The  latter 
had  pitched  his  dwelling-place  in  a beautiful,  shaded 
grass-plot.  When  asked  the  reason,  General  Lee 
replied:  “ General  Longstreet  is  so  slow.  I am 
compelled  to  encamp  near  his  headquarters,  in  order 
to  hasten  his  movements.”  This  practice  Lee  con- 
tinued almost  throughout  the  war.  It  was,  no 
doubt,  his  high  estimate  of  Longstreet’s  ability  on 
the  immediate  field  of  battle  that  led  Lee  to  retain 
him  as  permanent  commander  of  the  First  corps. 

The  gallant  Stuart  kept  close  watch  upon  Mc- 
Clellan. The  saddle  seemed  to  be  his  constant 
home,  and  his  eye  appeared  never  to  sleep  along  the 
forty-mile  line  of  pickets  that  guarded  the  mouth  of 
the  valley.  An  humble  Christian  of  joyous  tem- 
perament was  this  bold  Virginian  knight.  To  the 
accompaniment  of  Sweeney’s  banjo,  he  sang  merry 
camp-songs  as  he  rode  slowly  along.  Often  he  would 
dash  at  full  speed  through  the  bivouac  of  the  in- 
fantry, shouting  the  wild  refrain,”  Jine  the  cavalry.  ” 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  CUSTIS  LEE, 

ELDEST  SON  OF  GENERAL  ROBERT  E,  LEE. 


1862] 


Fredericksburg. 


235 


With  Stuart  011  guard  at  the  front,  Lee’s  army  was 
always  safe  from  surprise. 

One  week  after  Sharpsburg,  Lee  was  sending  the 
suggestion  to  Loring  to  press  forward  from  the 
Kanawha  through  Morgantown  into  Pennsylvania, 
in  the  hope  that  a combined  movement  might  be 
made  in  that  direction.  To  Davis  he  wrote,  Septem- 
ber 25  : 

“ In  a military  point  of  view,  the  best  move,  in  my  opinion,  the 
army  could  make  would  be  to  advance  upon  Hagerstown  and  endea- 
vour to  defeat  the  enemy  at  that  point.  I would  not  hesitate  to  make 
it  even  with  our  diminished  numbers,  did  the  army  exhibit  its  former 
temper  and  condition.” 


The  former  temper  of  the  soldiery  was  rapidly 
restored.  Military  enthusiasm  glowed  around  the 
brightening  campfires,  and  to  this  was  added  a deep 
and  growing  religious  sentiment.  The  Confederate 
chaplains  were  untiring  in  their  labours.  Each  night 
found  eager  groups  of  men  gathered  in  wooded 
glades,  lending  earnest  attention  to  the  appeals  of 
these  men  of  God.  Among  the  men  were  often  seen 
Lee  and  Jackson,  with  heads  bowed  reverently  in 
prayer.  In  many  brigades,  increasing  numbers  ac- 
cepted the  Christian  faith,  and  thus  began  that 
widespread  interest  in  religion  that  rendered  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia  more  than  the  equal  of 
Cromwell’s  Ironsides  in  piety  and  in  fighting  quali- 
ties. 

The  opening  days  of  October  marked  great  in- 
crease in  the  muster-rolls  of  the  two  armies  that  were 
keeping  watch  upon  each  other  across  the  Potomac. 


236 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Lee  was  still  more  than  overmatched  in  numbers  by 
McClellan,  but  the  Confederate  General  had  the 
strong  desire  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  should 
be  led  into  the  Valley.  McClellan  showed  no  dis- 
position as  yet  to  set  his  soldiers  in  battle  array. 
Therefore  Lee  despatched  Stuart  with  eighteen  hun- 
dred troopers  in  quest  of  information  concerning  Mc- 
Clellan’s plans.  Across  the  river  above  Williamsport 
dashed  the  Confederate  cavalry,  and  October  1 1 
dawned  upon  them  in  Chambersburg.  Over  the 
mountain  to  Cashtown  marched  Stuart ; thence  he 
moved  southward  and  passed  between  the  Federal 
army  and  Washington.  Mid-day  of  October  12  saw 
the  Confederate  horsemen  on  the  southern  bank  of 
the  Potomac  eighty  miles  distant  from  Chambers- 
burg, while  Pleasanton’s  troopers  were  left  panting 
with  exhaustion  on  the  Maryland  shore  at  the  end 
of  a fruitless  chase.  This  ride  of  Stuart  secured 
fresh  horses  for  his  corps,  furnished  Lee  with  in- 
formation as  to  McClellan’s  position,  and  aroused 
the  Federal  Administration.  The  latter  soon  stirred 
McClellan  into  activity;  and  he  moved  the  head  of 
his  column  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Blue  Ridge ; 
a guard  being  posted  in  each  gap  of  the  ridge  as 
the  army  passed  it,  in  order  to  secure  the  right  flank 
from  surprise.  Lee  guessed  McClellan’s  object- 
ive point  to  be  Richmond.  Instantly  he  moved 
Longstreet’s  corps  eastward  across  the  mountain. 
November  6,  the  day  of  McClellan’s  arrival  in 
Warrenton,  found  the  Confederate  chieftain  with 
Longstreet  at  Culpeper  Court  House.  McClellan 
began  to  reach  out  from  Warrenton  toward  the  upper 


1862] 


Frederic  ksbu  rg. 


237 


Rappahannock,  but  Jackson  yet  remained  in  the 
valley  on  the  Federal  flank  at  the  western  outlet  of 
the  Manassas  Gap.  Lee’s  two  wings  were  sixty 
miles  apart ; while  McClellan  was  seeking  to  strike 
one  of  Lee’s  two  lines  of  communication,  Jackson 
was  ready  to  rush  between  the  Federal  army  and 
Washington  as  in  the  campaign  against  Pope. 

The  defence  of  Richmond,  as  the  chief  requisite 
in  any  strategic  plan,  bound  fast  the  hands  of  Lee. 
Jackson  was  eager  to  spring  through  the  passes  of 
the  ridge  and  fall  upon  McClellan’s  flank  and  rear. 
Lee  was  just  as  eager  that  such  a blow  should  be 
delivered,  or  that  Jackson  should  move  into  Mary- 
land and  call  the  Federal  force  again  north  of  the 
Potomac.  But  a strategic  manoeuvre  was  out  of  the 
question  in  the  face  of  the  political  and  economic 
necessity  which  Lee  felt  constrained  to  set  before 
his  lieutenant:  “ You  must  keep  always  in  view  the 
probability  of  an  attack  upon  Richmond  from  either 
north  or  south,  when  a concentration  of  forces  will 
become  necessary.  ” For  the  defence  of  his  cannon 
foundry  and  central  commissary,  and  in  behalf  of 
the  sentiment  that  regards  the  Capital  as  the 
country’s  citadel,  the  Confederate  leader  was  forced 
to  give  up  his  vantage-ground  in  the  mountains  and 
to  stretch  out  his  thin  lines  as  a shield  in  front  of 
Richmond. 


“As  long  as  General  Jackson  can  operate  with  safety,”  said  Lee, 
“and  secure  his  retirement  west  of  the  Massanutton  Mountains,  I 
think  it  advantageous  that  he  should  be  in  position  to  threaten  the 
enemy’s  flank  and  rear,  and  thus  prevent  his  advance  southward  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  General  Jackson  has  been  directed 


238 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


accordingly,  and,  should  the  enemy  descend  into  the  Valley,  General 
Longstreet  will  attack  his  rear  and  cut  off  his  communications.  The 
enemy,  apparently,  is  so  strong  in  numbers  that  I think  it  preferable 
to  attempt  to  baffle  his  designs  by  manoeuvring,  rather  than  to  resist 
his  advance  by  main  force.  To  accomplish  the  latter  without  too 
great  risk  and  loss,  would  require  more  than  double  our  present 
numbers.” 

In  order  to  be  able  to  operate  on  either  side  of  the 
Blue  Ridge,  Lee  established  two  lines  for  the  trans- 
mission of  supplies — one  through  Culpeper  and  the 
other  through  Staunton.  His  antagonist,  McClellan, 
now  commanded  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thou- 
sand men  between  Manassas  and  the  Rappahannock; 
eighty  thousand  were  in  the  defences  of  Washing- 
ton, and  twenty-two  thousand  were  near  Harper’s 
Ferry.  Lee’s  numbers  were  short  of  seventy-two 
thousand. 

At  Warrenton,  McClellan  was  removed  from  com- 
mand, and  Burnside  entered  the  military  arena  with 
plans  for  a swift  flank  movement  through  Freder- 
icksburg upon  Richmond.  On  November  15  the 
Federal  advance  was  pushed  toward  the  lower  Rap- 
pahannock; Stuart’s  vigilance  made  known  to  Lee 
this  movement,  and  Lee’s  sagacity  was  easily  equal 
to  the  task  of  divining  the  Federal  plan  of  campaign. 
Before  Burnside’s  pontoon  bridges  could  be  brought 
to  his  army  encamped  on  the  Stafford  Heights,  Lee 
had  thrown  Longstreet’s  corps  from  Culpeper  to 
Fredericksburg,  and  on  November  22  stood  in- 
trenched upon  the  heights  south  of  the  town,  ready 
to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  Rappahannock.  Jack- 
son  left  behind  him  in  the  Valley  the  wreckage  of 


1862] 


Frederic  ksb  u rg. 


239 


the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  railroad,  and  a wide-spread 
consternation  in  the  North  as  to  his  whereabouts, 
and  in  a march  of  forty-eight  hours,  pressed  through 
the  mountain-passes  as  far  as  Orange  Court  House. 
Among  Lee’s  last  orders  at  Culpeper  was  the  com- 
mander’s protest  against  the  vice  of  gambling  in  the 
army.  “ It  was  not  supposed,”  ran  the  order,  “ that 
a habit  so  pernicious  and  demoralising  would  be 
formed  among  men  engaged  in  a cause,  of  all  others, 
demanding  the  highest  virtue  and  purest  morality  in 
its  supporters.”  One  week  later  at  Fredericksburg 
the  great  Christian  soldier,  unmoved  by  the  danger 
from  Burnside’s  parks  of  artillery,  was  stirred  by  the 
conduct  of  the  people  of  Fredericksburg.  Without 
a murmur  they  yielded  their  town  as  a battle-field, 
and  took  up  their  abode  in  barns  and  brush-huts. 
Lee  has  left  on  record  the  following  tribute:  ” His- 
tory presents  no  instance  of  a purer  and  more  unsel- 
fish patriotism,  or  a higher  spirit  of  fortitude  and 
courage,  than  was  evidenced  by  the  citizens  of  Fred- 
ericksburg.” In  a letter  to  his  wife,  he  said:  ” I 
tremble  for  my  country  when  I hear  of  confidence 
expressed  in  me.  I know  too  well  my  weakness, 
and  that  our  only  hope  is  in  God.” 

Lee  had  at  first  resolved  to  make  a stand  behind 
the  North  Anna  River.  This  policy  was  also  advo- 
cated by  Jackson.  But  the  Richmond  authorities 
were  anxious  to  save  Virginia’s  territory  from  de- 
vastation, and  Lee  acquiesced  in  the  plan  of 
establishing  his  army  on  the  southern  bank  of  the 
Rappahannock.  Herein  we  observe  the  fatal  defen- 
sive policy  pursued  by  the  Confederate  Administra- 


240 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


tion.  Hitherto,  the  Federal  armies  in  Virginia  had 
been  defeated  so  near  to  their  base  of  supplies  on  the 
Potomac  and  the  James,  that  the  Confederates  could 
not  reach  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  routed  enemy  to 
accomplish  their  destruction.  In  December,  1862, 
the  Confederate  Government  held  the  corn  crops  be- 
tween the  Rappahannock  and  North  Anna  rivers  to 
be  of  more  importance  than  the  strategic  advantage 
of  luring  Burnside  as  far  as  the  Anna,  where  a Fed- 
eral defeat,  so  far  from  water  communication,  would 
most  probably  result  in  the  destruction  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac. 

Jackson  was  brought  at  once  from  Orange,  and 
D.  H.  Hill’s  division  was  set  to  watch  the  lower 
river  at  Port  Royal;  Ewell’s  division  under  Early 
took  position  at  Skinker’s  Neck;  the  divisions  of  A. 
P.  Hill  and  Taliaferro  went  into  camp  near  the  rail- 
road in  readiness  to  give  support  to  D.  H.  Hill  or 
Longstreet.  Amid  the  falling  snow  of  the  early 
December  days  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
stood  ready  behind  their  guns  on  the  hills  fringing 
the  plain  of  Fredericksburg.  Nearly  three  thousand 
Confederate  soldiers  were  still  barefooted ; many 
were  without  muskets,  and  still  more  destitute  of 
blankets.  Yet  Lee  wrote  of  his  band  of  seventy-two 
thousand,  that  it  “ was  never  in  better  health  or  in 
better  condition  for  battle  than  now.”  Upon  the 
Stafford  Heights  stood  Burnside’s  host  of  one  hun- 
dred and  sixteen  thousand  men  and  three  hundred 
and  fifty  heavy  guns.  Burnside  supposed  that  all 
of  Jackson’s  corps  was  at  Port  Royal,  eighteen  miles 
from  Fredericksburg.  He  therefore  decided  to  cross 


1862] 


Frcdcricksb  u rg. 


241 


the  Rappahannock  at  Fredericksburg,  and  to  move 
immediately  toward  Richmond,  between  the  wings 
of  Lee’s  army.  Provisions  for  twelve  days  were  as- 
signed to  the  Federal  army  as  its  portion  until  sup- 
plies should  be  drawn  in  the  Confederate  Capital! 

Through  the  dense  fog,  at  the  dawning  of  De- 
cember 11,  two  Confederate  guns  boomed  out  the 
signal  calling  Lee’s  men  to  arms.  The  P'edeial 
bridge-builders  were  advancing  to  the  river’s  edge 
to  float  their  pontoons  for  the  passage  of  Sumner  at 
Fredericksburg  and  Franklin  near  the  mouth  of  Deep 
Run.  One  hundred  and  forty-three  wide-mouthed 
guns,  planted  in  a line  of  three  and  one  half  miles, 
began  to  roar  defiance  to  the  Southern  soldiers  from 
the  Stafford  Heights.  Defiance  was  hurled  back  by 
the  Mississippi  riflemen  under  Barksdale  posted  on 
the  southern  bank  of  the  Rappahannock.  Behind 
the  river-bluffs,  in  cellars  and  behind  houses,  these 
marksmen  were  sheltered.  Their  unerring  aim 
brought  down  the  foremost  Federal  bridge-makers 
and  drove  the  rest  in  panic.  Until  the  middle  of  the 
afternoon  Barksdale  held  his  dangerous  position 
and  thwarted  nine  different  attempts  to  float  the 
pontoons.  At  length  the  great  batteries  were  turned 
upon  the  houses  and  bluffs  that  gave  shelter  to  Barks- 
dale’s men.  Flame  and  smoke  and  battle-yell  made 
the  river-bank  a pandemonium.  An  assaulting 
party  of  infantry  under  cover  of  the  iron  storm 
moved  across  in  boats,  but  darkness  had  come  at 
the  hour  when  Burnside  won  passage  into  the  town 
of  Fredericksburg.  Lee  at  once  sent  request  to 
Jackson  for  aid,  and  the  morning  of  December  12 

16 


242 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


L1862 


saw  A.  P.  Hill  and  Taliaferro  moving  into  position 
at  Longstreet’s  right.  D.  H.  Hill  and  Early  con- 
tinued to  watch  the  lower  river.  Lee  supposed  that 
the  movement  at  Fredericksburg  was  only  a feint. 
The  heavy  fog  of  the  morning  of  the  12th  veiled 
the  passage  at  the  Deep  Run  bridges  of  forty-five 
thousand  five  hundred  muskets,  and  one  hundred 
and  sixteen  guns  under  Franklin,  and  of  thirty- 
one  thousand  under  Sumner  at  Fredericksburg. 
When  the  noonday  sun  shone  upon  the  glittering 
Federal  array,  Lee  saw  Burnside’s  plan  to  make 
direct  assault,  and  at  once  he  called  Jackson’s  re- 
maining divisions  to  the  field  and  made  ready  for 
battle.  During  the  night  D.  H.  Hill  marched  eigh- 
teen miles  and  took  position  at  the  dawn  of  the  13th. 
It  was  in  Burnside’s  thought  to  surprise  Lee  by  a 
quick  assault  against  the  Confederate  right  at  Hamil- 
ton’s Crossing,  three  miles  below  Fredericksburg. 
But  Jackson’s  swift  feet  brought  his  entire  corps 
face  to  face  with  Franklin  on  the  early  morning  of 
December  13.  A.  P.  Hill’s  division  of  ten  thou- 
sand men  was  drawn  up  to  form  Jackson’s  first  and 
second  lines,  twenty-six  hundred  yards  in  length. 
Fourteen  heavy  guns  were  planted  on  his  right 
and  thirty-three  guns  on  his  left,  near  Deep  Run. 
Stuart  pushed  his  horsemen  in  advance  of  Jack- 
son’s right  flank.  Behind  these  two  lines  stood 
Early  and  Taliaferro;  D.  H.  Hill  was  in  reserve  to 
the  right  rear.  A.  P.  Hill’s  front  line  was  two  hun- 
dred yards  in  rear  of  the  railroad,  along  the  wooded 
brow  of  a slight  declivity.  The  continuity  of  this 
front  was  broken  by  a marshy  jungle,  somewhat  tri- 


1862] 


Frederic  ksb  u rg. 


243 


angular  in  shape,  projecting  its  wooded  face  into  the 
plain  toward  the  river. 

From  Deep  Run  on  Jackson’s  left  the  divisions  of 
Longstreet  held  position  along  the  line  of  hills  as 
far  as  the  Rappahannock  above  Falmouth.  Hood 
and  Pickett  held  the  central  field  between  Deep 
Run  and  Hazel  Run;  R.  H.  Anderson  occupied  the 
extreme  left,  touching  the  river,  while  Ransom  and 
McLaws  were  posted  to  defend  the  salient  of 
Marye’s  Hill.  Like  a great  fortress  this  plateau 
stood  in  the  centre  of  Lee’s  left  wing,  its  summit 
bristling  with  the  guns  of  the  Washington  artillery 
and  its  flanks  guarded  by  Alexander’s  guns.  The 
Confederate  position  was  stronger  on  the  left ; on 
the  right  there  was  an  open  field  in  front  of  Jack- 
son’s corps. 

Burnside  ordered  Franklin  to  begin  the  battle 
against  the  Confederate  right.  Federal  reinforce- 
ments had  continued  to  cross  the  river.  The  heavy 
fog  of  the  morning  concealed  the  deployment  of  the 
Federal  troops,  but  the  sunshine  broke  through  in 
the  middle  of  the  forenoon  and  laid  bare  to  the  Con- 
federates the  mighty  panorama  of  war.  In  all  the 
pomp  and  circumstance  of  spectacular  array,  with 
fluttering  flags,  polished  gun-barrels,  and  bright- 
coloured  uniforms,  fifty-five  thousand  Federal  sol- 
diers were  marching  across  the  plain  to  attack 
the  corps  of  Jackson.  Lee  took  his  station  on 
a hill  near  the  left  centre  of  his  line,  since  called 
Lee’s  Hill.  The  deep,  luminous  glow  was  in  the 
eye  of  the  chieftain  as  he  gave  orders,  in  quiet 
tone,  for  the  array  of  battle.  Stretching  away  to 


244 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


his  left  he  could  discern  the  line  of  Longstreet, 
partly  fortified,  eager  for  the  fight;  but  Sumner  had 
not  yet  thrust  his  head  outside  of  the  town.  To 
Lee’s  right  were  Jackson’s  ragged  veterans  without 
fortifications,  except  the  woods  in  which  they  lay 
concealed.  Jackson’s  skirmishers  were  stationed 
behind  the  railroad  embankment.  Lee  and  Jackson 
both  manifested  eager  expectancy  as  they  rode 
toward  Hamilton’s  Crossing,  to  watch  the  first  ex- 
change of  blows. 

Meade  came  bravely  onward  toward  the  railroad, 
leading  forty-five  hundred  men  in  threefold  line  of 
battle.  Far  to  Jackson’s  front  and  right  Stuart  sent 
Pelham  with  one  Napoleon  gun.  Fairly  upon  the 
Federal  left  flank  he  planted  his  piece.  Straight 
along  Meade’s  front  line  Pelham  began  to  fire  his 
solid  shot.  Five  Federal  batteries  ran  out  to  de- 
fend the  Federal  flank  and  Pelham  had  to  retire,  but 
the  advance  of  Meade’s  division  was  checked  nearly 
one  hour.  During  the  rest  of  the  day,  Doubleday’s 
entire  division  was  kept  on  guard  facing  down  the 
Rappahannock  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  the 
daring  gunnery.  As  Lee  watched  the  effect  of  the 
cannon-shot,  he  is  reported  to  have  said  to  Jackson, 
“You  should  have  a Pelham  on  each  flank.’’  At  the 
same  time,  however,  he  said  that  Pelham  began  his 
fire  too  soon,  and  thus  halted  Meade  too  far  away 
from  the  Confederate  line  of  infantry. 

Meade  moved  forward  again  to  the  assault  after 
eleven  o’clock.  Jackson’s  batteries  destroyed  his 
left  brigades,  and  the  Federal  advance  was  driven 
back  in  dismay  before  they  came  within  rifle  range 


18621 


Fredericksb  n rg. 


245 


of  the  woodland  that  concealed  the  Confederate  in- 
fantry. When  Lee  now  saw  Jackson's  full  batteries 
paralyse  Franklin’s  initial  effort,  he  turned  his  per- 
sonal attention  to  Longstreet’s  front.  At  11  A.M. 
Sumner  was  ready  to  despatch  a division  across  the 
open  field  against  Marye’s  Hill.  At  that  hour  a 
great  artillery  duel  began  to  belch  out  the  flame  and 
smoke  of  four  hundred  guns  across  the  Rappahan- 
nock valley.  One  and  a half  hours  these  cannon 
continued  to  hurl  their  shell  and  solid  shot  while 
Hooker  was  hastening  two  divisions  to  the  aid  of 
Franklin  for  the  grand  assault  upon  Jackson  at  1 
P.M.,  and  while  Sumner  was  offering  up  a vain  sacri- 
fice of  blood  in  front  of  Longstreet’s  veterans. 
Marye’s  Hill  looks  down  upon  the  plain  at  Freder- 
icksburg that  now  became  a field  of  blood.  Around 
the  base  of  the  hill  runs  the  Telegraph  road.  This 
roadway  was  sunk  below  the  surface  of  the  earth 
to  the  depth  of  four  feet,  and  was  bordered  on 
each  side  by  a solid  stone  wall.  A broad  rifle-pit 
was  thus  furnished  to  the  Confederates  at  the  base 
of  a high  plateau  crowned  with  artillery.  From  hills 
to  the  right  and  the  left  a cross-fire  of  heavy  guns 
was  directed  upon  the  sloping  fields  in  front.  Two 
thousand  riflemen  from  Georgia  and  North  Carolina 
under  T.  R.  R.  Cobb  held  the  stone  wall.  The  fire 
of  these  men,  assisted  by  a line  on  the  brow  of  the 
hill  and  by  the  artillery,  sent  havoc  into  every  Fed- 
eral line  of  assault. 

French’s  division  of  Sumner’s  corps  advanced 
from  the  river  along  two  parallel  streets  of  Fred- 
ericksburg, and  about  eleven  o’clock  looked  across 


246 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


t1862 


the  terraced  plain  toward  the  Confederate  parapet. 
Over  the  canal  bridges  they  advanced  in  two 
columns.  Behind  the  first  embankment  near  the 
canal  the  two  columns  were  swung  around  into  line 
of  battle,  and  onward  they  came  in  brigade  front 
with  intervals  between  the  brigades  of  two  hundred 
yards.  A fierce  fire  from  the  long-range  guns  on 
the  Stafford  Hills  lent  support  to  the  assault.  The 
guns  from  the  Marye  Hill  crest  had  point-blank 
range;  from  Stansbury’s  Hill  and  Lee’s  Hill,  a 
cross-fire  of  shot  and  shell  was  poured  upon  the 
brave  Federal  brigades.  Cobb’s  muskets  behind 
the  wall  blazed  out  in  a flame  of  fire,  and  the  Fed- 
eral lines  went  down  one  after  another  to  redden  the 
field  with  their  blood ; twelve  hundred  men  was  the 
tribute  of  dead  and  wounded  rendered  up  by 
French’s  division.  As  Hancock’s  division  came  on 
in  gallant  form,  Ransom  sent  another  regiment  into 
the  sunken  road  eager  to  avenge  the  fall  of  the 
chivalrous  Christian,  T.  R.  R.  Cobb.  With  fierce 
courage  Hancock’s  brigades,  in  threefold  line  of 
battle,  faced  the  smoking  cannon  of  the  Marye 
summit.  The  riflemen  behind  the  wall  reserved 
their  fire  until  the  Federal  line  was  just  one  hundred 
paces  distant;  then  the  muskets  spoke  while  the 
Confederates  rolled  forth  their  yell  of  defiance. 
Two  thousand  men  left  prostrate  on  the  field  fur- 
nished evidence  to  the  deadly  aim  of  the  Confeder- 
ate riflemen.  Howard’s  division  at  one  o’clock 
moved  out  toward  the  deadly  Confederate  guns. 
Kershaw  took  command  in  the  sunken  road,  and 
two  regiments  of  South  Carolinians  and  one  from 


1862] 


Frederic  ksb  u rg. 


HI 


North  Carolina  came  with  him,  while  the  line  on 
the  brow  of  the  hill  was  made  stronger.  Under 
their  additional  fire  Howard’s  lines  withered  from 
the  field;  nearly  seven  hundred  of  his  soldiers  fell, 
and  Sumner’s  men  could  fight  no  longer  in  this 
battle.  Nine  regiments  in  the  sunken  road  and 
seven  in  reserve  on  the  hill’s  crest  had  aided  the 
artillery  in  visiting  ruin  upon  the  Second  corps. 

At  one  o’clock  two  great  corps  d' arme'e  of  sixty 
thousand  men  were  advancing  against  Jackson’s 
thirty  thousand.  Meade  and  Gibbon  came  in  ad- 
vance with  bristling  bayonets  supported  by  the  fire 
of  fifty-one  guns.  They  pressed  through  the  gap 
made  by  the  projecting  tongue  of  marsh  and  broke 
A.  P.  Hill’s  first  line  of  battle.  The  gallant  Gregg 
of  the  second  line  gave  up  his  life  in  the  attempt  to 
check  the  Federal  tide.  Disaster  and  bloody  re- 
pulse fell  to  the  lot  of  Meade  and  Gibbon  at  the 
hands  of  Early  and  Taliaferro.  In  confusion  and 
dire  disorder  the  Federal  divisions  were  driven  back 
beyond  the  railroad,  with  Trimble’s  brigade  in  hot 
pursuit.  Their  heavy  guns  were  abandoned  on  the 
field.  The  Sixth  Federal  corps  under  Smith  had 
kept  respectful  distance,  and  only  made  a noisy 
artillery  battle  against  the  Confederate  centre. 
About  two  o’clock  Lee  was  looking  upon  the  flight 
of  Franklin’s  shattered  lines  from  Jackson’s  front, 
and  at  the  same  time  saw  Sturgis’s  division  of  the 
Ninth  Federal  corps  set  its  face  against  the  Marye 
Hill.  A thousand  blue  uniforms  were  soon  out- 
stretched upon  the  field  to  tell  the  story  of  Sturgis’s 
defeat. 


248 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


Two  o’clock  came  and  passed.  The  sounds  of 
strife  began  to  die  away  on  the  Confederate  right 
where  Jackson  had  given  a quietus  to  Franklin’s 
grand-parade  attack.  Burnside  was  just  then  order- 
ing Franklin  to  begin  the  battle  anew,  and  Franklin 
was  flatly  disobeying  the  command.  The  latter  had 
lost  confidence,  he  declared,  in  his  soldiers  and  in 
Burnside  himself.  Some  of  Sumner’s  men  were  still 
crouching  under  the  embankments  or  hugging  the 
plain  in  front  of  Marye’s  Hill.  Lee  stood  in  the 
midst  of  his  men  upon  the  crest,  unmindful  of  the 
Federal  shells.  His  presence  added  inspiration  to 
his  gunners,  and  the  fire  of  enthusiasm  leaped  from 
heart  to  heart  as  the  beloved  leader  passed  in  view. 
Alexander  heard  him  say,  “ It  is  well  war  is  so  terri- 
ble or  we  would  grow  too  fond  of  it.” 

Against  Hooker’s  advice  Burnside  pushed  the 
Fifth  corps  into  the  field  already  covered  with  the 
wreckage  of  the  Second  corps.  Sheltered  behind 
dead  horses  and  dead  men  lay  the  scattered  and  ter- 
rorized Federal  musketeers,  who  could  not  escape 
from  the  presence  of  the  Confederate  sharpshooters. 
Two  regiments  were  brought  to  the  base  of  the 
hill  and  two  more  to  the  crest  by  Ransom  to  face 
the  advance  of  Humphreys’s  division.  Alexander’s 
guns  now  took  the  place  of  the  Washington  artillery 
on  the  Marye  summit.  The  spirit  of  Humphreys 
was  bold,  and  he  pushed  his  men  forward  with  bay- 
onets fixed.  A sheet  of  flame  again  enwrapped  the 
base  of  Marye’s  heights,  and  the  Federal  soldiers 
fell  like  leaves.  Human  valour  was  not  equal  to  the 
task  laid  upon  the  Federal  regiments.  One  after 


rsn 

3A\W  V 


.ofluas^omaaafl^  10  bjttas  3ht 


1862] 


Frederic  ksb  u rg. 


249 


another  the  brigades  of  Humphreys  broke  and  fled. 
A storm  of  death  roared  from  that  hill-slope  which 
no  organised  body  of  men  could  face  and  live.  Cool 
and  methodical  were  the  veterans  of  Kershaw,  Ran- 
som, and  Alexander  as  they  visited  death  and  wounds 
upon  one  thousand  men  of  this  Federal  division. 
Hooker  held  Sykes  in  check  to  cover  the  retreat  of 
Humphreys,  while  Griffin’s  division  rushed  toward 
the  southern  end  of  the  stone  wall.  Carroll’s  brigade 
was  followed  by  one  of  Getty’s  in  making  this  battle 
strong.  From  five  to  six  o’clock  the  fighting  was 
terrific;  confusion  and  death  reigned  in  all  the  Fed- 
eral lines  of  assault.  Night  settled  down  upon 
disaster  and  disorder  in  Burnside’s  right  wing. 
More  than  thirty  thousand  men  from  three  different 
corps  had  been  launched  against  Longstreet’s  posi- 
tion ; seven  thousand  men  of  Georgia  and  the  Caro- 
linas  had  kept  them  easily  at  bay.  Not  a Federal 
soldier  touched  the  stone  fence,  while  eight  thou- 
sand eight  hundred  lay  prostrate  on  the  field  in  front 
of  it. 

Along  the  river-bank  that  night  in  shelterless 
bivouac  lay  the  disheartened  Federal  regiments. 
Burnside  made  ready  to  renew  the  assault  against 
the  Marye  heights.  But  the  morning  brought  the 
universal  opposition  of  his  subordinate  officers,  and 
he  countermanded  the  order  of  battle.  He  waited 
quietly  until  the  storm  of  the  night  of  the  15th  gave 
the  Federal  army  a way  of  escape,  and  without 
further  harm  they  sought  the  northern  bank  of  the 
river.  Twelve  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty-three 
men  Burnside  left  behind  him,  as  the  victims  of 


;-?62 


A'av-t  A.  Lee. 


1 css  was  in  the  corps  ::  _ arisen. 

£fty  thoasand  men  : less  soar  twenty  thoasand  Con- 
feceratrs  ore—  trigger  in  h_dnng  them  rack.  Xo 
breasw“orks  on  ere  i : r . Csrfedemtes  shelter  along 
~acks:as  fr:n:.  Fne  recce  vai : ur  of  Stonewall’ s " 

sernhe  Franklin’s  soldiers  went  e:~n  under  she  Con- 
dedesate  rre  The  ascent  reus  not  steer,  the  dele 
— as  :pen,  ana  the  Fed e~al  ares  had  —eat  opportar- 
:rr  t:  crash  Lee’s  right.  Franklin  -withheld  his 
- . anghter  after  the  —an  e assault  of  II  II 

Burnside's  attacks  against  Fee’s  left  were  made  to 
relieve  he  pressure  against  Franklin.  Fhe  valour 

and  buoyant  s A i oi  T A c Confederate  ana  uses  were 

the  chief  factors  that  wrought  rat  the  great  Con- 
federate irict •ore  aLrg  the  entire  line.  Burnside 
assigned  as  the  re  as:  r : : r his  defeat  tne  fact  tnat  tae 

Lee  was  convinced  that  the  attack  iwoaad  be  re- 
newed on  the  t pri  Silence  had  past  descended 
a an  a the  held  of  stride  :n  the  evening  of  December 
33  when  Lee  sent  the  order  t:  Jackson  to  desnaten 
a ..  Fa- ad  all  the  : romance  waggons  to  bring  am- 
mnrdtdon  from  Cainea  depot.  1 o this  order  Lee 
added  these  words:  I need  not  remind  rot  to 

have  the  amnanit! on  of  pear  men  arc  batteries  re- 
nlendshed  a: -right  and  •srerrthing  ready  by  daylight 
to-morrow.  I am  traiy  grateful  to  the  Giver  of  ah 


18621 


Fredericksburg.  251 

struggle.  I pray  He  may  continue  it.  ’ ' Long- 
street  affirms  that  a Federal  courier  was  captured 
with  Burnside’s  order  for  renewed  battle ; otherwise. 
Lee  might  have  made  a counter  assault  against  the 
town  itself.  But  the  guns  on  the  Stafford  hills,  and 
the  solid  front  displayed  by  Burnside’s  brigades,  ad- 
monished him  that  heavyr  loss  would  follow  a rash 
advance.  Jackson  was  given  permission  to  make 
a counterstroke  against  Franklin.  At  sunset  he 
ordered  all  his  batteries  forward  to  shatter  Franklin’s 
line  on  the  Richmond  road.  Stuart  made  a fierce 
attack  against  the  Federal  flank.  But  the  fire  from 
Franklin’s  one  hundred  field-guns,  and  from  the  bat- 
teries on  the  Stafford  bluffs,  compelled  Jackson  to 
abandon  the  movement.  Jackson  then  desired  to 
make  a bayonet  charge  after  nightfall,  but  Lee 
deemed  this  plan  hazardous,  and  it  was  not  at- 
tempted. Moreover.  Lee’s  ranks  were  not  full 
enough  to  justify  offensive  work:  more  men  were 
needed,  and  yet  upon  the  very  day  of  battle  there 
came  a call  for  re-inforcements  from  his  small  army 
to  aid  in  the  defence  of  Wilmington.  North  Carolina. 
The  different  States  were  continually  demanding 
the  defence  of  all  their  borders,  and  thus  the  Con- 
federacy was  handicapped  in  the  presence  of  the 
chief  invading  army.  This  constant  local  demand 
for  soldiers  from  the  chief  armies  to  stand  at  the 
threshold  of  nearly  every  city  and  State  must,  to 
some  extent,  vindicate  the  policy  of  the  dispersion 
of  forces  adopted  by  the  Confederate  Government. 

December  16,  immediately  after  Burnside’s  with- 
drawal, Lee  wrote  the  following: 


252 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


“ I had  supposed  they  were  just  preparing  for  battle,  and  was 
saving  our  men  for  the  conflict.  Their  hosts  crown  the  hill  and  plain 
beyond  the  river,  and  their  numbers  to  me  are  unknown.  Still,  I 
felt  a confidence  we  could  stand  the  shock,  and  was  anxious  for  the 
blow  that  is  to  fall  on  some  point,  and  was  prepared  to  meet  it  here. 
Yesterday  evening  I had  my  suspicions  that  they  might  return  [to  the 
Stafford  Heights]  during  the  night,  but  could  not  believe  they  would 
relinquish  their  hopes  after  all  their  boasting  and  preparation,  and 
when  I say  that  the  latter  is  equal  to  the  former,  you  will  have  some 
idea  of  the  magnitude.  This  morning  they  were  all  safe  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Rappahannock.  They  went  as  they  came — in  the  night. 
They  suffered  heavily  as  far  as  the  battle  went,  but  it  did  not  go  far 
enough  to  satisfy  me.” 


Amid  the  snows  and  rains  of  December  the  two 
armies  sat  down  to  watch  each  other  across  the  river. 
Burnside’s  men  were  sheltered  in  tents  and  had 
abundance,  but  Lee’s  soldiers  were  forced  to  build 
rude  log-huts  and  booths  of  tree-branches  to  protect 
their  nakedness  from  the  biting  cold.  Man  and 
beast  in  the  Confederate  service  were  placed  on 
short  allowance;  yet  the  fire  of  enthusiasm  was  un- 
quenchable in  the  bosoms  of  these  heroes.  The 
spirit  of  earnest  religious  zeal  ran  through  the  camp, 
and  the  voice  of  the  chaplain  was  often  heard  in 
preaching  and  praying.  Hundreds  were  led  to  ac- 
cept the  Christian  faith.  The  Commander-in-chief 
thus  penned  to  his  wife  the  reflections  brought  by 
Christmas  Day,  1862: 


“ I will  commence  this  holy  day  by  writing  to  you.  My  heart  is 
filled  with  gratitude  to  Almighty  God  for  the  unspeakable  mercies 
with  which  He  has  blessed  us  in  this  day,  for  those  He  has  granted 
us  from  the  beginning  of  life,  and  particularly  for  those  He  has 
vouchsafed  us  during  the  past  year.  What  should  have  become  of 


1862] 


Fredericksburg. 


253 


us  without  His  crowning  help  and  protection  ? Oh  ! if  our  people 
would  only  recognise  it  and  cease  from  vain  self-boasting  and  adula- 
tion, how  strong  would  be  my  belief  in  final  success  and  happiness  to 
our  country'.  But  what  a cruel  thing  is  war  ; to  separate  and  destroy 
families  and  friends,  and  mar  the  purest  joys  and  happiness  God  has 
granted  us  in  this  world  ; to  fill  our  hearts  with  hatred  instead  of 
love  for  our  neighbours,  and  to  devastate  the  fair  face  of  this  beauti- 
ful world.  I pray  that  on  this  day  when  only  peace  and  good-will 
are  preached  to  mankind,  better  thoughts  may  fill  the  hearts  of  our 
enemies  and  turn  them  to  peace. 

“ Our  army  was  never  in  such  good  health  and  condition  since  I 
have  been  attached  to  it.  I believe  they  share  with  me  my  disap- 
pointment that  the  enemy  did  not  renew  the  combat  on  the  13th.  I 
was  holding  back  all  that  day  and  husbanding  our  strength  and 
ammunition  for  the  great  struggle  for  which  I thought  I was  prepar- 
ing. Had  I divined  what  was  to  have  been  his  only  effort,  he 
would  have  had  more  of  it.  My  heart  bleeds  at  the  death  of  every 
one  of  our  gallant  men.” 

Before  the  year  closed,  Lee  sent  his  cavalry  on 
raiding  expeditions  to  Burnside’s  rear  as  far  as  Fair- 
fax and  Occoquan.  In  January,  the  Federal  com- 
mander entered  upon  his  famous  “ Mud  march.” 
Up  the  Rappahannock  as  far  as  Banks’s  Ford  he 
marched  his  men,  but  a storm  began  to  beat  upon 
him,  and  then  through  the  deep  mire  the  army 
plodded  its  way  back  to  camp.  At  every  crossing 
the  Confederates  stood  ready  for  battle.  They 
found  amusement  in  erecting  these  signs,  legible 
to  Burnside’s  men:  “ Stuck  in  the  mud!  ” “ This 

way  to  Richmond!” 

Anxiety  for  the  upbuilding  of  the  Confederate 
armies  filled  Lee’s  thoughts  continually.  To  the 
Secretary'  of  War,  January  10,  he  wrote  concerning 

the  absolute  necessity  ” of  increasing  the  forces  in 
the  field. 


254 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


“ The  success  with  which  our  efforts  have  been  crowned,  under  the 
blessing  of  God,  should  not  betray  our  people  into  the  dangerous  de- 
lusion that  the  armies  now  in  the  field  are  sufficient  to  bring  this  war 
to  a successful  and  speedy  termination.  . . . The  great  increase 

of  the  enemy’s  forces  will  augment  the  disparity  of  numbers  to  such 
a degree  that  victory,  if  attained,  can  only  be  achieved  by  a terrible 
expenditure  of  the  most  precious  blood  of  the  country.  This  blood 
will  be  upon  the  heads  of  the  thousands  of  able-bodied  men  who  re- 
main at  home  in  safety  and  ease,  while  their  fellow-citizens  are 
bravely  confronting  the  enemy  in  the  field,  or  enduring  with  noble 
fortitude  the  hardships  and  privations  of  the  march  and  camp.  . . . 
In  view  of  the  vast  increase  of  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  of  the  savage 
and  brutal  policy  he  has  proclaimed  [Emancipation  Proclamation  of 
January  i,  1863],  which  leaves  us  no  alternative  but  success  or  degra- 
dation worse  than  death,  if  we  would  save  the  honour  of  our  families 
from  pollution,  our  social  system  from  destruction,  let  every  effort 
be  made,  every  means  employed,  to  fill  and  maintain  the  ranks  of 
our  armies,  until  God,  in  His  mercy,  shall  bless  us  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  our  independence.” 

When  an  officer  suggested  the  formation  of  a bat- 
talion of  honour,  Lee  replied: 

“ The  fact  is,  General,  we  have  now  an  army  of  brave  men.  The 
formation  of  a battalion  of  honour  would  reward  a few  and  leave 
many,  equally  brave  and  equally  faithful,  unnoticed  and,  perhaps, 
with  the  feeling  that  an  improper  distinction  had  been  made  between 
themselves  and  their  comrades.” 

During  these  months  of  snow  and  rain,  the  ques- 
tion of  campaign  plans  filled  a place  in  Lee’s  mind 
next  to  the  questions  of  food  and  clothing  for  his 
army.  On  the  one  hand,  he  sent  Longstreet’s 
corps  to  find  subsistence  south  of  the  James  River. 
He  received  frequent  reports  that  the  dilapidated 
railroads  could  furnish  to  his  men  little  corn  and  a 
daily  ration  of  only  one-fourth  of  a pound  of  bacon ; 


18621 


Fredericksburg. 


255 


when  April  drew  near  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to 
gather  a daily  supply  of  “ sassafras  buds,  wild  onions, 
garlic,  lamb’s  quarter,  and  poke  sprouts!  ” On  the 
other  hand  Lee  was  waging  continual  cavalry  war- 
fare against  the  enemy’s  communications.  Imboden 
and  Jones  cut  the  main  stem  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  railroad.  Stuart  and  his  lieutenants  made  fre- 
quent dashes  across  the  upper  Rappahannock. 
March  3 found  him  writing  as  follows: 

“ Your  poor  mamma  has  been  a great  sufferer  this  winter.  I have 
not  been  able  to  see  her  and  fear  I shall  not.  She  talks  of  coming 
to  Hickory  Hill  this  month,  when  the  weather  becomes  more  fixed. 
We  are  up  to  our  eyes  in  mud  now,  and  have  but  little  comfort.  Mr. 
Hooker  looms  very  large  over  the  river.  He  has  two  balloons  up  in 
the  day  and  one  at  night.  I hope  he  is  gratified  at  what  he  sees. 
Your  cousin,  Fitz  Lee,  beat  up  his  quarters  the  other  day  with  about 
four  hundred  of  his  cavalry,  and  advanced  within  four  miles  of  Fal- 
mouth, carrying  off  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  with  their  horses, 
arms,  etc.  The  day  after  he  recrossed  the  Rappahannock,  they 
sent  all  their  cavalry  after  him  . . . but  the  bird  had  flown. 

. . . I hope  these  young  Lees  will  always  be  too  smart  for  the 

enemy.” 


In  February,  Lee  gave  his  opinion  against  a flank 
movement  through  Culpeper  on  account  of  “ the 
liquid  state  ” of  the  roads.  In  March,  he  was  mourn- 
ing the  loss  of  the  gallant  Pelham,  slain  in  battle 
against  Federal  cavalry  “before  he  could  receive  the 
promotion  he  had  richly  won.’’  In  February,  he  was 
advising  Secretary  Seddon  to  stand  ready  to  meet  the 
foe  in  South  Carolina,  because  it  seemed  “ the  true 
policy  of  the  enemy  now  to  apply  his  whole  strength 
to  take  Charleston,  and  it  is  proper  for  us  to  expect 
him  to  do  what  he  ought  to  do.’’  In  March  again 


256 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1862 


he  was  dealing  as  follows  with  the  suggestion  offered 
by  General  Trimble,  to  bridge  the  Rappahannock 
and  surprise  the  enemy  : 


“ I am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  suggestions  presented  in  your 
letters  of  February  and  March.  I know  the  pleasure  experienced  in 
shaping  campaigns  [and]  battles,  according  to  our  wishes,  and  have  en- 
joyed the  ease  with  which  obstacles  to  their  accomplishment  (in  effigy) 
can  be  overcome.  The  movements  you  suggest  in  both  letters  have 
been  at  various  times  studied,  canvassed  with  those  who  would  be 
engaged  in  their  execution,  but  no  practicable  solution  of  the  diffi- 
culties to  be  overcome  has  yet  been  reasonably  reached.  The 
weather,  roads,  streams,  provisions,  transportation,  etc.,  are  all 
powerful  elements  in  the  calculation,  as  you  know.  What  the  future 
may  do  for  us,  I will  still  hope,  but  the  present  time  is  unpropitious, 
in  my  judgment.  The  idea  of  securing  the  provisions,  waggons,  guns 
of  the  enemy,  is  truly  tempting  and  the  desire  has  haunted  me  since 
December.  Personally  I would  run  any  kind  of  risk  for  their  attain- 
ment, but  I cannot  jeopardise  this  army.” 


From  all  the  difficulties  that  beset  him,  Lee  could 
turn  aside  to  stimulate  his  army  to  offer  up  their 
prayers  on  the  day  set  apart  by  President  Davis: 

“ Soldiers  ! no  portion  of  our  people  have  greater  cause  to  be 
thankful  to  Almighty  God  than  yourselves.  He  has  preserved  your 
lives  amidst  countless  dangers;  He  has  been  with  you  in  all  your 
trials  ; He  has  given  you  fortitude  under  hardships,  and  courage  in 
the  shock  of  battle  ; He  has  cheered  you  by  the  example  and  by  the 
deeds  of  your  martyred  comrades  ; He  has  enabled  you  to  defend 
your  country  successfully  against  the  assaults  of  a powerful  oppressor. 
Devoutly  thankful  for  His  signal  mercies,  let  us  bow  before  the  Lord 
of  Hosts,  and  join  our  hearts  with  millions  in  our  land  in  prayer  that 
He  will  continue  His  merciful  protection  over  our  cause  ; that  He 
will  scatter  our  enemies  and  set  at  naught  their  evil  designs,  and  that 
he  will  graciously  restore  to  our  beloved  country  the  blessings  of 
peace  and  security.” 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  AND  BATTLE  OF  CHANCELLORS- 
VILLE. 

1863. 

E year  1863  began  with  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  policy  of  military  emanci- 
pation on  the  part  of  the  Federal 
government.  President  Lincoln  an- 
nounced his  purpose  to  destroy  the 
institution  of  slavery  by  force  of  arms,  and  this 
purpose  was  presented  to  the  Northern  people  as  the 
chief  motive  for  a more  zealous  prosecution  of  the 
war  against  the  South.  He  proposed  to  change, 
through  the  power  of  the  sword,  the  entire  social 
and  political  basis  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
under  the  guise  of  alleged  military  necessity.  This 
social  war  was  now  to  be  waged  by  larger  armies 
than  those  previously  mustered.  Joseph  Hooker 
was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  in  April,  with  a force  of  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty-four  thousand  men,  he  prepared  to  advance 
across  the  Rappahannock  against  Lee’s  army  of  fifty- 


17 


257 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


258 

three  thousand.  From  Hamilton’s  Crossing  down- 
stream as  far  as  Port  Royal,  Jackson  kept  watch 
with  thirty-three  thousand  men.  From  Jackson’s 
left  as  far  as  Banks’s  Ford  stood  McLaws  with  eight 
thousand  muskets;  the  fords  of  the  river  above  were 
guarded  by  Stuart’s  two  thousand,  seven  hundred 
horsemen  supported  by  Anderson’s  eight  thousand 
infantrymen.  The  hill-tops  along  this  extended 
line  were  crowned  with  artillery.  The  remaining 
brigades  of  Longstreet’s  corps  were  in  winter  quar- 
ters near  Suffolk,  south  of  the  James  River. 

Hooker’s  scheme  ran  as  follows:  A great  pretence 
of  crossing  the  river  below  the  town  will  be  made  by 
Sedgwick  with  three  corps  d' armee ; at  the  same 
time  the  other  four  corps  must  steal  up  the  river  to 
Kelly’s  Ford.  Suddenly  these  will  cross  and  fall 
upon  the  Confederate  left  flank  and  rout  the  Con- 
federate army  from  the  heights  in  front  of  Freder- 
icksburg. Two  weeks  in  advance  of  the  infantry 
movements,  Stoneman  was  ordered  to  lead  ten 
thousand  horsemen  across  the  upper  Rappahannock 
against  Gordonsville  and  the  Fredericksburg  rail- 
road. On  the  southern  bank  of  the  Pamunkey 
River,  Stoneman  was  expected  to  intrench  himself 
in  order  to  capture  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
as  Hooker  should  drive  it  into  the  toils! 

The  days  that  followed  April  13  brought  the  de- 
scending rains,  and  upon  the  northern  bank  of  the 
Rappahannock,  Stoneman  waited  until  the  river 
should  flow  more  gently,  and  Stuart  should  cease  to 
keep  close  watch.  Lee’s  letter  to  Jackson,  April 
23,  shows  that  he  already  divined  Hooker’s  purpose: 


18631 


Chanccllorsville. 


259 


“ I think  from  the  account  given  me  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith 
of  the  Engineers,  who  was  at  Port  Royal  yesterday,  of  the  enemy’s 
operations  there,  the  day  and  night  previous,  that  his  present  pur- 
pose is  to  draw  our  troops  in  that  direction  while  he  attempts  a 
passage  elsewhere.  I would  not,  then,  send  down  more  troops  than 
are  actually  necessary.  I will  notify  Generals  McLaws  and  Ander- 
son to  be  on  the  alert,  for  I think  that  if  a real  attempt  is  made  to 
cross  the  river  it  will  be  above  Fredericksburg.” 

April  27  saw  the  abatement  of  the  flood  and 
three  Federal  corps  under  Slocum  began  to  move  up 
the  stream.  The  morning  of  the  29th  found  this 
force  across  the  Rappahannock  in  swift  march  toward 
the  Ely  and  Germanna  fords  of  the  Rapidan.  The 
same  day  marked  the  advance  of  Stoneman  upon 
Culpeper,  where  Stuart  stood  on  guard.  Hooker’s 
flanking  column  had  thrust  itself  between  Lee  and 
his  cavalry. 

At  the  dawn  of  April  29,  Lee  was  roused  from  his 
cot  by  J.  P.  Smith,  Jackson’s  aide,  with  the  news 
that  Sedgwick  was  crossing  the  river  near  Hamil- 
ton’s, below  Fredericksburg.  Lee  playfully  said  to 
Smith:  “ Well,  I thought  I heard  firing  and  was  be- 
ginning to  think  it  was  time  some  of  you  young  fel- 
lows were  coming  to  tell  me  what  it  was  all  about. 
Tell  your  good  general  that  I am  sure  he  knows 
what  to  do.  I will  meet  him  at  ■ the  front  very 
soon.”  Such  was  Lee’s  message  to  Jackson. 
During  the  forenoon  of  the  29th,  Stuart’s  message 
informed  Lee  of  Hooker’s  passage  at  Kelly’s  Ford. 
Later  in  the  day  Stuart  sent  news  of  the  two  Federal 
columns  approaching  the  Rapidan.  It  was  evident 
that  Hooker  was  aiming  a blow  at  Lee’s  rear.  The 
close  of  the  day,  therefore,  found  Lee  sending 


260 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


Anderson  westward  to  meet  Hooker  and  ordering 
Stuart  to  resist  the  Federal  column  near  the  Ger- 
manna  Ford.  At  midnight,  Anderson  found  Mahone 
and  Posey  at  Chancellorsville  falling  back  before 
Hooker’s  advance.  His  head  of  column  had  crossed 
the  Rapidan.  Anderson  made  intrenchments  at  the 
junction  of  the  mine  and  plank  roads  near  the  Taber- 
nacle Church  on  the  morning  of  April  30. 

On  the  night  of  April  29  Stuart  was  sending  W. 
H.  F.  Lee  with  two  regiments  to  oppose  Stoneman’s 
movement  against  Gordonsville,  while  he  led  Fitz 
Lee’s  brigade  southward  across  the  Raccoon  Ford  to 
keep  in  touch  with  the  Confederate  infantry.  The 
next  morning  found  him  between  Hooker  and  Fred- 
ericksburg, skirmishing  with  the  vanguard  of  the  Ger- 
manna  column.  The  Fifth  Corps  under  Meade  was 
in  bivouac  at  Chancellorsville.  During  the  night  of 
the  30th  Stuart  fought  his  way  through  the  Federal 
cavalry,  and  rode  via  Todd’s  Tavern  to  join  Lee. 
April  30  closed  upon  Flooker  at  Chancellorsville 
with  fifty  thousand  men  ready  for  battle.  Eighteen 
thousand  more  were  near  at  hand  under  Sickles. 
Over  forty  thousand  under  Sedgwick  were  threaten- 
ing Lee’s  right  wing  on  the  Rappahannock  below 
Fredericksburg.  Hooker’s  thirteen  thousand  horse- 
men at  the  same  time  were  advancing  against  Lee’s 
railway  communications.  When  Hooker  thus  dis- 
covered himself  occupying  the  coveted  position  in 
the  rear  of  Lee’s  army,  he  made  proclamation  to  his 
soldiers,  April  30,  that  “ our  enemy  must  inglori- 
ously  fly  or  come  out  from  behind  his  defences  and 
give  us  battle  on  our  own  ground,  where  certain  de- 


MAP  OF  THE  FIELD-OPERATIONS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  Th 


1863] 


Chancellor sville. 


261 


struction  awaits  him.”  Lee  acted  with  despatch. 
The  midnight  hour  of  April  30  found  Jackson  on 
the  march  from  Hamilton’s  Crossing,  and  eight 
o’clock  the  following  morning,  May  1,  brought  a 
part  of  his  corps  to  Anderson’s  support  in  front  of 
Hooker  near  Chancellorsville.  Early’s  division  of 
Jackson’s  corps,  Barksdale’s  brigade  of  McLaws’s 
division,  and  Pendleton’s  reserve  artillery,  remained 
in  front  of  Fredericksburg  to  oppose  Sedgwick. 
Lee’s  army  was  between  Hooker’s  divided  wings, 
and  Hooker’s  cavalry  was  swinging  off  in  the  dis- 
tance. Lee  faced  both  ways  and  prepared  to  deliver 
a double  battle.  He  moved  the  mass  of  his  army 
within  four  miles  of  Chancellorsville  and  left  Early 
to  oppose  Sedgwick  with  eight  thousand  five  hun- 
dred muskets  and  thirty  guns.  Jackson,  Anderson, 
and  McLaws  with  forty-one  thousand  men  at  1 1 
A.M.,  May  I,  were  moving  upon  Hooker.  At  that 
hour,  Lee  was  on  Lee’s  Hill  giving  orders  to  Early 
and  Pendleton  “ not  to  be  deceived  by  pretended 
movements  of  the  enemy — and  when  his  real  move- 
ments came,  to  meet  him  with  the  utmost  energy 
and  determination.” 

At  the  Tabernacle  Church,  Jackson  ordered  An- 
derson’s men  to  lay  aside  their  spades  and  at  once 
moved  westward  to  attack  the  Federal  army  in  the 
dense  jungle  of  the  wilderness.  McLaws  marched 
on  the  turnpike  and  Anderson  on  the  plank  road ; 
Jackson  supported  Anderson  on  the  left.  At  the 
same  time,  Hooker  was  pushing  out  his  forces  on 
the  same  highways  toward  Fredericksburg.  The 
hostile  columns  met  face  to  face  in  the  tangled  forest, 


262 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


and  the  clash  of  arms  began.  Alexander’s  battalion 
of  artillery  accompanied  the  Confederate  advance. 
One  battery  moved  in  front  with  the  infantry  on  the 
turnpike,  and  fourteen  guns  at  the  head  of  the  in- 
fantry column  on  the  plank  road — one  howitzer 
with  the  line  of  skirmishers.  The  Confederate  line 
marched  steadily  forward  through  the  unfenced 
fields  and  woodlands.  Cheer  after  cheer  rolled  up 
from  the  grey  jackets  as  Lee  and  Jackson  both  rode 
abreast  of  the  line  on  the  Confederate  left.  McLaws 
repulsed  Sykes  on  the  turnpike,  after  the  latter  was 
flanked  by  Jackson.  Anderson  turned  the  right 
flank  of  Slocum  and  both  of  Hooker’s  columns  re- 
treated to  Chancellorsville.  There  they  were  com- 
forted by  the  presence  of  eighteen  thousand  under 
Sickles.  The  Confederates  advanced  until  they  dis- 
covered Hooker  in  “a  position  ” says  Lee,  “ of 
great  natural  strength,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
a dense  forest  filled  with  a tangled  undergrowth,  in 
the  midst  of  which  breastworks  of  logs  had  been  con- 
structed, with  trees  felled  in  front,  so  as  to  form  an 
almost  impenetrable  abatis.  His  artillery  swept  the 
few  narrow  roads,  by  which  his  position  could  be 
approached  from  the  front,  and  commanded  the 
adjacent  woods.” 

Hooker’s  position  was  the  following:  The  Fifth 
Corps  (Meade)  looked  eastward  from  strong  intrench- 
ments  two  miles  in  length,  extending  from  the  Rap- 
pahannock to  the  White  House  near  Chancellorsville. 
The  Second  Corps  (Couch)  lay  behind  fortifications 
that  ran  southward  from  the  White  House  to  Chan- 
cellorsville and  thence  eastward  along  the  turnpike 


1863] 


Chancellor sville. 


263 

to  Mott’s  Run.  The  Twelfth  Corps  (Slocum)  dwelt 
in  a fortress  that  looked  southward  between  Fairview 
and  Hazel  Grove;  the  divisions  of  Berry  and  Whip- 
ple lay  just  north  of  Chancellorsville ; Birney’s  divi- 
sion of  the  Third  Corps  (Sickles)  supported  by 
Williams  and  his  log-works  defended  the  woods 
north  of  Hazel  Grove.  The  Eleventh  Corps  (How- 
ard), forming  Hooker’s  right  wing,  was  extended 
for  more  than  a mile  along  the  turnpike  west  of 
Dowdall’s  Tavern.  On  the  road  leading  to  the  Ely 
Ford,  Hooker’s  rear  was  guarded  by  Sykes’s  division 
of  the  Fifth  Corps.  More  than  seventy-five  thou- 
sand men  with  many  heavy  guns  were  thus  mustered 
under  Hooker’s  banner  in  his  lair  of  strength  at 
Chancellorsville. 

In  the  forest  of  scrub-oak  and  pine,  east  and 
south  of  Hooker’s  fortifications,  Lee  drew  up  his 
forty-one  thousand  men  in  a line  across  the  two 
roadways,  extending  as  far  to  the  left  as  the  Well- 
ford  furnace  where  Stuart  held  the  flank.  Wilcox 
stationed  his  brigade  on  Lee’s  extreme  right  to  guard 
Banks’s  Ford.  After  sunset,  Lee  and  Jackson  met 
at  the  edge  of  the  plank  road,  where  another  road 
turned  south-westward  to  the  furnace.  The  slight 
elevation  upon  which  they  stood  was  carpeted  with 
dry  pine-needles  from  the  trees  that  towered  above 
them.  Talcott  and  Boswell  were  despatched  from 
this  point  to  make  a moonlight  reconnaissance  of 
Hooker’s  fortress  where  it  faced  eastward.  At  10 
P.M.  these  officers  returned  to  report  the  Federal 
line  as  presenting  no  favourable  point  for  attack 
in  front.  Lee  then  said  to  Jackson,  “ We  must 


264 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


attack  on  our  left  as  soon  as  practicable,”  and  he 
bade  Jackson  prepare  to  execute  this  movement. 
Afterwards  the  two  chieftains  made  ready  their 
bivouac  for  the  night.  At  the  foot  of  a pine 
tree,  wrapped  in  army  blankets,  with  the  head  pil- 
lowed on  a saddle,  they  stretched  themselves  upon 
the  ground.  Later  in  the  night,  J.  P.  Smith  re- 
turned from  an  errand  and  aroused  General  Lee. 

Come  here  and  tell  me  what  you  have  learned  on 
the  right,”  said  Lee.  “ Laying  his  hand  on  me,” 
writes  Smith,  “ he  drew  me  down  by  his  side,  and, 
passing  his  arm  around  my  shoulder,  drew  me  near 
to  him  in  a fatherly  way  that  told  of  his  warm  and 
kindly  heart,”  After  expressing  his  thanks  for  the 
service  rendered,  Lee  began  to  jest  with  the  young 
officer  about  an  incident  of  the  advance  during  the 
afternoon.  As  the  latter  broke  away,  he  was  fol- 
lowed by  General  Lee’s  hearty  laugh  that  broke 
again  and  again  upon  the  stillness  of  the  night. 

Meanwhile  the  cavalry  had  brought  news  of  the 
extended  position  of  Hooker’s  right  wing.  Before 
the  dawn  of  May  2,  Jackson  sent  Jed.  Hotchkiss  and 
Rev.  B.  T.  Lacy  to  search  for  a roadway  leading 
westward  from  the  furnace.  In  the  early  morning 
twilight  Hotchkiss  returned  from  the  reconnaissance 
to  find  Lee  and  Jackson  seated  on  cracker-boxes 
over  a fire  of  twigs.  He  indicated  on  a map  the 
position  of  the  desired  pathway.  The  general  plan 
of  a flank  movement  under  Jackson  had  been  already 
ordered  by  Lee.  When  the  aide  reported  a feasible 
route  across  Hooker’s  front,  Jackson  pointed  out  the 
possibility  of  leading  a force  in  circuit  around  Hook- 


18631 


Chancellor sville. 


265 


er’s  flank  against  the  rear  of  the  Federal  right  wing. 
After  some  discussion,  Lee  gave  Jackson  permission 
to  lead  his  entire  corps  around  the  Federal  right, 
while  Lee  held  the  two  divisions  of  McLaws  and 
Anderson  between  Hooker  and  Fredericksburg. 

On  January  25,  1866,  in  a letter  to  the  wife  of 
General  Jackson,  General  Lee  thus  described  the 
origin  of  the  great  flank  march  : 

“ . . . I decided  against  it  [an  attack  upon  Hooker’s  central 

works]  and  stated  to  General  Jackson,  we  must  attack  on  our  left 
as  soon  as  practicable,  and  the  necessary  movement  of  the  troops 
began  immediately.  In  consequence  of  a report  received  about  that 
time  from  General  Fitz  Lee,  describing  the  position  of  the  Federal 
army,  and  the  roads  which  he  held  with  his  cavalry  leading  to  its 
rear,  General  Jackson,  after  some  inquiry  concerning  the  roads 
leading  to  the  furnace,  undertook  to  throw  his  command  entirely 
in  Hooker’s  rear,  which  he  accomplished  with  equal  skill  and  bold- 
ness ; the  rest  of  the  army  being  moved  to  the  left  flank  to  connect 
with  him  as  he  advanced.” 

With  the  rising  of  the  sun,  Rodes  began  to  lead 
D.  H.  Hill’s  old  division  past  the  furnace  in  the 
advance  westward  through  the  dense  forest.  Col- 
ston and  A.  P.  Hill  followed  next  in  order  in  the 
march  made  by  the  twenty-six  thousand  ragged  and 
sturdy  infantrymen,  flanked  by  four  regiments  of 
horsemen  under  Stuart  and  Fitz  Lee.  When  Jack- 
son  was  in  full  progress  directly  across  Hooker’s 
front,  General  Lee  inaugurated  fierce  demonstrations 
against  the  Federal  left  and  centre.  Artillery  was 
moved  forward  against  Meade,  and  strong  bands  of 
skirmishers  assailed  Couch  and  Slocum.  Sickles 
caught  sight  of  the  column  moving  past  the  Well- 


266 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


ford  furnace,  and  his  rifled  cannon  induced  Jack- 
son’s veterans  to  seek  another  course  farther  south. 
Sickles  then  hastened  a force  beyond  the  furnace 
to  the  unfinished  railroad  where  he  made  prey  of  a 
part  of  the  23d  Georgia  regiment,  Jackson’s  rear- 
guard. When  this  news  ran  through  the  Federal 
camp,  most  of  the  Federal  officers  were  seized 
with  the  idea  that  Lee’s  entire  army  was  in  re- 
treat toward  Richmond.  Sickles  organised  a strong 
pursuing  column.  At  first,  Birney,  and  then  Whip- 
ple, of  his  own  corps,  and  then  Williams  of  the 
Twelfth  Corps,  led  their  divisions  southward  from 
the  furnace  in  pursuit  of  Jackson!  Lee  turned  the 
guns  of  Anderson  upon  Sickles,  and  the  latter  called 
for  reinforcements.  After  4 P.M.,  Barlow’s  brigade 
of  Howard’s  corps  was  sent  to  the  furnace.  Twenty 
thousand  men  from  Hooker’s  centre  were  thus  astray 
in  the  wilderness  seeking  Jackson  at  the  very  hour 
when  the  latter  was  preparing  to  launch  a thunder- 
bolt of  war  against  Hooker’s  right  flank. 

Noonday  marked  Jackson’s  arrival  at  a point  upon 
the  plank  road  two  miles  south-west  of  Howard’s 
position.  He  left  the  “Stonewall”  brigade  with  Fitz 
Lee’s  horsemen  on  this  road,  and  pushed  the  main 
column  to  the  Orange  turnpike.  At  3 P.M.  Jack- 
son  was  sending  from  a point  in  Hooker’s  rear  this 
last  message  to  Lee:  “ I hope  as  soon  as  practicable 
to  attack.  I trust  that  an  ever-kind  Providence 
will  bless  us  with  great  success.”  He  was  then 
arraying  Rodes  in  line  of  battle  across  the  turnpike 
at  the  Luckett  Farm,  two  miles  west  of  Dowdall’s 
Tavern.  Jackson’s  left  wing  was  directly  in  How- 


863] 


Chancellor sville. 


267 


trd’s  rear.  Colston  formed  the  second  line;  A.  P. 
dill  followed  in  column.  At  5.15  P.M.,  Jackson’s 
mgles  rang  out,  and  the  fierce  Confederate  yell 
itartled  the  deer  from  their  lair  into  Howard’s  camp, 
md  sent  terror  throughout  the  Eleventh  Corps,  com- 
losed  chiefly  of  Germans.  Six  guns  of  Stuart’s  horse 
irtillery  under  Beckham  moved  at  a gallop  along  the 
urnpike,  with  the  riflemen,  in  sections  of  two  guns 
:ach,  and  poured  canister  into  Howard’s  regiments. 
\ concentric  fire  was  directed  against  every  band  of 
federal  soldiers  that  dared  to  stand,  and  multitudes 
vere  made  prisoners.  The  roadway  was  soon  blocked 
vith  the  dense  mass  of  fugitives  that  fled  in  panic 
md  wild  rout  toward  the  Chancellor  House  two 
niles  away.  Jackson’s  men  dashed  forward  with 
ierce  eagerness.  Colquitt,  commanding  Rodes’s 
■ight  brigade  supposed  that  he  saw  a Federal  force 
m his  flank;  he  halted,  faced  southward,  and  re- 
:arded  the  advance  of  Jackson’s  right  wing  for  one 
lour.  This  delay  allowed  Schurz’s  division  to 
:scape.  But  Howard’s  corps  was  an  utter  wreck 
md  the  fragments  were  carrying  dismay  and  terror 
nto  the  very  heart  of  Hooker’s  army.  The  lines 
if  Rodes  and  Colston  became  mingled  in  the  pursuit, 
md  all  together  leaped  over  the  Federal  works  at 
Dowdall’s  Tavern.  Still  onward  Jackson  pressed  the 
-outed  corps  until  he  captured  the  log-works  north  of 
Hazel  Grove,  and  drove  Howard’s  battered  regiments 
behind  the  divisions  of  Berry  and  Williams.  Dark- 
ness had  descended  upon  the  field.  Rodes  and  Col- 
ston declared  that  their  lines  had  lost  formation  in  the 
forest,  and  Jackson  reluctantly  ordered  a halt  and 


268 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


prepared  for  a night  attack  by  bringing  A.  P.  Hill  to 
the  front.  He  had  reached  a point  within  one  mile 
of  Hooker’s  headquarters,  and  held  control  of  the 
Bullock  road  leading  to  the  White  House  directly 
in  rear  of  the  Federal  army  and  only  two  thousand 
yards  distant.  The  entire  Federal  army  was  just 
within  his  grasp.  At  9 P.M.  Jackson  rode  forward 
to  reconnoitre,  remaining  behind  his  own  pickets. 
He  had  just  given  Hill  the  order:  “ Press  them; 
cut  them  off  from  the  United  States  Ford,  Hill; 
press  them ! ” As  he  listened  to  the  ringing  of  axes 
that  told  of  the  construction  of  Federal  defences 
the  pickets  began  firing,  and  Jackson  rode  back  with 
his  staff  toward  Hill’s  line  of  battle.  Hill’s  1 8th 
North  Carolina  regiment  fired  upon  the  party,  sup- 
posing them  to  be  Federal  cavalry.  Two  fell  dead 
and  Jackson  was  severely  wounded  and  borne  from 
the  field.  Soon  afterward,  Hill  was  stricken  down, 
and  Jackson  sent  for  Stuart  to  take  command  of  his 
corps.  Stuart  spent  the  .hours  after  midnight  in 
arranging  the  artillery  for  the  assault. 

At  midnight  Sickles  reached  Hazel  Grove  on  the 
return  march  from  the  furnace.  Neither  Sickles 
nor  Anderson,  nor  McLaws,  had  heard,  at  first,  the 
sound  of  Jackson’s  battle.  This  was  due  to  the 
peculiar  condition  of  the  atmosphere.  The  attack 
ordered  by  Lee  was,  therefore,  not  made  until  Jack- 
son’s pyrotechnic  display  after  nightfall  brought 
McLaws  into  a heavy  skirmish  against  Hooker’s  left. 
Anderson  suffered  Sickles  to  march  back  again  to 
Hazel  Grove.  That  point  had  witnessed  a tragic 
comedy  about  the  time  when  Jackson  was  ordering 


1863] 


Chancellor smile. 


269 


his  front  divisions  to  halt.  Two  hundred  Georgians 
from  Rodes’s  line  found  their  way  as  far  as  Hazel 
Grove,  one  mile  to  the  right  of  Jackson’s  position 
and  there  met  the  fire  of  some  Federal  guns  under 
the  eye  of  Pleasanton,  leader  of  Hooker’s  cavalry. 
Pleasanton  reported  that  Keenan  led  four  hundred 
Federal  horsemen  into  the  midst  of  the  Confederate 
line  of  battle,  and  that  the  Federal  artillery  at  Hazel 
Grove  swept  back  the  advance  of  five  thousand  rifle- 
men and  checked  Jackson’s  assault!  At  midnight, 
came  Sickles  from  the  furnace  to  repeat  the  drama. 
Some  of  his  skirmishers  entered  the  forest  north  of 
Hazel  Grove  and  were  easily  repulsed  by  the  pickets 
of  Hill’s  regiments.  The  larger  part  of  Sickles’s 
force  then  moved  against  the  flank  of  Hooker’s 
Twelfth  Corps  and  entered  into  conflict  with  Slo- 
cum’s men.  Out  of  this  battle  against  his  Federal 
associates,  Sickles  manufactured  the  report  that  his 
men  recaptured  the  plank  road  and  inflicted  the  fatal 
wound  upon  Jackson!  * 

During  the  night  Wilbourne  and  Hotchkiss  made 
a wide  detour  around  the  corps  of  Sickles  and 
brought  the  news  of  Jackson’s  success  to  General 
Lee.  They  found  him  beneath  the  same  pine-trees 
whence  he  had  despatched  Jackson  to  assault 
Hooker’s  rear.  By  the  light  of  a candle,  these 
officers  saw  the  shadow  of  deep  grief  pass  over 
Lee’s  countenance  when  they  told  of  Jackson’s 
injury  in  the  hour  of  victory.  After  a pause  occa- 
sioned by  the  struggle  to  suppress  his  emotion,  Lee 


* The  Battle  of  Chancellor sville,  by  Augustus  Choate  Hamlin, 
Historian,  Eleventh  Army  Corps. 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


370 

said,  “ Any  victory  is  dearly  bought  which  deprives 
us  of  the  services  of  General  Jackson,  even  for  a 
short  time.” 

Lee  at  once  sent  orders  to  Stuart  to  drive  Hooker 
from  the  Chancellor  House  by  direct  assault ; at  the 
same  time  he  bade  Stuart  to  press  toward  his  right 
in  order  to  unite  his  force  with  the  division  under 
Anderson.  He  then  dictated  the  following  letter  to 
Jackson : 

“ I have  just  received  your  note  informing  me  that  you  were 
wounded.  I cannot  express  my  regret  at  the  occurrence.  Could  I 
have  directed  events,  I should  have  chosen  for  the  good  of  the  coun- 
try to  be  disabled  in  your  stead. 

“I  congratulate  you  upon  the  victory  which  is  due  to  your  skill 
and  energy. 

“ Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

“ R.  E.  Lice,  General.” 

This  message  was  read  to  Jackson  while  the  battle 
of  May  3 was  in  progress.  The  suffering  hero  turned 
away  his  face  and  said,  “ General  Lee  is  very  kind, 
but  he  should  give  the  praise  to  God.”  At  an 
earlier  time  during  the  war,  Jackson  said  of  Lee: 
“ General  Lee  is  a phenomenon.  He  is  the  only 
man  whom  I would  be  willing  to  follow  blindfold.” 

The  fall  of  his  lieutenant  aroused  all  the  fierceness 
of  Lee’s  combative  ardour.  “ Those  people  shall 
be  pressed  immediately,”  he  said  to  his  staff-officers, 
and  the  early  dawn  of  May  3 found  him  in  the  saddle 
making  ready  his  divisions  for  the  battle.  The  sun 
arose  upon  Lee’s  two  wings  advancing  against  the 
central  part  of  Hooker’s  position  at  Chancellorsville. 
Between  Stuart  and  Anderson  there  was  at  first  a 


SKETCH  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

SHOWING  THE  POSITION  OF  THE  TWO  ARMIES,  SUNDAY,  MAY  3D. 


1863] 


Cha  ncellorsville. 


271 


gap  of  one  mile.  Stuart  moved  eastward,  for  the 
most  part  south  of  the  plank  road,  with  Hill’s  divi- 
sion led  by  Heth  in  the  front  line.  From  his  position 
Lee  moved  McLaws  westward  along  the  plank  road 
and  Anderson  northward  over  the  space  between 
that  road  and  the  furnace. 

Hooker  had  been  strengthened  by  Reynolds’s 
First  Corps  of  seventeen  thousand  men.  Exclusive 
of  losses,  he  had  now  a force  of  nearly  eighty  thou- 
sand. These  were  arranged  in  the  form  of  the  letter 
V ; the  sharp  angle  on  the  high  ground  at  Fairview, 
south  of  Chancellor’s  house,  was  defended  by  a park 
of  forty-three  guns.  In  the  line  facing  westward  were 
Sickles  and  Williams  with  twenty-three  thousand 
men.  Opposed  to  these  were  Stuart’s  twenty  thou- 
sand. In  the  Federal  line  facing  eastward  stood 
Geary,  Hancock,  and  a fragment  of  Howard’s  corps, 
twenty  thousand  effectives.  McLaws  and  Anderson 
were  directing  fourteen  thousand  against  them. 
Meade,  Reynolds,  and  Couch  with  thirty-seven 
thousand,  stood  within  ready  call  of  both  these 
Federal  lines. 

Stuart  began  the  battle  by  sending  Jackson’s 
corps  against  Hooker’s  westward  ramparts.  An 
abatis  of  sharpened  stakes  and  brushwood  defended 
the  approach  to  the  heavy  works  constructed  of 
felled  trees.  Over  the  entire  defence  rushed  Stuart’s 
left  wing,  north  of  the  plank  road.  Stuart  himself 
rode  behind  the  line  like  another  Henry  of  Navarre, 
his  black  hat-plume  waving  and  his  merry  voice 
singing  at  the  highest  pitch,  “ Old  Joe  Hooker, 
come  out  of  the  wilderness!  ” Stuart’s  right  wing 


2/2 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


captured  four  Federal  guns  at  Hazel  Grove  and 
held  that  plateau.  As  the  sun  lifted  the  mist  that 
enshrouded  the  field,  Stuart  saw  the  advantage  of 
this  elevation  on  his  right,  and  he  there  concentrated 
thirty  guns  under  Walker.  These  secured  an  en- 
filade fire  northward  along  the  two  Federal  lines.  A 
similar  enfilade  was  poured  in  from  the  direction  of 
the  furnace  by  Hardaway’s  guns  of  Anderson’s 
division.  This  fierce  cross-fire  of  artillery  in  little 
more  than  one  hour  rendered  Hooker’s  entire  posi- 
tion untenable. 

McLaws  was  assailing  Hooker’s  left  from  the 
direction  of  Fredericksburg;  Anderson  was  pressing 
his  centre  from  the  furnace  road,  and  Stuart  was 
sending  line  after  line  against  the  Federal  right. 
Eight  o’clock  marked  the  junction  of  Lee’s  two 
wings.  The  fighting  on  both  sides  was  stubborn 
and  desperate.  Over  tremendous  barriers  the  Con- 
federate infantrymen  rushed,  only  to  be  driven  back 
by  the  Federal  reserves.  Three  times  the  Federal 
defences  were  captured  and  lost  again.  But  the 
guns  of  Walker  and  Hardaway  gradually  broke  the 
strength  of  the  Federal  artillery.  A shell  rendered 
Hooker  himself  unfit  to  direct  the  battle,  and  Couch 
was  left  in  command  without  a plan  of  defence.  At 
io  A.M.  Hooker’s  key-point,  Fairview,  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  Confederates,  and  his  troops  were  re- 
treating past  the  flames  of  Chancellor’s  house. 
Hooker  was  literally  driven  from  strong  intrench- 
ments  into  new  fortifications  nearer  the  Rappahan- 
nock. 

Lee  rode  with  his  troops  as  they  pressed  forward 


1863] 


Chancellor sville. 


273 


in  pursuit.  The  air  was  filled  with  Confederate 
shells  passing  over  the  infantry  in  search  of  Hooker’s 
rear.  The  surrounding  forest  was  in  flames.  Charles 
Marshall,  Lee’s  aide,  thus  describes  the  scene  when 
Lee  spurred  Traveller  up  to  the  burning  house  from 
which  Hooker  had  fled  : 


“ His  presence  was  the  signal  for  one  of  those  uncontrollable  out- 
bursts of  enthusiasm  which  none  can  appreciate  who  have  not  wit- 
nessed them.  The  fierce  soldiers,  with  their  faces  blackened  with 
the  smoke  of  battle,  the  wounded  crawling  with  feeble  limbs  from  the 
fur}7  of  the  devouring  flames,  all  seemed  possessed  with  a common 
impulse.  One  long  unbroken  cheer,  in  which  the  feeble  cry  of  those 
who  lay  helpless  on  the  earth  blended  with  the  strong  voices  of  those 
who  still  fought,  rose  high  above  the  roar  of  battle  and  hailed  the 
presence  of  the  victorious  chief.  He  sat  in  the  full  realisation  of  all 
that  soldiers  dream  of — triumph  ; and  as  I looked  on  him  in  the  com- 
plete fruition  of  the  success  which  his  genius,  courage,  and  confidence 
in  his  army  had  won,  I thought  that  it  must  have  been  from  some 
such  scene  that  men  in  ancient  days  ascended  to  the  dignity  of  the 
gods.” 

This  witness  affirms  that  Lee’s  first  thought  was 
in  behalf  of  the  wounded  who  were  endangered  by 
the  fire  that  raged  around  them.  At  the  same  time 
a message  was  brought  from  Jackson  congratulating 
Lee  upon  the  great  victory.  “ I shall  never  forget 
the  look  of  pain  and  anguish  that  passed  over  his 
face  as  he  listened,”  says  Marshall.  “ With  a voice 
broken  with  emotion  he  bade  me  say  to  General 
Jackson  that  the  victory  was  his  and  that  the  con- 
gratulations were  due  to  him.  ...  I forgot  the 
genius  that  won  the  day  in  my  reverence  for  the 
generosity  that  refused  its  glory.” 

While  Lee  was  urging  forward  the  preparations 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


274 


for  a renewed  attack  against  Hooker,  a courier 
turned  his  attention  toward  Fredericksburg.  On 
the  previous  day,  a member  of  Lee’s  staff  misinter- 
preted his  commands  and  ordered  Early  to  march 
from  Hamilton’s  crossing  to  Chanceliorsville. 
Early’s  withdrawal  permitted  Sedgwick,  then  on 
the  southern  bank  of  the  Rappahannock,  to  move 
up  the  river  against  Barksdale  on  the  Marye  Heights. 
On  Sunday  morning,  May  3,  Early  returned  to  his 
former  position,  only  in  time  to  see  twenty  thousand 
Federal  troops  assailing  Barksdale’s  front  and  right 
flank.  Sedgwick’s  success  against  Barksdale’s  artil- 
lery and  his  one  thousand  muskets  was  won  with 
difficulty  and  at  a great  cost;  but  it  enabled  the 
corps  of  thirty  thousand  Federal  soldiers  to  move 
past  Early’s  left  flank  to  the  westward,  and  to 
threaten  Lee’s  rear  on  the  plank  road.  Wilcox 
marched  at  once  from  Banks’s  ford,  threw  his  bri- 
gade across  the  path  of  Sedgwick  at  the  Salem 
Church  and  sent  news  of  the  situation  to  General 
Lee.  With  the  same  quiet  courage  that  always 
marked  him,  Lee  immediately  despatched  McLaws 
with  four  brigades  to  assist  Wilcox  in  the  battle 
against  Sedgwick.  The  remaining  Confederate  bri- 
gades were  retained  in  front  of  Hooker.  Thus  for 
the  second  time  Lee  took  measures  to  withstand  the 
advance  of  a numerous  foe  against  the  rear  of  his 
main  army.  He  then  wrote  to  President  Davis  as 
follows:  “ We  have  again  to  thank  Almighty  God 
for  a great  victory.” 

McLaws  moved  toward  Fredericksburg  with  all 
speed,  arrayed  his  regiments  across  the  roadway  at 


1863] 


Chancellor  sville. 


275 

the  Salem  Church,  and  at  once  began  the  fierce  con- 
flict which  forced  Sedgwick  backward  one  mile  toward 
Fredericksburg.  On  the  morning  of  May  4,  Early 
marched  along  the  Telegraph  road  and  recaptured 
the  heights  near  the  town.  He  now  stood  in  Sedg- 
wick’s rear.  Noonday  brought  Lee  with  Anderson’s 
brigades  to  the  Salem  Church.  By  6 P.M.  Anderson 
had  extended  his  line  eastward  until  he  joined  hands 
with  Early.  Their  advance  forced  Sedgwick  north- 
ward across  the  plank  road  as  far  as  the  Rappahan- 
nock, but  McLaws  was  slow  to  perceive  his  retreat 
and  did  not  attack.  A pontoon  bridge  near  Banks’s 
ford  enabled  Sedgwick  to  save  his  entire  force  from 
capture. 

Lee  returned  at  once  to  Chancellorsvilte  to  assail 
Hooker  with  his  entire  army.  But  the  early  dawn 
of  May  6 revealed  to  Lee  the  deserted  Federal 
trenches,  and  the  rising  sun  found  Hooker  on  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Rappahannock  issuing  the 
order,  “ General  headquarters  to-night  will  be  at 
the  old  camp  near  Falmouth.”  Before  night, 
Hooker  himself  was  in  camp  at  Falmouth  tendering 
‘‘congratulations”  to  his  army!  He  had  aban- 
doned beyond  the  Rappahannock  more  than  seven- 
teen thousand  of  his  men  killed,  wounded,  and 
captured,  fourteen  heavy  guns,  twenty  thousand 
stand  of  arms,  and  thirty-one  thousand  knapsacks, 
and  yet  in  the  order  of  May  6 he  said,  “ The  events 
of  the  last  week  may  swell  with  pride  the  heart  of 
every  officer  and  soldier  of  this  army  ” ! Moreover, 
he  made  this  declaration:  “ Profoundly  loyal  and 
conscious  of  its  strength,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 


276 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


11863 


will  give  or  decline  battle  whenever  its  interest  or 
honour  may  demand  ” ! 

Lee’s  casualties  numbered  thirteen  thousand. 
Many  of  his  brigadiers  were  wounded,  and  the  brave 
Paxton  was  slain  at  the  head  of  the  “ Stonewall  ” bri- 
gade. The  flower  of  Lee’s  matchless  army  was,  in 
part,  destroyed  at  Chancellorsville,  and  the  South 
was  unable  to  send  others  to  fill  the  vacancies.  In 
his  official  report  Lee  spoke  of 

“ the  dangers  and  difficulties  which  under  God’s  blessing,  were  sur- 
mounted by  the  fortitude  and  valour  of  our  army.  The  conduct  of 
the  troops  cannot  be  too  highly  praised.  Attacking  largely  superior 
numbers  in  strongly  intrenched  positions,  their  heroic  courage  over- 
came every  obstacle  of  nature  and  art  and  achieved  a triumph  most 
honourable  tp  our  arms.” 

In  mentioning  individual  instances  of  gallantry, 
he  wrote: 

“ Among  them  will  be  found  some  who  have  passed  by  a glorious 
death  beyond  the  reach  of  praise,  but  the  memory  of  whose  virtues 
and  devoted  patriotism  will  ever  be  cherished  by  their  grateful  coun- 
trymen. ...  To  the  skilful  and  efficient  management  of  the 
artillery  the  successful  issue  of  the  contest  is  in  great  measure  due.” 


On  May  7,  the  commander  summoned  his  soldiers 
to  return  “ grateful  thanks  to  the  only  Giver  of  vic- 
tory for  the  signal  deliverance  He  has  wrought.” 

Lee’s  personal  affection  for  Jackson  was  exceed- 
ingly strong.  Immediately  after  the  battle,  sanguine 
hopes  were  entertained  that  Jackson  would  recover 
from  his  wounds.  Lee’s  messages  to  his  lieutenant 
were  many,  and  they  all  indicated  the  tender  love 
and  sincere  generosity  of  the  Southern  chieftain. 


1863] 


Chancellorsville. 


2 77 


“ Give  him  my  affectionate  regards,”  said  Lee  to  a 
messenger,  “ and  tell  him  to  make  haste  and  get 
well,  and  come  back  to  me  as  soon  as  he  can.  He 
has  lost  his  left  arm,  but  I have  lost  my  right.” 
When  it  was  announced  that  Jackson’s  wounds  were 
serious  and  might  prove  fatal,  Lee  manifested  strong 
emotion  and  said:  “ Surely,  General  Jackson  must 
recover.  God  will  not  take  him  from  us,  now  that 
we  need  him  so  much.  Surely  he  will  be  spared  to 
us,  in  answer  to  the  many  prayers  which  are  offered 
for  him.”  Then,  after  a moment’s  silence,  spent 
in  evident  anguish  of  spirit,  Lee  sent  this  message: 

When  you  return  I trust  you  will  find  him  better. 
When  a suitable  occasion  offers,  give  him  my  love, 
and  tell  him  that  I wrestled  in  prayer  for  him  last 
night,  as  I never  prayed,  I believe,  for  myself.” 

The  death  of  his  great  colleague  and  beloved 
friend  brought  to  Lee  the  keenest  personal  sorrow 
and  a sense  of  irreparable  loss  to  his  country.  Gen- 
eral Order  No.  6i,  issued  on  May  n,  ran  as  follows: 


“ With  deep  grief,  the  Commanding-General  announces  to  the 
army  the  death  of  Lieutenant-General  T.  J.  Jackson,  who  expired  on 
the  ioth  instant,  at  3.15  p.m.  The  daring,  skill  and  energy  of  this 
great  and  good  soldier,  by  the  decree  of  an  all-wise  Providence,  are 
now  lost  to  us.  But  while  we  mourn  his  death,  we  feel  that  his  spirit 
still  lives,  and  will  inspire  the  whole  army  with  his  indomitable  cour- 
age and  unshaken  confidence  in  God  as  our  hope  and  our  strength. 
Let  his  name  be  a watchword  to  his  corps,  who  have  followed  him  to 
victory  on  so  many  fields.  Let  officers  and  soldiers  emulate  his  in- 
vincible determination  to  do  everything  in  the  defence  of  our 
beloved  country.  R.  E.  Lee,  General.” 

Lee’s  right  arm  was  removed  when  the  noble 
Christian  hero  passed  beyond  the  river.  From  this 


278 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


time  onward  Lee’s  mind  dwelt  almost  continually 
upon  the  sore  calamity  of  Jackson’s  departure. 
After  the  experiences  of  the  summer  of  1863,  Lee 
wrote  in  September  his  official  report  of  the  Chan- 
cellorsville  campaign,  wherein  he  made  the  following 
reference  to  Jackson: 

“ The  movement  by  which  the  enemy’s  position  was  turned  and 
the  fortune  of  the  day  decided,  was  conducted  by  the  lamented  Lieu- 
tenant-General Jackson,  who,  as  has  already  been  stated,  was  severely 
wounded  near  the  close  of  the  engagement  on  Saturday  evening.  I 
do  not  propose  here  to  speak  of  the  character  of  this  illustrious  man, 
since  removed  from  the  scene  of  his  eminent  usefulness  by  the  hand 
of  an  inscrutable  but  all-wise  Providence.  I nevertheless  desire  to 
pay  the  tribute  of  my  admiration  to  the  matchless  energy  and  skill 
that  marked  this  last  act  of  his  life,  forming  as  it  did  a worthy  con- 
clusion of  that  long  series  of  splendid  achievements  which  won  for 
him  the  lasting  love  and  gratitude  of  his  country.” 


As  Lee  turned  to  face  the  new  situation,  on  May 
11  he  wrote  to  his  wife  concerning  “ the  loss  of  the 
good  and  great  Jackson. ” To  this  he  added : “Any 
victory  would  be  dear  at  such  a price.  His  remains 
go  to  Richmond  to-day.  I know  not  how  to  replace 
him,  but  God’s  will  be  done.  I trust  He  will  raise 
some  one  in  his  place.” 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  CAMPAIGNS  OF  GETTYSBURG  AND  MINE  RUN. 

1863. 

ENERAL  LEE  was  eager  to  follow 
up  the  victory  of  Chancellorsville  by 
an  aggressive  movement  against  the 
Federal  army.  The  lack  of  subsist- 
ence had  restrained  him,  early  in 
the  spring,  from  driving  Milroy  out  of  the  valley. 
Lee  declared,  on  April  16,  that  such  a movement 
would  recall  Hooker  north  of  the  Potomac,  and  that 
greater  relief  would  in  this  way  be  afforded  to  the 
armies  in  middle  Tennessee  and  on  the  Carolina 
coast  than  by  any  other  method.”  He  urged 
Davis  to  recruit  the  strength  of  the  army  by  bring- 
ing northward  the  troops  stationed  in  South  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  and  Florida.  “ I know  there  will  be 
difficulties  raised  to  their  withdrawal,”  wrote  Lee, 
“ but  it  will  be  better  to  order  General  Beauregard 
in  with  all  the  forces  which  can  be  spared,  and  to 
put  him  in  command  here,  than  to  keep  them  there 
inactive  and  this  army  inefficient  from  paucity  of 
numbers.” 


279 


280 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


When  Longstreet  returned  from  the  regions  be- 
yond the  James  River,  Lee  divided  his  army  into 
three  corps  under  Longstreet,  Ewell,  and  A.  P.  Hill. 
Of  Ewell  and  Hill  he  expressed  the  following  opin- 
ion: “ The  former  is  an  honest,  brave  soldier,  who 
has  always  done  his  duty  well.  The  latter,  I think 
upon  the  whole,  is  the  best  soldier  of  his  grade  with 
me.”  Lee  had  used  these  identical  words  just 
after  the  battle  of  Sharpsburg  to  set  forth  his  opinion 
of  Hill.  This  estimate  of  A.  P.  Hill  must  be  placed 
in  the  balance  against  Longstreet’s  charge  that  Lee 
showed  partiality  in  behalf  of  Hill  as  a Virginian,  by 
not  assigning  to  the  Third  Corps  either  D.  H.  Hill 
the  Carolinian,  or  McLaws  the  Georgian. 

The  last  days  of  May  found  Lee  still  “ endeavour- 
ing  to  get  this  army  in  a condition  to  move — to 
anticipate  an  expected  blow  from  the  enemy.”  He 
was  not  in  favour  of  sending  Pickett’s  division  to  as- 
sist Pemberton  on  the  Mississippi,  and  expressed  the 
hope  that  J.  E.  Johnston  would  at  once  assail  Grant. 
To  the  cry  of  alarm  raised  about  the  safety  of  Wil- 
mington he  paid  little  heed,  and  continued  to  advo- 
cate the  ordering  of  all  Confederate  soldiers  into  the 
two  arenas  of  Virginia  and  Mississippi,  leaving  the 
Atlantic  coast  to  be  defended  by  local  troops.  He 
urged  aggression,  lest  the  weight  of  Hooker’s  num- 
bers should  finally  force  the  Confederate  army  back  to 
the  trenches  in  front  of  Richmond.  Since  the  battle 
of  Fredericksburg,  Lee  had  not  abated  his  urgency  in 
asking  for  an  army  of  sufficient  strength  to  destroy 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  recognised  the  latter 
as  his  true  objective.  The  Confederate  administra- 


1863]  Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run.  281 

tion,  however,  seemed  never  to  recognise  the  wisdom 
of  concentration  in  order  to  strike  a decisive  blow. 
Lee’s  government  left  him  vastly  outnumbered  on 
every  battle-field;  he  always  gave  the  enemy  a stag- 
gering blow  and  sent  him  bleeding  from  the  field, 
but  the  latter  soon  presented  himself  with  undimin- 
ished numbers.  In  June,  1863,  as  in  December, 
1862’  and  in  May,  1863,  Lee  was  moving  forward  to 
deliver  battle  with  an  army  that  was  matchless  in 
everything  except  in  numbers.  Thirty  thousand 
additional  soldiers  at  any  of  the  above  dates  would 
have  enabled  him  to  destroy  or  capture  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac. 

Lee’s  plan  of  campaign  was  laid  before  A.  L. 
Long  in  the  camp  near  Fredericksburg.  When 
Long  entered  Lee’s  tent,  he  found  that  the  latter 
had  a map  spread  on  the  table  before  him.”  Lee 
traced  on  the  map  the  proposed  route  of  the  army 
and  its  destination  in  Pennsylvania.”  “ In  his 
quietly  effective  manner  ” Lee  outlined  his  plan  to 
manoeuvre  Hooker  out  of  his  position  on  the  Rap- 
pahannock, and  bring  him  to  battle  at  Chambers- 
burg,  York,  or  Gettysburg.  Lee’s  design  was  to 
transfer  hostilities  to  Northern  soil  and  there  subsist 
his  army,  cause  the  evacuation  of  Washington  by  a 
victory  in  Pennsylvania,  and  at  the  same  time  force 
the  recall  of  Federal  troops  from  the  siege  of  Vicks- 
burg. Hampton,  Robertson,  and  Jones  increased  the 
number  of  Stuart’s  horsemen  a little  beyond  six 
thousand.  The  artillery  organised  in  battalions 
under  General  W.  N.  Pendleton  made  a park  of 
more  than  two  hundred  guns.  With  a total  force 


282 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


of  about  sixty  thousand  enthusiastic  veterans  Lee 
made  ready  to  move  northward.  On  May  31,  he 
wrote  this:  “ I pray  that  our  merciful  Father  in 
Heaven  may  protect  and  direct  us.  In  that  case  I 
fear  no  odds  and  no  numbers.” 

On  June  2,  Lee  sent  this  parting  message  to 
Davis:  If  I am  able  to  move,  I propose  to  do  so 

cautiously,  watching  the  result,  and  not  to  get 
beyond  recall  until  I find  it  safe.”  On  June  3,  he 
began  to  push  Longstreet  toward  Culpeper;  Ewell 
followed,  and  A.  P.  Hill  was  left  in  front  of  Fred- 
ericksburg to  restrain  Hooker  from  advancing 
against  Richmond.  June  8 witnessed  the  concen- 
tration of  the  two  advanced  Confederate  corps  and 
Stuart’s  cavalry  near  Culpeper.  Of  the  cavalry  re- 
view held  the  same  day,  Lee  wrote  thus  to  his 
wife : 

“ It  was  a splendid  sight.  The  men  and  horses  looked  well. 
They  had  recuperated  since  last  fall.  Stuart  was  in  all  his  glory. 
Your  sons  and  nephews  are  well  and  flourishing.  The  country  here 
looks  very  green  and  pretty,  notwithstanding  the  ravages  of  war. 
What  a beautiful  world  God  in  Ilis  loving  kindness  to  His  creatures 
has  given  us  ! What  a shame  that  men  endowed  with  reason  and 
knowledge  of  right  should  mar  His  gifts  ! ” 

The  Federal  cavalry  crossed  the  Rappahannock 
to  engage  in  battle  with  Stuart  near  Brandy  Station, 
on  the  ninth  of  June.  Confederate  infantry  assisted 
to  drive  the  enemy  across  the  river,  leaving  large 
spoil  in  Stuart’s  possession.  As  Lee  rode  upon  the 
field  he  met  his  second  son,  Brigadier-General  W. 
H.  F.  Lee,  borne  wounded  from  the  battle,  “ more 
concerned,”  as  the  father  wrote,  “ about  his  brave 


1863]  Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run.  283 

men  and  officers  who  had  fallen  in  the  battle  than 
himself. 

At  this  juncture  a growing  party  in  the  North  was 
making  itself  heard  in  denunciation  of  the  Federal 
President’s  arbitrary  assumptions  of  power.  This 
party’s  suggestions  of  peace  were  treated  with  scorn 
by  some  of  the  Southern  newspapers.  Lee  rebuked 
the  latter  as  acting  unwisely  and  blindly : 


“We  should  not,  therefore,  conceal  from  ourselves  that  our  re- 
sources in  men  are  constantly  diminishing,  and  the  disproportion  in 
this  respect  between  us  and  our  enemies,  if  they  continue  united  in 
their  efforts  to  subjugate  us,  is  steadily  augmenting.  . . . Under 

these  circumstances,  we  should  neglect  no  honourable  means  of  divid- 
ing and  weakening  our  enemies,  that  they  may  feel  some  of  the  diffi- 
culties experienced  by  ourselves.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  most 
effectual  mode  of  accomplishing  this  object  now  within  our  reach,  is 
to  give  all  the  encouragement  we  can,  consistently  with  truth,  to  the 
rising  peace  party  of  the  North.” 

But  these  reflections  were  interrupted  by  reports 
of  the  incursions  of  Federal  cavalry,  and  Lee’s  wrath 
was  roused  to  say : 

“ I grieve  over  the  desolation  of  the  country  and  the  distress  to 
innocent  women  and  children,  occasioned  by  spiteful  excursions  of 
the  enemy,  unworthy  of  a civilised  nation.” 

He  called  upon  the  citizens  at  home  to  organise 
themselves  for  defence  “ against  outrages  of  our 
barbarous  enemy.”  On  June  10,  Lee  despatched 
Ewell  from  Culpeper  toward  the  valley  to  capture 
Milroy.  The  cavalry  of  Jenkins  at  the  same  time 
moved  down  upon  Winchester,  and  Imboden  was 
ordered  to  lead  his  horsemen  as  far  as  Romney. 
Three  days  passed,  and  Ewell  stood  before  the 


284  Robert  E.  Lee.  [1863 

defences  of  Winchester,  with  his  advance  holding 
Martinsburg;  Jenkins  was  pressing  northward  to 
Williamsport,  and  Imboden  held  control  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  railway.  On  this  thirteenth 
day  of  June,  Longstreet  was  encamped  at  Culpeper, 
and  A.  P.  Hill  still  remained  before  Fredericksburg. 
Hooker  had  folded  his  tents  and  was  marching  to- 
ward Washington.  At  the  same  time  Lee  was 
calling  upon  the  Confederate  authorities  for  a larger 
force  of  cavalry. 

June  15  saw  Ewell  scattering  Milroy’s  ten  thou- 
sand from  Winchester,  driving  the  Federal  garrison 
from  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  asking  his  soldiers  to 
unite  with  him  “ in  returning  thanks  to  our  Heavenly 
Father  for  the  signal  success  ” evidenced  by  the 
capture  of  four  thousand  prisoners  and  twenty-nine 
guns.  The  evening  of  this  eventful  day  marked  the 
advance  of  Jenkins  toward  Chambersburg,  and  the 
passage  of  Ewell’s  vanguard  across  the  Potomac. 
Longstreet  was  moving  out  of  Culpeper  to  seize  the 
passes  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  while  Hill,  who  had 
watched  the  muskets  of  Hooker’s  rearguard  dis- 
appear behind  the  Stafford  Hills,  was  now  drawing 
nigh  unto  Culpeper. 

The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was  pressing 
steadily  northward.  Lee’s  plan  now  was  to  ad- 
vance Ewell  into  Pennsylvania  to  seek  supplies.  If 
Ewell  should  meet  with  success,  Lee  intended  to 
march  his  entire  army  into  the  Cumberland  valley. 
June  17  saw  the  Confederates  outstretched  from 
Culpeper  to  Chambersburg.  The  latter  place  was 
held  by  Jenkins’s  horsemen;  one  of  Ewell’s  divi- 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  R un. 


285 


sions  was  encamped  near  Hagerstown,  another  occu- 
pied Sharpsburg,  and  the  third  was  approaching  the 
Potomac.  Longstreet  was  guarding  the  passes  of 
the  Blue  Ridge,  and  Hill  remained  at  Culpeper. 
Stuart  kept  watch  at  the  gaps  of  the  Bull  Run 
Mountains  to  repress  the  curiosity  of  Hooker,  whose 
camp-fires  were  ablaze  from  Manassas  to  Leesburg. 

During  five  successive  days  Stuart  was  engaged 
with  Hooker’s  cavalry  in  the  game  of  advance  and 
retreat,  until  at  length  he  stood  at  bay  in  the  Ashby 
Gap  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  While  Stuart  thus  veiled 
the  Confederate  manoeuvres,  Longstreet  stood  on 
the  Ridge’s  summit,  and  A.  P.  Hill  passed  behind 
his  line  through  Chester  Gap  into  the  valley.  The 
next  movement  in  the  game  is  thus  described  by 
Lee : 

“ As  these  demonstrations  did  not  have  the  effect  of  causing  the 
Federal  army  to  leave  Virginia,  and  as  it  did  not  seem  disposed  to 
advance  upon  the  position  held  by  Longstreet,  the  latter  was  with- 
drawn to  the  west  side  of  the  Shenandoah.” 

On  June  18,  Lee  drew  nigh  unto  Millwood,  and 
gave  orders  to  throw  his  entire  army  across  the  Po- 
tomac, since  Stuart’s  reports  indicated  the  advance 
of  Hooker’s  main  body  northward  from  Manassas. 
Hill  set  forth  through  Shepherdstown  in  search  of 
Ewell ; Longstreet  began  to  follow  Hill,  while  Stuart, 
assisted  by  the  division  of  McLaws,  remained  to  de- 
fend the  passes  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  Lee  directed 
Imboden  to  enter  Pennsylvania,  suggested  to  Sam 
Jones  to  advance  into  Western  Virginia,  and  called 
for  some  of  the  brigades  left  at  Richmond.  The 


286 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


men  of  all  arms  under  Lee’s  immediate  command 
were  in  number  about  sixty  thousand.  As  the 
heads  of  columns  pressed  toward  northern  territory, 
Lee  issued  an  order  that  began  with  the  injunction, 
“No  private  property  shall  be  injured  or  destroyed.  ’ ’ 

Lee  now  took  final  measures  to  guard  his  right 
flank  and  rear;  his  left  was  made  safe  by  Jones  and 
Imboden.  The  morning  of  June  22  found  this  mes- 
sage on  the  way  to  Stuart : 

“ Do  you  know  where  he  [Hooker]  is  and  what  he  is  doing?  I 
fear  he  will  steal  a march  on  us  and  get  across  the  Potomac  before  we 
are  aware.  If  you  find  that  he  is  moving  northward,  and  that  two 
brigades  can  guard  the  Blue  Ridge  and  take  care  of  your  rear,  you 
can  move  with  the  other  three  into  Maryland  and  take  position  on 
General  Ewell’s  right,  place  yourself  in  communication  with  him, 
guard  his  flank,  keep  him  informed  of  the  enemy’s  movements  and 
collect  all  the  supplies  you  can  for  the  use  of  the  army.” 

On  the  same  day,  Lee’s  commands  to  Ewell  were 
these  : “ Toward  the  Susquehanna.  ...  If 

Harrisburg  comes  within  your  means,  capture  it.’’ 

June  23  was  a day  of  momentous  events.  Ewell 
was  sweeping  up  the  Cumberland  valley  toward 
Carlisle.  Lee  was  preparing  to  lead  the  First  and 
Third  corps  northward  across  the  Potomac.  To 
Stuart  he  made  the  suggestion  that  two  brigades  of 
cavalry  should  keep  watch  upon  Hooker  while  the 
other  three  should  cross  the  Potomac.  Shepherds- 
town  and  some  point  east  of  the  Ridge  were  suggested 
as  alternative  places  for  this  passage.  Stuart  must 
select  one  ford  or  the  other,  just  as  Hooker’s  own 
movements  should  permit,  but  Lee  laid  this  injunc- 
tion upon  Stuart:  “ In  either  case,  after  crossing 


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1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


287 


the  river,  you  must  move  on  and  feel  the  right  of 
Ewell’s  troops.”  H.  B.  McClellan  tells  us  of  Lee’s 
later  message,  received  during  the  night  of  June  23, 
giving  Stuart  discretion  to  pass  around  Hooker’s 
rear  and  to  cross  the  Potomac  to  the  eastward  of 
Hooker’s  army,  at  the  same  time  placing  Stuart 
under  bond  to  bring  his  cavalry  “ as  speedily  as 
possible  ” into  touch  with  Ewell’s  advance  (under 
Earl}’)  at  York,  Pennsylvania.  The  same  day,  Lee 
urged  President  Davis  to  withdraw  the  troops  from 
the  Southern  Atlantic  coast  and  to  concentrate  them 
at  Culpeper  Court-House  under  Beauregard  as  a men- 
ace to  Washington.  Lee  asserted  that  this  move- 
ment “ would  not  only  effect  a diversion  most 
favourable  for  this  army,  but  would,  I think,  relieve 
us  of  any  apprehension  of  an  attack  upon  Richmond 
during  our  absence.” 

The  Federal  government  called  for  one  hundred 
thousand  troops  to  defend  Pennsylvania  against 
Lee’s  advance;  they  also  concentrated  a force  in 
Maryland,  and  Hooker  moved  to  the  northern  bank 
of  the  Potomac.  Consternation  reigned  in  the 
North,  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  Washington,  as  he  him- 
self said,  was  making  this  prayer:  “ Oh  Lord,  this 
is  your  fight;  but  we  your  humble  followers  and 
supporters  here  can’t  stand  anotherFredericksburg  or 
Chancellorsville. ” From  Williamsport,  June  25, 
Lee  sent  this  message  : 

“ It  is  plain  that  if  all  the  Federal  army  is  concentrated  upon  this, 
it  will  result  in  our  accomplishing  nothing  and  being  compelled  to 
return  to  Virginia.  If  the  plan  ...  of  organising  an  army, 
even  in  effigy,  under  General  Beauregard  at  Culpeper  Court-House, 


288 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


can  be  carried  into  effect,  much  relief  will  be  afforded.  ...  I 
have  not  sufficient  troops  to  maintain  my  communications,  and  there- 
fore, have  to  abandon  them.  I think  I can  throw  General  Hooker’s 
army  across  the  Potomac  and  draw  [Federal]  troops  from  the  South, 
embarrassing  their  plan  of  campaign  in  a measure,  if  I can  do  nothing 
more  and  have  to  return.” 


So  urgent  was  Lee  concerning  the  advance  of  an- 
other Confederate  force  upon  Washington  from  the 
direction  of  Culpeper,  that  he  pressed  the  matter  at 
great  length  upon  the  attention  of  President  Davis 
in  a second  letter  this  same  day. 

June  27  found  Longstreet  and  Hill  in  Chambers- 
burg,  Ewell  in  Carlisle,  and  Early  approaching  York. 
Hooker  had  commenced  the  passage  of  the  Potomac 
the  very  day  (June  25)  on  which  Lee  turned  his  back 
upon  that  river.  Two  days  later,  Lee  in  Chambers- 
burg  was  unaware  of  Hooker’s  advance,  for  Stuart 
was  just  then  (June  27)  crossing  the  Potomac  at 
Seneca,  near  Washington.  On  the  28th,  four  Federal 
corps  were  in  bivouac  at  Frederick  and  three  near 
Middletown,  Maryland.  Hooker’s  demand  that  the 
ten  thousand  men  at  Harper’s  Ferry  should  take  the 
field  under  his  orders  brought  to  a climax  the  Fed- 
eral administration’s  lack  of  confidence  in  their 
commander.  He  was  relieved  from  duty,  and  Gen- 
eral George  G.  Meade  was  promoted  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Lee  at  Chambersburg  issued  an  address  to  his 
troops  (June  27)  commending  their  spirit  and  forti- 
tude, and  forbidding  injury  to  private  property.  He 
reminded  them  that  “ civilisation  and  Christianity  ” 
forbade  retaliation  againt  their  foes : 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Rim. 


289 


“ It  must  be  remembered  that  we  make  war  only  upon  armed  men, 
and  that  we  cannot  take  vengeance  for  the  wrongs  our  people  have 
suffered,  without  lowering  ourselves  in  the  eyes  of  all  whose  abhor- 
rence has  been  excited  by  the  atrocities  of  our  enemies,  and  offend- 
ing against  Him  to  whom  vengeance  belongeth,  without  whose  favour 
and  support  our  efforts  must  all  prove  in  vain.” 

On  the  night  of  June  28,  the  scout  Harrison 
brought  to  Lee  at  Chambersburg  the  first  intelli- 
gence that  Hooker  had  crossed  the  Potomac  and  was 
approaching  the  South  Mountain.  Lee  feared  that 
the  Federal  army  would  cross  the  mountain  and 
secure  his  line  of  communication  with  Virginia. 
He  therefore  sent  couriers  to  recall  Ewell’s  di- 
visions from  the  Susquehanna  and  ordered  the 
entire  army  to  concentrate  east  of  the  mountains 
at  Cashtown.  The  morning  of  June  29  witnessed 
the  advance  toward  Cashtown  of  Heth’s  division 
from  Hill’s  corps.  Longstreet  remained  near  Cham- 
bersburg. Near  the  close  of  the  day  Ewell  at  Car- 
lisle received  Lee’s  order  just  as  he  was  moving 
forward  to  attack  Harrisburg.  The  29th  also 
marked  Meade’s  advance  northward  from  Fred- 
erick in  search  of  Lee.  At  sunset,  two  Federal 
corps  were  near  Emmittsburg,  one  was  at  Taney- 
town,  and  four  at  varying  distances  behind  Pipe 
Creek.  Buford’s  cavalry  patrolled  the  Federal  front 
at  Fairfield.  The  heads  of  the  hostile  columns  were 
not  far  removed  from  each  other,  yet  each  leader 
was  ignorant  of  his  foe’s  proximity. 

The  morning  of  June  29  was  utilised  by  Stuart 
in  the  work  of  tearing  up  the  railway  between 
Meade  and  Washington.  Westminster  was  his  place 

’9 


290 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


of  bivouac.  From  this  point  he  set  forth  northward 
at  the  dawning  of  the  30th,  still  retarding  his  own 
progress  by  driving  a captured  train  of  two  hundred 
mule  teams.  As  he  fought  his  way  into  Hanover 
through  the  squadrons  of  Kilpatrick,  Stuart  was  not 
aware  of  the  opening  scenes  of  the  great  drama  little 
more  than  a dozen  miles  to  the  westward  from  his 
line  of  march.  That  last  day  of  June  saw  Petti- 
grew’s brigade  of  Heth’s  division  marching  over  the 
eight-mile  course  from  Cashtown  to  Gettysburg  in 
search  of  shoes  to  cover  their  naked  feet.  In  the 
town  they  found  Buford’s  cavalry.  The  heads  of 
the  converging  columns  had  collided ; the  news  was 
flashed  to  both  armies,  but  as  yet  the  significance  of 
the  meeting  was  unknown  to  both  Lee  and  Meade. 

Pettigrew  returned  in  haste  to  Cashtown,  Lee’s 
appointed  rendezvous.  The  night  of  June  30  saw 
the  camp-fires  of  the  larger  part  of  Hill’s  corps 
kindled  on  the  eastern  slopes  of  South  Mountain. 
Longstreet  was  still  west  of  the  Mountain  at  Green- 
wood, with  Pickett  guarding  the  trains  at  Chambers- 
burg.  Of  Ewell’s  corps,  Johnson’s  division  was 
near  Longstreet ; the  divisions  of  Rodes  and  Early 
were  near  Heidlersburg  on  the  return  march  from  the 
Susquehanna  to  Cashtown.  As  Stuart  moved  all 
night  with  weary  pace  from  Hanover  toward  York, 
he  passed  within  seven  miles  of  Early’s  bivouac. 
The  fatal  waggon  train  had  delayed  his  march. 
Stuart  afterwards  asserted  that  Early  failed  to  fol- 
low Lee’s  order  to  warn  the  approaching  cavalry  of 
the  return  march  southward.  The  horsemen  moved 
on  to  York  and  thence  to  Carlisle,  while  Lee  in  the 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


291 


distance  on  the  eve  of  battle  was  anxiously  awaiting 
their  aid.  Perhaps  Stuart’s  presence  on  the  Fed- 
eral right  flank,  on  June  30,  caused  Meade  to  dis- 
perse his  seven  corps  from  Westminster  to  a point 
north  of  Emmittsburg,  a dispersion  that  proved 
advantageous  to  Lee  on  the  following  day.  But 
it  is  more  probable  that  a speedier  march  of  the 
cavalry  would  have  permitted  Lee  to  capture  Harris- 
burg and  then  to  offer  defensive  battle  at  the  eastern 
base  of  the  South  Mountain,  either  at  Cashtown  or 
at  some  point  farther  northward. 

Lee  spent  June  30  in  Longstreet’s  camp  at  Green- 
wood. July  1 found  him  riding  with  the  latter 
through  the  mountain-pass  eastward.  The  Con- 
federate forces  were  pressing  toward  Cashtown.  At 
5 A.M.,  however,  Hill  had  sent  the  divisions  of  Heth 
and  Pender  from  Cashtown  toward  Gettysburg,  “ to 
discover  what  was  in  my  [Hill’s]  front.”  Hill  sup- 
posed that  naught  but  Federal  cavalry  was  in  the 
town.  His  advance  precipitated  a battle  with  two 
of  Meade’s  corps  d’ armee  whom  Buford  had  sum- 
moned to  his  aid.  The  movement  was  contrary  to 
the  spirit  of  Lee’s  orders.  He  intended  to  fight 
a defensive  battle  at  Cashtown.  Hill’s  advance 
compelled  Lee  to  deliver  offensive  battle  at  Gettys- 
burg. 

At  sunrise,  Heth’s  scouts  confronted  Buford’s 
pickets  at  Willoughby  Run,  west  of  Gettysburg  on 
the  Chambersburg  road.  The  Run  flows  along  the 
western  edge  of  a broad  swell  of  ground  called  Mc- 
Pherson’s Ridge.  Heth’s  men  forced  Buford  back- 
ward from  the  stream  and  from  8 until  10  o’clock 


2Q2 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863- 


the  roar  of  fierce  battle  resounded  northward  over 
the  level  plains  calling  Ewell  to  the  field,  and  west- 
ward across  the  ridges  to  bring  Lee  down  the  moun- 
tain-slope in  great  haste  to  Cashtown.  Meade,  far 
away  to  the  eastward,  caught  the  sound  of  the 
guns  and  quickened  the  pace  of  his  legions.  Lee 
found  R.  H.  Anderson  holding  his  division  at  Cash- 
town  awaiting  orders  from  Hill.  Anderson  reports 
Lee  as  listening  there  intently  to  the  guns  and  then 
saying : 

“I  cannot  think  what  has  become  of  Stuart:  I ought  to  have 
heard  from  him  long  before  now.  He  may  have  met  with  disaster, 
but  I hope  not.  In  the  absence  of  reports  from  him,  I am  in  ignor- 
ance as  to  what  we  have  in  front  of  us  here.  It  may  be  the  whole 
Federal  army  or  it  may  be  only  a detachment.  If  it  is  the  whole 
Federal  force  we  must  fight  a battle  here  ; if  we  do  not  gain  a vic- 
tory those  defiles  and  gorges  through  which  vve  were  passing  this 
morning  will  shelter  us  from  disaster.” 

Lee  seemed  much  disturbed  by  the  sounds  of  in- 
creasing battle,  for  his  order  had  already  been  im- 
posed upon  both  Hill  and  Ewell  that  they  should 
not  bring  on  a general  engagement  before  the  con- 
centration of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  Con- 
trary to  Lee’s  plan,  Hill  was  delivering  heavy  battle 
against  the  advanced  corps  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  eight  miles  farther  from  the  mountains 
than  the  field  selected  by  Lee  himself  at  Cashtown. 

While  Lee  waited  thus  in  anxiety  at  Cashtown,  at 
io  o’clock,  Reynolds  was  deploying  the  Federal  First 
Corps  along  the  slight  elevation  half  a mile  west  of 
Gettysburg  known  as  Seminary  Ridge.  As  Reynolds 
looked  down  the  gradual  slope  five  hundred  yards 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


293 


to  the  westward,  he  saw  Heth  and  Buford  in  deadly 
battle  upon  the  parallel  elevation,  McPherson’s 
Ridge.  Reynolds  advanced  a division  to  Buford’s 
support ; he  forced  Archer’s  brigade  over  Willoughby 
Run  and  captured  Archer,  but  Reynolds  himself  was 
slain.  Pender  gave  ready  aid  to  Heth,  and  the  two 
divisions  held  the  First  Corps  at  bay.  Noonday  saw 
the  Eleventh  Corps  approach  and  now  Howard  ruled 
the  Federal  field.  Howard  arrayed  two  divisions  of 
the  Eleventh  on  Seminary  Ridge  to  hold  his  right 
flank;  the  other  division  he  held  in  reserve  on  Cem- 
etery Hill  south  of  Gettysburg.  At  this  juncture 
Ewell’s  storm  of  war  burst  upon  Howard  from  the 
direction  of  Heidlersburg.  In  line  of  battle  across 
Seminary  Ridge,  at  2.30  P.M.,  Rodes  came  sweep- 
ing southward  from  Oak  Hill  against  Howard’s  right 
flank.  Through  the  open  country  east  of  Rock 
Creek,  at  3.30  P.M.,  Early  advanced  like  a thunder- 
bolt against  the  right  and  rear  of  Howard’s  line. 
At  4 P.M.,  Ewell’s  divisions  began  to  drive  the 
Eleventh  Corps  southward  through  the  streets ; at  the 
same  hour  Hill  advanced  his  entire  line  against  the 
front  and  flanks  of  the  First  Corps  and  broke  it  into 
fragments.  The  hour  of  half-past  four  witnessed 
the  flight  of  Howard’s  shattered  brigades  through 
Gettysburg  with  Ewell  pressing  them  in  close  pur- 
suit. The  Federal  fugitives  found  refuge  with  the 
division  and  the  batteries  left  in  reserve  on  Ceme- 
tery' Hill. 

Among  Hill’s  yelling  veterans  on  the  Ridge  near 
the  Seminary,  Lee  stood  watching  the  retreat  of  the 
disorganised  Federal  soldiers.  More  than  five  thou- 


294 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1863- 


sand  Federal  prisoners  remained  in  Lee’s  hands,  and 
the  field  of  Howard’s  defeat  was  covered  with  mul- 
titudes  of  Federal  dead  and  wounded.  Four  Con- 
federate divisions  had  wrought  out  this  victory  over 
five  Federal  divisions;  the  latter  had  held  their 
ground  tenaciously  and  the  Confederate  brigades 
had  met  severe  losses.  Lee’s  veterans  were  jubilant 
and  eager  to  continue  the  pursuit.  Ewell  led  the 
advance,  and  while  Lee  continued  his  observation 
the  bayonets  of  Hays’s  brigade  began  to  gleam 
along  the  eastern  boundary  of  Gettysburg  near  the 
foot  of  the  Cemetery  Hill. 

Not  many  Federal  soldiers  were  visible  to  the 
Confederate  commander,  for  only  about  six  thou- 
sand armed  men  out  of  more  than  twenty  thousand 
engaged  had  escaped  to  the  refuge  of  the  stone  walls 
and  boulders  on  Cemetery  Hill.  Lee  at  once  sent 
Taylor  with  the  order  to  Ewell : “ Press  those  people 
and  secure  the  hill,  if  possible.”  At  this  moment 
Early  was  arraying  two  brigades  in  the  field  east  of 
the  town  and  sending  a request  to  Hill  to  order  for- 
ward a division  from  Seminary  Ridge  to  assist  in 
assailing  the  Cemetery.  But  “ Extra-Billy  ” Smith, 
one  of  Early’s  brigadiers,  sent  him  a sensational  re- 
port that  a Federal  force  was  approaching  the  Con- 
federate left  from  the  direction  of  York.  Gordon 
was  countermarched  to  the  left  rear  to  meet  the 
imaginary  foe.  Early  and  Rodes  urged  upon  Ewell 
the  necessity  of  immediate  assault.  But  Ewell 
looked  toward  the  rock-covered  hill  and  the  blazing 
guns  and  declared  the  Cemetery  unassailable  in 
front  with  the  brigades  at  hand.  Gordon  had  not 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


295 


yet  returned  from  the  vain  march  to  the  left.  Ewell 
determined  to  await  Johnson’s  division,  and  to  send 
the  latter  to  scale  the  wooded  hill  east  of  Gettys- 
burg known  as  Culp’s  Hill;  from  that  position  he 
expected  to  fall  upon  the  Federal  right  flank.  At 
the  same  time  Ewell  sent  J.  P.  Smith  to  Lee  near 
the  Seminary,  to  ask  support  for  the  proposed  attack 
of  Early  and  Rodes  against  the  Federal  force  in 
the  Cemetery.  The  time  was  about  5 P.M.  Lee 
and  Longstreet  were  scanning  the  Cemetery  with 
field-glasses.  When  Ewell’s  request  came,  Hill 
was  loath  to  send  forward  the  two  divisions  re- 
cently engaged;  Anderson  was  behind  Johnson  and 
had  not  yet  reached  the  field,  and  Longstreet’s  men 
were  held  far  in  the  rear  by  Ewell’s  waggon  train. 
Lee  urged  Longstreet  to  hasten  McLaws  and  Hood 
to  the  front  and  sent  this  reply  to  his  lieutenant  in 
Gettysburg:  “ Tell  General  Ewell  that  I will  sup- 
port him  by  an  advance  on  his  right  as  soon  as  I can. 
I wish  him  to  use  whatever  opportunity  he  has  to 
advance  and  to  hold  the  ground  in  his  front.” 

The  first  reinforcement  upon  the  field  was  John- 
son’s division,  but  the  sun  had  disappeared  when 
his  column  halted  near  the  college  building.  At  that 
hour  Lee  was  in  conference  with  Ewell,  Early,  and 
Rodes  near  the  Carlisle  road  north  of  Gettysburg. 
The  plan  of  immediate  attack  had  then  been  aban- 
doned by  all  these  officers.  They  could  look  south- 
ward in  the  twilight  and  see  the  two  Round  Tops 
looming  up  above  the  hill’s  crest.  Reconnaissance 
had  discovered  the  arrival  of  fresh  Federal  troops, 
for  Hancock  now  was  in  command  and  Slocum’s 


296 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


eight  thousand  six  hundred  men  were  in  line,  partly 
on  Culp’s  Hill  and  partly  on  Cemetery  Hill.  It  was 
now  Lee’s  purpose,  says  Early,  “ to  attack  the 
enemy  as  early  as  possible  next  day— at  daylight,  if 
practicable.”  To  the  three  officers  jointly  Lee  pre- 
sented the  question:  “ Can’t  you,  with  your  corps, 
attack  on  this  flank  at  daylight  to-morrow  ? ” The 
officers  pointed  to  the  rugged  hill  in  their  front  and 
the  Federal  brigades  on  the  hill-tops;  they  men- 
tioned the  gradual  ascent  to  the  Cemetery  from  the 
direction  of  the  Seminary  Ridge  as  affording  favour- 
able approach  against  the  enemy’s  left  flank.  Lee’s 
next  interrogation  was  this:  “ Perhaps  I had  better 
draw  you  around  towards  my  right,  as  the  line  will  be 
very  long  and  thin  if  you  remain  here,  and  the  enemy 
may  come  down  and  break  through  it  ? ” But  the 
leaders  of  the  Confederate  Second  Corps  declared 
their  ability  not  only  to  hold  the  ground  already 
won,  but  Ewell  asserted  his  ability  to  capture  Culp’s 
Hill  at  once  and  threaten  the  Federal  right.  There- 
upon Lee  said:  “ Well,  if  I attack  from  my  right, 
Longstreet  will  have  to  make  the  attack.”  Then 
for  a moment  he  paused,  says  Early,  his  head  bowed 
in  deep  thought;  he  looked  up  and  added,  “ Long- 
street  is  a very  good  fighter  when  he  gets  in  position 
and  gets  everything  ready,  but  he  is  so  slow . ” The 
decision  reached  in  the  conference  was  that  the  main 
assault  should  be  delivered  from  the  Confederate 
right  at  daylight  the  following  morning,  ‘‘or  as  soon 
thereafter  as  practicable,”  and  that  Ewell  should 
stand  ready  to  attack  from  the  Confederate  left. 
Lee  returned  to  the  Seminary  to  find  Longstreet 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


297 


and  Hill.  Longstreet  urged  Lee  to  move  to  the 
Confederate  right  and  place  his  army  between 
Meade  and  Washington,  and  thus  force  Meade  to 
make  assault.  This  suggestion  was  only  an  exten- 
sion of  Lee’s  proposal  to  move  Ewell  around  to  the 
Emmittsburg  road.  Ewell’s  assurance  that  he  could 
occupy  Culp’s  Hill  induced  Lee  to  plan  a double 
assault  against  the  flanks  of  the  force  in  the  Ceme- 
tery before  the  arrival  of  Meade’s  rearguard  and 
thus  defeat  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  detail.  In 
the  presence  of  his  staff  Lee  said  to  Longstreet  and 
Hill,  “ Gentlemen,  we  will  attack  the  enemy  in  the 
morning  as  early  as  practicable.  ” He  directed  Long- 
street to  lead  forward  McLaws  and  Hood  to  deliver 
the  chief  attack  from  the  Confederate  right.  Hill 
was  to  demonstrate  against  the  Federal  centre,  and 
a message  was  sent  to  Ewell  to  caution  him  against 
assailing  Culp’s  Hill  until  he  should  hear  Long- 
street’s  guns. 

Longstreet’s  two  divisions  moved  from  Fayette- 
ville on  the  morning  of  July  1.  Pickett’s  division 
remained  on  guard  at  Chambersburg  and  Law’s  bri- 
gade of  Hood’s  division  held  New  Guilford.  The 
advance  of  Longstreet  was  retarded  until  the  after- 
noon by  Ewell’s  waggon  train,  but  midnight  saw  his 
central  camp-fires  ablaze  near  Willoughby  Run. 
The  bivouac  of  his  leading  brigade  under  Kershaw 
was  only  two  miles  from  Gettysburg.  During  the 
night  Longstreet’s  order  went  to  McLaws  bidding 
him  advance  at  4 A.M.  July  2;  but  this  order  was 
afterwards  countermanded,  and  McLaws  was  di- 
rected to  march  “ early  in  the  morning.”  At  the 


298 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


early  dawn  of  July  2,  Longstreet’s  orders  started 
Law  and  Pickett  across  the  South  Mountain  toward 
the  battle-field.  Lee’s  report  thus  describes  the 
general  situation  at  this  juncture: 

“ It  had  not  been  intended  to  deliver  a general  battle  so  far  from 
our  base  unless  attacked,  but  coming  unexpectedly  upon  the  whole 
Federal  army,  to  withdraw  through  the  mountains  with  our  extensive 
trains  would  have  been  difficult  and  dangerous.  At  the  same  time 
we  were  unable  to  await  an  attack,  as  the  country  was  unfavourable 
for  collecting  supplies  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  who  could  re- 
strain our  foraging  parties  by  holding  the  mountain-passes  with  local 
and  other  troops.  A battle  had,  therefore,  become  in  a measure 
unavoidable,  and  the  success  already  gained  gave  hope  of  a favourable 
issue.” 

The  hour  of  sunrise  on  July  2 saw  Meade’s  divi- 
sions widely  scattered.  Less  than  ten  thousand 
men  of  the  First  and  Eleventh  Corps  held  the  Ceme- 
tery. To  their  right  and  to  their  left  were  Slocum’s 
eight  thousand  six  hundred  in  line  of  battle.  Four 
thousand  under  Birney  and  four  thousand  under 
Humphreys,  both  of  the  Third  Corps,  were  near  at 
hand.  Lee’s  proposed  assault  against  both  Federal 
flanks  would  have  found  less  than  twenty-seven 
thousand  men  ready  to  receive  him  at  any  hour  be- 
fore seven  o’clock.  At  that  hour  the  Federal  Sec- 
ond Corps  reached  the  field  with  two  divisions  of  the 
Fifth.  Eight  o’clock  saw  the  arrival  of  another  bri- 
gade of  the  Fifth;  the  hour  of  nine  marked  the 
coming  of  two  brigades  of  the  Third,  and  the  Federal 
artillery  reserve  was  on  Cemetery  Ridge  at  half-past 
ten.  At  noon  came  another  division  of  the  Fifth. 
Along  the  thirty-four-mile  route  from  Manchester, 
and  yet  far  from  the  field,  Sedgwick  was  pressing 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


299 


the  fifteen  thousand  of  the  Federal  Sixth  Corps. 
The  hour  of  sunrise,  therefore,  furnished  an  admir- 
able opportunity  for  Lee  to  strike  the  Federal  army 
before  it  was  concentrated,  and  unto  this  task  the 
Confederate  commander  was  urging  forward  his 
lieutenants. 

Lee  had  breakfast  and  was  in  the  saddle  before 
the  coming  of  the  dawn.  At  four  o’clock  he  was 
despatching  an  officer  to  reconnoitre  across  the  Em- 
mittsburg  road  toward  Round  Top.  He  scanned 
Meade’s  line  in  the  early  light,  as  the  latter  stood 
on  Culp’s  Hill  and  in  the  Cemetery.  Lee  looked 
eagerly  for  the  coming  of  Anderson’s  division  of 
Hill’s  corps,  and  for  Longstreet’s  two  divisions,  that 
he  might  send  them  against  Meade’s  left.  But  it 
was  seven  o’clock  when  Anderson  began  to  move; 
eight  o’clock  brought  the  rattle  of  musketry  from 
the  woods  south  of  the  Seminary,  where  Anderson’s 
advance  under  Wilcox  was  driving  the  Federal 
skirmishers.  Nine  o’clock  had  struck  when  Hill’s 
line  was  arrayed  along  the  Seminary  Ridge,  with  his 
right  near  the  Emmittsburg  road. 

If  Hill  was  slow,  Longstreet’s  men  were  still  more 
tardy  in  reaching  the  field.  They  had  not  received 
orders  to  hasten  their  steps.  It  was  after  sunrise 
when  his  divisions  began  the  march  from  Wil- 
loughby Run.  Ewell’s  trains  caused  some  delay. 
Eight  o’clock  was  about  the  hour  that  saw  the  first  of 
Longstreet’s  brigades  under  Kershaw  of  McLaws’s 
division  arrive  at  Seminary  Ridge  where  Lee  was 
waiting.  McLaws  saw  Lee  seated  on  the  trunk  of 
a fallen  tree  with  a map  before  him ; he  saw  Long- 


300 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


street  “ walking  up  and  down  a little  way  off,  ap- 
parently in  an  impatient  humour.” 

Hood’s  division  was  behind  that  of  McLaws,  but 
Hood  himself  had  sought  Lee’s  point  of  observation 
shortly  after  daybreak.  Hood  bears  this  witness: 

General  Lee,  with  coat  buttoned  to  the  throat, 
sabre-belt  around  his  waist,  and  field-glass  pending 
at  his  side,  walked  up  and  down  in  the  shade  of 
large  trees  near  us,  halting  now  and  then  to  observe 
the  enemy.  He  seemed  full  of  hope,  yet  at  times 
buried  in  deep  thought.”  Lee  was  anxious  for 
Longstreet  to  attack,  but  at  seven  o’clock,  with  the 
sun  already  two  and  a half  hours  above  the  horizon, 
Longstreet ’s  corps  had  not  reached  the  field.  Lee’s 
words  to  Hood  were  these:  “ The  enemy  is  here 
and  if  we  do  not  whip  him,  he  will  whip  us.”  Long- 
street had  been  with  Lee  since  daybreak,  urging  a 
movement  around  Meade’s  left.  Lee  rejected  this 
plan  and  then  Longstreet  asked  him  to  await  the 
arrival  of  Pickett’s  division;  with  persistence  he 
suggested  this  policy,  but  Lee  was  determined  to 
begin  the  battle  with  the  two  divisions  of  McLaws 
and  Hood  as  soon  as  they  should  arrive.  As  they 
continued  to  await  the  arrival  of  these  troops, 
Longstreet  sat  apart  with  Hood,  and  Lee  kept  up 
his  anxious  watch  upon  the  enemy.  Then  Long- 
street said  to  Hood  : ‘‘The  General  is  a little  nervous 
this  morning;  he  wishes  me  to  attack;  I do  not  wish 
to  do  so  without  Pickett.  I never  like  to  go  into 
battle  with  one  boot  off.” 

When  McLaws  drew  nigh  at  eight  o’clock  he 
found  Longstreet  in  the  impatient  humour  and  Lee 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


301 


bending  over  the  map.*  Kershaw’s  brigade  led  the 
column  and  Hood’s  men  brought  up  the  rear. 
Longstreet’s  men  had  consumed  more  than  three 
hours  of  sunlight  in  making  a journey  of  from  two 
to  four  miles.  Kershaw’s  head  of  column  was 
turned  southward  along  Seminary  Ridge  behind 
Hill’s  corps  and  halted  opposite  the  Black  Horse 
Tavern;  this  building  stood  where  the  Hagerstown 
road  passes  over  Marsh  Creek.  The  hour  was  about 
nine;  Hill  was  just  getting  into  position  west  of  the 
Emmittsburg  road.  The  most  favourable  moment 
for  attack  had  passed,  but  even  yet  there  was  time 
to  crush  Meade’s  left  wing. 

Lee  was  ready  to  aim  straight  at  his  mark.  The 
officer  sent  to  reconnoitre  had  reached  the  slope  of 
Round  Top  without  finding  any  Federal  force  in 
that  vicinity.  He  reported  Meade’s  troops  as  ar- 
rayed within  and  near  the  Cemetery.  Seated  on  the 
tree,  Lee  pointed  to  the  map  and  said,  “ General 
McLaws,  I wish  you  to  place  your  command  across 
this  road,”  pointing  to  a position  on  the  map  near  the 
Peach  Orchard,  perpendicular  to  the  Emmittsburg 
turnpike.  Lee  said,  further,  “ I wish  you  to  get 
there,  if  possible,  without  being  seen  by  the  enemy. 
Longstreet  thrust  himself  between  Lee  and  McLaws 
and  ordered  the  latter  to  arrange  his  division  in  a 
line  parallel  to  the  turnpike.  But  Lee’s  decision 

* Hood  writes  that  he  rode  forward  with  his  staff  to  Lee’s  position 
“shortly  after  daybreak,  July  2.”  He  says  further:  “ My  division 
soon  commenced  filing  into  an  open  field  near  me.”  The  more  defin- 
ite statements  of  McLaws  and  Kershaw  settle  the  hour  of  the  arrival 
of  Longstreet’s  troops  as  eight  o’clock.  With  this  agrees  also  Long- 
street’s  letter  to  W.  H.  Taylor  (1875). 


302 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


was  prompt  and  positive:  “No,  General,  I want  his 
division  perpendicular  to  the  Emmittsburg  road.’’ 
Lee’s  orders  were  positive  and  explicit — that  Long- 
street  should  partially  envelope  the  Lederal  left  on 
the  Emmittsburg  road  and  drive  it  in.  This  move- 
ment he  expected  Longstreet  to  make  immediately. 
Shortly  after  nine  o’clock,  Lee  informed  Hill  and 
Anderson  that  Longstreet  would  occupy  the  terri- 
tory south  of  Hill;  that  Longstreet’s  “ line  would 
be  in  a direction  nearly  at  right  angles  ’’  with  the 
line  of  Hill’s  corps,  and  that  Longstreet  “ would 
assault  the  extreme  left  of  the  enemy  and  drive  him 
towards  Gettysburg.’’  At  the  same  time  Hill  was 
ordered  to  move  into  battle  in  conjunction  with 
Longstreet’s  left.  McLaws  affirms  that  Longstreet 
seemed  “ irritated  and  annoyed  ’’  when  Lee  turned 
away  and  left  him  under  orders  to  lead  his  corps  into 
immediate  battle  along  the  Emmittsburg  road.* 
After  giving  orders  to  Longstreet  and  Hill,  Lee 
rode  into  Gettysburg  to  examine  Ewell’s  position. 
At  sunrise  he  had  despatched  Venable  to  learn 
Ewell’s  opinion  about  bringing  the  entire  Confeder- 
ate army  around  to  the  right  to  make  the  attack 
from  the  westward  against  the  Cemetery.  When 
Lee  came  in  person  he  found  Ewell  still  confident 
of  sending  Johnson  without  difficulty  to  the  sum- 

* McLaws  glanced  across  the  terrain  of  forest  and  field  and  men- 
tally decided  that  he  could  lead  his  troops  unobserved  from  the 
Seminary  Ridge  to  the  enemy’s  position  on  the  turnpike  within  half 
an  hour.  But  Longstreet,  later,  directed  him  to  follow  a more  cir- 
cuitous route.  The  responsibility  for  choosing  this  winding  course 
is  laid  by  Longstreet  upon  Lee’s  engineer  officer  who  made  the  early 
morning  journey  to  Round  Top. 


18631  Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run.  303 

mit  of  Culp’s  Hill,  while  Early,  since  two  o’clock  in 
the  morning,  had  his  men  arrayed  in  line  at  the  foot 
of  the  slope  ready  to  scale  Cemetery  Hill  from  the 
direction  of  Gettysburg.* 

At  Ewell’s  headquarters,  Lee  anxiously  awaited 
the  sound  of  Longstreet’s  guns.  He  then  made  a 
close  personal  examination  of  the  Federal  position 
near  the  Cemetery,  and  watched  the  approach  of 
Federal  reinforcements.  He  saw  the  necessity  of 
immediate  attack.  He  manifested  impatience  at 
Longstreet’s  delay.  He  rode  back  to  seek  the  cause 
of  the  silence  that  reigned  at  noonday  along  the 
Seminary  Ridge,  saying,  “ What  can  detain  Long- 
street  ? He  ought  to  be  in  position  now.”  That 
cause  is  thus  recorded  in  Longstreet’s  report : 

“ I received  instructions  from  the  Commanding-General  to  move, 
with  the  portion  of  my  command  that  was  up,  around  to  gain  the 
Emmittsburg  road.  . . . Fearing  that  my  force  was  too  weak  to 

venture  to  make  an  attack,  I delayed  until  General  Law’s  brigade 
joined  its  division  [Hood’s].” 

At  noonday  Law’s  men  arrived  after  a march  of 
twenty-four  miles  since  the  dawn.  At  one  o’clock 
Longstreet  set  his  column  in  motion.  Three  golden 
hours  and  more  had  been  given  to  inactivity  during 


* Lee  saw  the  danger  involved  in  the  extension  of  his  left  wing. 
Ewell’s  left  brigades  were  beyond  Rock  Creek,  under  orders  to  wade 
the  stream  and  move  a little  south  of  westward  against  the  steep 
rock-covered  fortress  of  Culp’s  Hill,  ft  seems  to  have  been  Ewell’s 
persistent  confidence  in  his  ability  to  capture  the  stronghold  that  led 
Lee  to  give  up  his  original  view  which  favoured  the  transfer  of 
Ewell’s  corps  to  the  Seminary  Ridge  and  the  Emmittsburg  road. 


304 


Robert  K Lee. 


[1863 


Lee’s  absence  with  Ewell,  through  the  stark  ob- 
stinacy of  Longstreet.  Two  more  hours  were  con- 
sumed in  bringing  the  corps  to  the  field  of  action; 
two  countermarches  were  made,  one  a long  circuit 
as  far  as  Black  Horse  Tavern,  in  the  effort  to  find  a 
route  concealed  from  the  signal  station  on  Round 
Top.  At  four  in  the  afternoon,  the  slow  march 
brought  the  corps  into  line  of  battle  in  front  of  Little 
Round  Top. 

Early  on  July  2,  Meade  commanded  Butterfield 
to  prepare  a detailed  order  for  the  retreat  of  the 
Federal  army.  He  called  a council  of  his  corps- 
commanders  to  consider  this  order,  but  Longstreet ’s 
guns  at  4 P.M.  broke  up  the  conference  and  called 
the  Federal  officers  to  the  defence  of  their  left. 
Just  before  this,  Sickles  had  pushed  his  corps  as  far 
as  the  Emmittsburg  road  without  informing  Meade, 
and  occupied  the  salient  angle  formed  by  that  road 
and  the  ridge  extending  from  the  Peach  Orchard  to 
Little  Round  Top.  McLaws  faced  the  Peach 
Orchard,  and  Hood  was  drawn  out  to  the  right 
across  the  turnpike.  Hood  was  expected  to  sweep 
down  the  Federal  line  parallel  to  the  turnpike  and 
roll  it  toward  Gettysburg. 

General  Meade’s  position  at  4 P.M.  was  as  follows: 
The  right  wing  under  Slocum,  consisting  of  the 
Twelfth  Corps  and  the  fragments  of  the  First  and 
Eleventh,  was  bent  around  like  a fishhook  from  the 
Cemetery  to  Culp’s  Hill.  Hancock,  with  the  Second 
Corps,  occupied  the  central  position  along  Cemetery 
Ridge,  thus  forming  the  shank  of  the  fishhook. 
The  Third  Corps  on  Hancock’s  left,  was  holding  the 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


305 


Peach  Orchard  on  the  Emmittsburg  turnpike.*  The 
Fifth  Corps  was  resting  along  Rock  Creek  on  the 
Baltimore  road.  Longstreet’s  force  of  less  than 
thirteen  thousand  now  confronted  the  twelve  thou- 
sand under  Sickles.  The  latter  were  arrayed  behind 
stone  walls  and  partly  in  the  forest  and  among  heavy 
boulders,  and  their  position  bristled  with  artillery. 

E.M.  Law  was  in  command  of  Hood’s  right  brigade 
opposite  Round  Top.  Law  sent  couriers  to  the  crest 
of  this  high  peak  and  they  found  the  entire  Federal 
left  flank  unprotected.  Law  and  Hood  sent  to  Long- 
street  formal  protest  against  advancing  up  the  turn- 
pike, and  urged  the  occupation  of  Round  Top  by 
extending  Hood’s  division  toward  the  Confederate 
right.  Three  times  was  this  protest  made  to  Long- 
street.  The  latter  returned  each  time  the  peremp- 
tory’ answer,  “ General  Lee’s  orders  are  to  attack  up 
the  Emmittsburg  road.”  f 

It  was  after  the  hour  of  four  when  Hood  advanced 
across  the  valley  toward  the  Round  Tops  under  the 
fire  from  the  Federal  guns.  Among  the  boulders  of 


* Meade  would  have  withdrawn  the  Third  from  this  advanced 
position,  but  Longstreet’s  assault  prevented  him. 

f Law  expresses  the  opinion,  in  the  Century  Magazine,  that  this 
protest  did  not  reach  General  Lee,  and  adds  the  view  that  the  battle 
of  Gettysburg  was  lost  to  the  Confederates  by  this  failure  to  capture 
Round  Top  from  the  south,  and  thence  extending  the  Confederate 
line  toward  the  Federal  rear  on  the  Baltimore  road.  Law  seems  to 
forget,  however,  that  Lee’s  line  was  already  a half-circle,  and  that 
the  suggested  movement  would  have  required  the  immediate  with- 
drawal of  Ewell  toward  the  Confederate  right.  Otherwise  it  would 
have  been  an  attempt  to  sttrround  Meade’s  army  with  little  more 
than  half  his  numbers. 


20 


306 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


Devil’s  Den  he  found  the  left  wing  of  Sickles’s  line 
of  battle.  Law  took  the  place  of  the  wounded  Hood 
and  pressed  the  grey-jackets  steadily  forward  against 
the  blazing  fortress.  The  Federal  brigades  were 
broken  and  driven  back  by  sheer  courage  and 
tenacity,  and  three  cannon  were  seized.  The  Ala- 
bamians under  Oates  passed  completely  over  the 
northern  slope  of  Round  Top  and  then  advanced 
directly  toward  Little  Round  Top.  Law’s  centre 
made  a dash  to  gain  this  keypoint  of  the  entire 
field.  But  Warren  led  a battery  and  a brigade  from 
the  Fifth  Corps  to  the  mountain-top  just  as  Law’s 
shouting  riflemen  were  climbing  the  slope,  and  the 
entire  Confederate  division  was  forced  back  to  the 
boulders  of  Devil’s  Den. 

Meanwhile  the  veterans  of  McLaws  were  fairly 
aflame  with  enthusiasm.  Alexander’s  guns  were 
taming  the  fire  of  the  Federal  artillery  in  the  Peach 
Orchard  angle.  Kershaw’s  Carolinians  and  Barks- 
dale’s Mississippians  formed  the  front  line.  Barks- 
dale stood  before  his  eager  brigade  sword  in  hand 
and  with  uncovered  head  and  pleaded  with  McLaws : 
“General,  let  me  go;  General,  let  me  charge.’’ 
Amid  the  roar  of  Law’s  battle  Barksdale,  Wofford, 
and  Kershaw  crashed  against  the  angle  at  the 
Orchard  with  wild  cheers.  Backward  over  stone 
fences  they  literally  drove  the  shattered  brigades  of 
Sickles.  Longstreet’s  men  fought  like  demons. 
Alexander’s  six  batteries  advanced  in  the  charge 
with  the  infantry.  Nothing  seemed  able  to  with- 
stand their  terrific  onslaught.  The  gallant  Barks- 
dale fell  but  his  heroic  men  pressed  forward.  Barnes 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run.  307 

front  the  Fifth  Corps,  Caldwell  from  the  Second,  and 
Ayres  from  the  Fifth  successively  led  three  Federal 
divisions,  thirteen  thousand  men,  to  give  aid  to 
Sickles.  They  were  all  forced  back  with  the  loss  of 
half  their  numbers  in  the  face  of  Longstreet’s  gal- 
lant charge.  About  six  o’clock  Hill’s  right  brigades 
pressed  up  to  the  Emmittsburg  road  and  sent  the  right 
wing  of  Sickles’s  corps  in  retreat  toward  Cemetery 
Ridge.  The  hour  of  7 P.M.  witnessed  the  complete 
defeat  of  Meade’s  left  wing.  Longstreet’s  victori- 
ous divisions  were  rushing  forward  to  deliver  battle 
at  the  base  of  the  Round  Tops.  Wilcox,  Perry,  and 
Wright,  of  Hill’s  corps,  were  advancing  against 
Meade’s  centre  on  Cemetery  Ridge.  Hill  failed  to 
send  supporting  brigades.  Wilcox  advanced  to  the 
base  of  Cemetery  Ridge  and  captured  eight  guns, 
but  there  he  paused.  Wright’s  Georgians  marched 
steadily  up  the  long  slope,  leaped  the  stone  fences 
and  took  possession  of  the  crest  of  the  Ridge,  a 
short  distance  south  of  the  Cemetery.  Wright  laid 
his  hand  on  twenty  Federal  cannon.  Meade’s  line 
was  cut  in  twain.  But  Wright  was  alone.  Perry 
had  not  kept  pace  with  him  ; Posey  remained  behind 
the  turnpike.  Hill’s  other  divisions  stood  motion- 
less one  mile  away.  Longstreet’s  gallant  attack  had 
practically  won  the  field  if  Hill  had  pushed  forward 
his  brigades  to  hold  it.  Meade  was  hastening  troops 
from  Culp’s  Hill  and  the  Cemetery  toward  his  im- 
perilled left  and  centre.  Sedgwick’s  Sixth  Corps 
was  arriving  upon  the  field.  More  than  half  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  was  massed  along  the  Ceme- 
tery Ridge  behind  a multitude  of  guns.  Wright  was 


3°8 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


surrounded  and  driven  back,  and  the  tide  of  Federal 
defeat  was  checked  at  the  summit  of  the  Ridge. 
Hundreds  of  Confederate  heroes,  however,  lay  dis- 
abled upon  that  field  of  carnage. 

The  crisis  of  battle  came  just  before  sunset, 
when  Lee’s  right  wing  was  making  Meade’s  entire 
position  to  tremble.  The  hour  for  action  had  long 
before  come  to  Ewell  and  to  Hill.  Ewell  was  tardy. 
Johnson’s  batteries  were  shattered  by  the  Federal 
guns.  When  his  division  advanced  to  assault  Culp’s 
Hill,  Longstreet’s  battle  was  almost  concluded. 

Although  Meade  had  withdrawn  an  entire  division 
from  Culp’s  Hill  to  withstand  Wright’s  assault,  yet 
the  darkness  prevented  Johnson  from  attaining 
complete  success.  With  great  gallantry  his  men 
marched  up  the  side  of  the  fortress  and  fought  their 
way  into  the  first  line  of  Federal  intrenchments. 
The  night  restrained  them  from  a further  advance. 
To  the  sound  of  Johnson’s  muskets,  at  sunset,  Early 
led  his  two  brigades  against  Cemetery  Hill.  Over 
stone  walls,  up  the  steep  face  of  the  slope,  rushed  the 
gallant  men  of  North  Carolina  and  Louisiana.  They 
tarried  not  under  the  withering  fire  from  musket 
and  cannon  until  they  overran  the  Eleventh  Corps 
and  established  themselves  in  the  Federal  works  on 
the  summit.  Rodes,  on  Early’s  right,  was  slow  in 
getting  into  position,  and  did  not  advance  at  all  to 
the  aid  of  Early.  The  inactivity  of  Rodes  kept 
Hill’s  left  wing  stationary.  Hancock  sent  reinforce- 
ments to  the  Cemetery  and  the  Federal  troops  in 
front  of  Rodes  and  Hill  turned  upon  Early’s  right 
flank,  and  the  gallant  hero  was  forced  to  withdraw. 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


309 


As  night  fell  upon  the  field  of  blood,  Lee  was  still 
sanguine  of  success.  His  losses  in  men  were  heavy 
but  he  knew  that  Meade’s  loss  was  yet  heavier. 
The  Confederate  soldiers  were  eager  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  battle.  Southern  valour  never  shone 
more  resplendently  than  on  that  field  of  July  2.  In 
most  cases  Lee’s  brigades  visited  slaughter  and  de- 
feat upon  superior  numbers  posted  behind  walls  of 
stone.  At  the  close  of  the  day  Law  held  Devil’s 
Den  and  the  bases  of  the  Round  Tops.  Johnson 
held  the  crest  of  Culp’s  Hill,  almost  in  reach  of  the 
Baltimore  road.  Wright  and  Early  had  broken 
through  the  Federal  line  in  two  places  and  failed  to 
hold  Cemetery  Ridge  itself  only  from  lack  of  support. 
Stuart  had  reached  the  field  and  Lee’s  artillery  was 
all  ready  for  service. 

Consternation  reigned  in  Meade’s  camp.  He 
called  his  twelve  principal  officers  about  him  to  dis- 
cuss the  advisability  of  retreating.*  Meade  himself 
was  in  favour  of  retreating,  according  to  the  state- 
ment of  Slocum,  though  other  Federal  officers  deny 
the  truth  of  this  opinion.  Three  of  his  corps  were 
completely  shattered.  Twenty  thousand  men  were 
missing  from  the  Federal  divisions  that  had  marched 
to  Gettysburg.  F.  A.  Walker  says,  “ It  was  indeed 
a gloomy  hour.”  Only  Meade’s  Sixth  and  Twelfth 
corps  remained  unshaken  by  the  storm  of  war.  He 


* Meade’s  questions  brought  out  these  opinions:  “Slocum,  stay 
and  fight  it  out.  Newton  thinks  it  a bad  position.  Hancock  puz- 
zled about  practicability  of  retiring.  . . . Howard  favour  of  not 

retiring.  Bimey  don’t  know.  Third  Corps  used  up  and  not  in  good 
condition  to  fight.  Sedgwick  doubtful  whether  we  ought  to  attack.” 


3 IO 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


still  had  in  readiness  the  order  of  retreat  prepared  by 
Butterfield.  After  long  and  anxious  conference  it 
was  decided  to  remain  one  day  and  await  Lee’s  as- 
sault. During  the  night  the  scout  Dahlgren  brought 
to  Meade  two  captured  despatches,  the  replies  of 
Cooper  and  President  Davis  to  Lee’s  request  for  an 
army  under  Beauregard  to  menace  Washington. 
They  spoke  of  the  Federal  force  threatening  Rich- 
mond, and  the  impossibility  of  gathering  a Confed- 
erate army  at  Culpeper.  These  despatches  relieved 
Meade’s  apprehensions  about  Washington  and  gave 
him  nerve  to  hold  his  ground  and  abide  the  result  of 
Lee’s  onslaught.* 

In  his  official  report,  Lee  thus  describes  the  plan 
which  he  adopted  at  the  close  of  July  2: 


“ The  result  of  this  day’s  operations  induced  the  belief  that,  with 
proper  concert  of  action,  and  with  the  increased  support  that  the 
positions  gained  on  the  right  would  enable  the  artillery  to  render  the 
assaulting  columns,  we  should  ultimately  succeed,  and  it  was  accord- 
ingly determined  to  continue  the  attack.  The  general  plan  was  un- 
changed. Longstreet,  reinforced  by  Pickett’s  three  brigades,  which 
arrived  near  the  battle-field  during  the  afternoon  of  the  2d,  was 
ordered  to  attack  the  next  morning,  and  General  Ewell  was  directed 
to  assail  the  enemy’s  right  at  the  same  time.  The  latter,  during  the 
night,  reinforced  General  Johnson  with  two  brigades  from  Rodes’s 
and  one  from  Early’s  division." 

Lee’s  purpose,  therefore,  was  to  renew  the  attack 
against  both  flanks  of  the  Federal  army.  Longstreet 

* William  L.  Royal],  Esq.,  of  Richmond,  Virginia,  has  secured 
letters  and  papers  from  the  family  of  Dahlgren,  showing  that,  in  the 
opinion  of  Lincoln,  Stanton,  and  other  officials,  the  captured  de- 
spatches served  to  change  Meade’s  plan,  as  he  was  upon  the  point  of 
withdrawing  his  army  to  Pipe  Creek  during  the  night  of  July  2. 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Aline  Run. 


3 1 1 


instructed  Law  to  be  ready  to  assail  the  enemy  in 
front  of  Devil’s  Den.  But  the  morning  of  July  3 
revealed  the  Federal  Fifth  Corps,  supported  by  the 
Sixth  Corps,  in  complete  possession  of  both  Round 
Tops,  with  their  riflemen  behind  strong  works  and 
supported  by  heavy  artillery.  Moreover,  Kilpatrick’s 
cavalry  was  threatening  Longstreet’s  right  flank. 
When  Lee  stood  before  Round  Top,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  July  3,  and  saw  the  strength  of  Meade’s 
left,  he  immediately  changed  his  general  plan. 
Ewell’s  battle  on  Culp’s  Hill  was  every  moment 
roaring  out  a call  for  aid.  Lee,  therefore,  ordered 
Longstreet  to  organise  a column  of  attack  against 
the  Federal  centre  on  Cemetery  Ridge  and,  after 
that,  in  conjunction  with  Ewell,  to  assail  from  op- 
posite directions  the  curved  position  held  by  the 
Federal  right  wing.  Hood  and  McLaws  were  to 
keep  the  Federal  left  wing  engaged  and  to  make 
an  advance  when  the  opportunity  came.*  The  two 
lines  of  the  column  of  attack  against  Hancock’s 
position  were  composed  of  Pickett’s  division  of 
Longstreet’s  corps  on  the  right,  and  Pettigrew’s 
(Heth’s)  division  of  Hill’s  corps.  Wilcox’s  brigade 
and  Perry’s  brigade  of  Anderson’s  division  were 
ordered  to  guard  Pickett’s  right  flank,  while  Trim- 
ble was  to  lead  the  brigades  of  Lane  and  Scales 
to  the  support  of  Pettigrew.  “ General  Hill  was 

* Some  of  Lee’s  staff-officers  state  that  Longstreet  was  ordered 
to  support  Pickett  with  the  divisions  of  McLaws  and  Hood.  It  was 
impossible,  however,  to  withdraw  these  divisions  in  order  to  move 
them  against  Meade’s  centre.  Lee  evidently  expected  them  to  attack 
Meade’s  left  wing  as  soon  as  Pickett  should  seize  the  Federal  centre. 


312 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


directed,”  says  Lee,  “ to  hold  his  line  with  the 
rest  of  his  command,  afford  General  Longstreet 
further  assistance,  if  required,  and  avail  himself 
of  any  success  that  might  be  gained.”  Ewell’s 
battle  was  still  raging  on  Culp’s  Hill  when  Lee 
gave  the  order  to  attack.  He  was  confident  that 
this  column  could  break  through  Meade’s  line  at  the 
point  where  Wright’s  brigade  had  cut  it  in  twain  on 
the  previous  evening,  and  then  assist  Ewell  in  crush- 
ing the  Federal  right  wing.  Lee  pointed  out  to 
Longstreet  as  the  objective  point  of  attack,  the 
famous  ‘‘  clump  of  trees  ” near  the  middle  part  of 
Hancock’s  line,  occupied  by  the  Federal  Second 
Corps  and  two  divisions  of  the  First  Corps.  As  Lee 
stood  upon  the  field  won  the  previous  day,  and 
looked  eastward  from  the  Emmittsburg  road  toward 
Cemetery  Ridge,  the  country  seemed  almost  level. 
With  the  exception  of  the  stone  walls  behind  which 
his  men  protected  themselves,  Hancock’s  position, 
in  itself,  was  not  of  great  strength.  Lee  proposed 
to  protect  the  flanks  of  his  attacking  column  by  ad- 
vancing his  cannon.  First,  however,  he  gave  orders 
to  neutralise  the  power  of  the  Federal  guns  in  his 
front  by  the  concentrated  fire  of  his  own  artillery. 

At  io  A.M.  E.  P.  Alexander  had  in  readiness  for 
action  along  the  Emmittsburg  road  a battery  of 
seventy-five  guns.  To  his  left,  on  Seminary  Ridge, 
R.  L.  Walker’s  park  of  sixty-three  cannon  was  pre- 
pared for  battle.  It  was  expected  that  their  fire 
would  silence  the  Federal  batteries,  and  then  was 
Longstreet’s  column  to  “ advance  under  cover  of 
the  combined  fire  ” of  the  Confederate  guns.  Lee 


863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


3i3 


says:  “The  batteries  were  directed  to  be  pushed 
forward  as  the  infantry  progressed,  protect  their 
flanks,  and  support  their  attacks  closely.’’  He 
wished  to  repeat  the  artillery  tactics  that  had 
brought  success  on  the  first  day’s  battle  against 
Hooker  at  Chancellorsville.  At  nine  o’clock  Pickett 
and  Pettigrew  were  in  line  on  the  Ridge.  Long- 
street  was  not  in  favour  of  making  the  assault ; and 
three  hours  passed  away  in  unnecessary  delay  before 
the  battle  was  opened.  These  three  hours  brought 
to  a close  Ewell’s  desperate  fight  on  the  slope  of 
Culp’s  Hill.  With  his  repulse  Lee’s  chances  for 
success  against  Meade’s  centre  and  right  were  less 
favourable.  At  twelve  o’clock  the  nine  brigades 
intended  for  the  assault  were  moved  forward  to  the 
edge  of  the  woods;  in  their  front,  skirting  the  open 
fields  were  the  Confederate  guns.  Longstreet  states 
that  he  was  so  opposed  to  the  movement  that  he 
asked  Alexander  to  order  Pickett  into  the  charge 
when  the  favourable  moment  should  arrive.  At  one 
o’clock  the  artillery  duel  began;  Lee’s  guns  drew 
upon  them  the  fire  of  eighty  Federal  cannon.  The 
crash  and  the  roar  of  that  fearful  cannonade  from 
more  than  two  hundred  guns  was  of  surpassing 
grandeur.  The  two  ridges,  fourteen  hundred  yards 
apart,  were  like  blazing  volcanoes.  Their  crests 
were  wreathed  in  flame  and  smoke.  Upon  the  in- 
tervening fields  there  settled  down  a dense,  dark 
battle-cloud.  The  heavens  seemed  full  of  scream- 
ing, bursting  shells.  Both  sides  suffered.  The 
Confederate  aim  was  accurate  and  swept  the  Ceme- 
tery Ridge;  no  infantry  dared  move  along  that  ele- 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1863 


314 

vation,  and  the  Federal  line  of  battle  lay  crouching 
behind  the  stone  fence  near  the  summit.  Francis 
A.  Walker  states  that 

“ the  whole  space  behind  Cemetery  Ridge  was  in  a moment  ren- 
dered uninhabitable.  General  headquarters  were  broken  up  ; the 
supply  and  reserve  ammunition  trains  were  driven  out ; motley  hordes 
of  camp  followers  poured  down  the  Baltimore  pike,  or  spread  over 
the  fields  to  the  rear.  Upon  every  side  caissons  exploded  ; horses 
were  struck  down  by  hundreds  ; the  air  was  filled  with  flying  mis- 
siles ; shells  tore  up  the  ground  and  then  bounded  for  another  and 
perhaps  more  deadly  flight,  or  burst  above  the  crouching  troops  and 
sent  their  ragged  fragments  down  in  deadly  showers.  Never  had  a 
storm  so  dreadful  burst  upon  mortal  men.” 


After  thirty  minutes  the  Federal  fire  began  to 
slacken  and  the  eighteen  guns  in  the  Cemetery  lim- 
bered up  and  withdrew.*  Alexander  wrote  to 
Pickett,  “ If  you  are  coming  at  all  you  must  come 
at  once.”  Pickett  sought  Longstreet  and  said, 
“ General,  shall  I advance  ? ” but  Longstreet  was 
silent.  Pickett  saluted  and  cried  out,  “ Sir,  I shall 
lead  my  division  forward,”  and  ordered  his  men 
into  the  charge.  Pickett’s  three  brigades  of  Vir- 
ginians and  Heth’s  four  brigades  of  North  Caro- 
linians, Tennesseans,  Alabamians,  Mississippians, 
and  Virginians  under  Pettigrew  moved  out  of  the 
woods  and  advanced  slowly  toward  the  Emmittsburg 
road.  The  two  lines  of  glittering  bayonets  were  in 
strong  contrast  with  the  dull  grey  garments  of  the 

* This  was  due  in  part  to  the  accuracy  of  the  Confederate  fire, 
and  in  part  to  Meade’s  order  to  husband  the  ammunition  for  the 
anticipated  charge. 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


3i5 


ragged  heroes.  Behind  Pettigrew’s  right  flank 
marched  Trimble  with  two  brigades  of  North  Caro- 
linians. Wilcox  was  expected  to  strengthen  Pickett’s 
right  flank  with  his  brigade  of  Alabamians.  Twelve 
thousand  riflemen  were  now  moving  across  the  open 
plain,  fourteen  hundred  yards  in  width.  After 
passing  the  Confederate  batteries,  Pickett’s  division 
changed  direction  to  the  left,  and  pressed  toward  the 
salient  in  Hancock’s  line.  At  first,  a deep  silence 
reigned  upon  the  entire  field.  Half  the  distance  was 
completed  before  the  fire  became  serious  from  the 
Federal  guns  in  the  Cemetery  and  on  the  Round 
Tops.  The  Confederates  gallantly  advanced  over 
the  post-and-rail  fences  at  the  Emmittsburg  road,  to 
meet  the  canister  and  musketry  fire  directly  in  their' 
front. 

At  this  crisis  in  the  battle,  the  artillery  failed  to 
play  the  part  which  General  Lee  expected.  The 
Federal  guns  reopened  their  fire,  but  the  Confederate 
batteries  had  nearly  exhausted  their  ammunition  in 
the  hour’s  cannonade  and  “ were  unable  to  reply,” 
says  Lee,  “ or  render  the  necessary  support  to  the 
attacking  party.  Owing  to  this  fact,  which  was  un- 
known to  me  when  the  assault  took  place,  the  enemy 
was  enabled  to  throw  a strong  force  of  infantry 
against  our  left,  already  wavering  under  a concen- 
trated fire  of  artillery.” 

Lee  expected  his  guns  to  move  forward  as  a part 
of  the  attacking  column.  Alexander  held  nine 
howitzers  in  reserve,  intending  to  ” take  them  ahead 
of  Pickett  up  nearly  to  musket  range  ” but  they 
were  removed  without  his  sanction  and  he  failed  to 


3 1 6 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1863 


find  them.  When  Pickett  advanced,  Alexander 
selected  the  guns  that  still  possessed  ammunition, 
about  fifteen  in  number,  and  moved  them  forward 
behind  Pickett’s  division.  But  the  failure  to  keep 
the  chests  filled  from  the  reserve  train  left  the  Con- 
federate guns  practically  silent  at  the  moment  when 
Pickett  and  Pettigrew  stood  face  to  face  with  Han- 
cock at  the  stone  wall  on  Cemetery  Ridge. 

The  Federal  guns  in  the  Cemetery  began  to  wear 
away  the  left  end  of  Pettigrew’s  line,  and  Trimble 
advanced  to  mingle  his  tw'o  brigades  with  Petti- 
grew’s right.  Pickett’s  right  was  thrown  in  toward 
the  centre  of  the  column  by  the  flank  attack  of 
Stannard’s  Vermont  brigade.  The  Round  Top  guns 
enfiladed  his  line.  But  the  casualties  were  not  yet 
very  great.  When  the  column  was  within  one  hun- 
dred yards  of  the  wall,  the  Federal  line  began  to  flee 
to  the  rear.  The  Confederate  muskets  flamed  forth 
in  a fierce  volley,  and  with  a far-resounding  yell  the 
left  of  Pickett’s  division  and  the  right  of  Pettigrew 
and  Trimble  rushed  upon  the  stone  wall,  and  took 
possession.  Prisoners  were  captured,  and  the  Fed- 
eral guns  on  the  crest  were  silenced.  Pettigrew’s 
left  pressed  up  against  the  Federal  works,  and 
Kemper  on  Pickett’s  right  fought  hand  to  hand  with 
Stannard.  Carnage  and  death  reigned  upon  both 
flanks.  Nearly  every  Federal  and  Confederate  offi- 
cer above  the  grade  of  captain  lay  bleeding  among 
the  hundreds  of  fallen  soldiers. 

Armistead’s  brigade,  forming  Pickett’s  second 
line,  rushed  up  to  the  stone  wall,  almost  at  the  same 
moment  with  the  front  line.  For  several  minutes 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


317 


there  were  no  enemies  immediately  before  them. 
Norman  J.  Hall,  commanding  a Federal  brigade, 
thus  makes  report : 

“ A portion  of  the  line  of  General  Webb  on  my  right  had  given 
way,  and  many  men  were  making  to  the  rear  as  fast  as  possible. 
. . . I was  forced  to  order  my  own  brigade  back  from  the  line 

and  move  it  by  the  flank  under  a heavy  fire.  The  enemy  was  rapidly 
gaining  a foothold  ; organisation  was  mostly  lost  ; in  the  confusion, 
commands  were  useless,  while  a disposition  on  the  part  of  the  men 
to  fall  back  a pace  or  two  each  time  to  load  gave  the  line  a retiring 
direction.” 

A long  space  in  Meade’s  centre  acknowledged  the 
supremacy  of  the  Stars  and  Bars.  The  presence  of 
Confederate  artillery  would  undoubtedly  have  held 
the  captured  works. 

A fresh  line  of  Federal  troops  advanced  to  the 
crest  and  opened  fire,  but  the  Confederates  drove 
them  back  with  repeated  volleys.  Then  Armistead 
placed  his  hat  on  the  point  of  his  sword  and  sprang 
over  the  stone  wall  with  the  cry,  “ Boys,  we  must 
use  the  cold  steel;  who  will  follow  me  ? ” The  Vir- 
ginians followed  the  grim  hero  as  he  rushed  beyond 
the  stone  wall  to  the  crest  of  the  Ridge  to  seize  the 
Federal  guns.  There  Armistead  fell,  and  his  men 
retired  to  the  wall  to  await  reinforcements.  Com- 
parative quiet  again  prevailed.  Lieutenant  G.  W. 
Finley  had  time  to  cast  a careful  look  backward 
over  the  field  of  Pickett’s  advance  and  was  “ sur- 
prised to  see  comparatively  so  few  men  lying  dead 
or  wounded  on  the  field.”  A voice  from  the  ranks, 
without  authority,  ordered  a retreat,  and  many 
turned  to  flee.  Fearful  slaughter  was  visited  upon 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


318 

them  as  they  sought  to  escape.  The  Federal  troops 
from  the  flanks  then  swarmed  around  the  men  at 
the  wall  and  led  away  four  thousand  prisoners. 

A full  half-hour  after  the  advance  of  the  main 
column,  Longstreet  sent  Wilcox  forward  to  support 
Pickett’s  right.  Perry  lent  aid  to  Wilcox.  They 
met  the  fragments  of  Pickett’s  right  regiments  re- 
turning from  the  assault,  and  Wilcox  himself  was 
driven  back  with  loss.  Anderson’s  division  of  Hill’s 
corps  stood  ready  to  advance  on  Pettigrew’s  left, 
but  Longstreet  kept  him  out  of  the  battle.  Mc- 
Laws  stood  at  Wilcox’s  right  hand,  but  received  no 
order  to  deliver  battle.  An  earlier  advance  of  Wil- 
cox and  Perry  on  Pickett’s  right  and  of  Anderson’s 
remaining  brigades  on  Pettigrew’s  left,  even  with- 
out the  artillery,  would  most  probably  have  given  a 
great  victory  to  Lee. 

Lee  sat  upon  his  horse  near  E.  P.  Alexander’s 
guns  to  watch  the  return  of  his  brave  column.  His 
bearing  was  calm  and  self-possessed.  Alexander 
makes  the  remark  that  Lee 


“had  the  instincts  of  a soldier  within  him  as  strongly  as  any  man. 
. . . No  soldier  could  have  looked  on  at  Pickett’s  charge  and  not 

burned  to  be  in  it.  To  have  a personal  part  in  a close  and  desperate 
fight  at  that  moment  would,  I believe,  have  been  at  heart  a great 
pleasure  to  General  Lee,  and  possibly  he  was  looking  for  one.” 

Colonel  Fremantle  of  the  English  army,  an  eye- 
witness, thus  describes  the  Confederate  leader: 

“ General  Lee  was  perfectly  sublime.  He  was  engaged  in  rally- 
ing and  encouraging  the  broken  troops  and  was  riding  about,  a little 
in  front  of  the  wood,  quite  alone — the  whole  of  his  staff  being  en- 


18631  Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run.  3 1 9 


gaged  in  a similar  manner  farther  to  the  rear.  His  face,  which  is 
always  placid  and  cheerful,  did  not  show  signs  of  the  slightest  disap- 
pointment, care  or  annoyance,  and  he  was  addressing  to  every  soldier 
he  met  a few  words  of  encouragement  ; such  as  : * All  this  will  come 
right  in  the  end  ; we  '11  talk  it  over  afterward  ; but  in  the  meantime 
all  good  men  must  rally.’  . . . He  spoke  to  all  the  wounded 

men  that  passed  him,  and  the  slightly  wounded  he  exhorted  to  bind 
up  their  hurts  and  ‘take  a musket’  in  this  emergency.  Very  few 
failed  to  answer  his  appeal,  and  I saw  badly  wounded  men  take  off 
their  hats  and  cheer  him. 

“ General  Wilcox  now  came  up  to  him  and  in  very  depressed  tones 
of  annoyance  and  vexation,  explained  the  state  of  his  brigade.  But 
General  Lee  immediately  shook  hands  with  him  and  said,  in  a cheer- 
ful mannner : ‘Never  mind,  General;  all  this  has  been  my  fault. 
It  is  I that  have  lost  this  fight,  and  you  must  help  me  out  of  it  the 
best  way  you  can.’  In  this  manner  did  General  Lee,  wholly  ignor- 
ing self  and  position,  encourage  and  reanimate  his  somewhat  dis- 
spirited  troops,  and  magnanimously  take  upon  his  own  shoulders  the 
whole  weight  of  the  repulse.  It  was  impossible  to  look  at  him,  or  to 
listen  to  him,  without  feeling  the  strongest  admiration.” 

During  the  battle  of  the  afternoon,  Farnsworth 
led  a cavalry  charge  against  the  Confederate  right 
and  rear,  only  to  reap  disaster.  On  the  Confeder- 
ate left,  Stuart  arrayed  his  horsemen  and  attempted 
to  get  possession  of  the  Baltimore  turnpike  in  the 
Federal  rear.  Gregg’s  cavalry  confronted  him.  A 
series  of  charges  and  counter-charges  took  place  in 
which  Hampton  was  wounded.  Stuart  fought  a 
gallant  battle,  but  Gregg  maintained  his  position. 

Lee  stood  with  guns  in  position  on  Seminary 
Ridge  ready  to  receive  Meade’s  assault.  But  the 
Federal  army  was  not  in  condition  to  deliver  offens- 
ive battle.  Only  through  the  most  desperate  fight- 
ing had  it  been  able  to  maintain  itself  behind  strong 
works.  The  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners  on 


320 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


both  sides  was  terrific.  The  armies  had  torn  each 
other  almost  to  fragments  and  neither  was  capable  of 
making  another  assault.  Over  twenty-three  thousand 
names  were  erased  from  the  list  of  ninety-five  thou- 
sand who  followed  Meade  into  the  battle.  Lee’s  loss 
was  a little  over  twenty  thousand  out  of  a total  of 
about  fifty-eight  thousand  men  engaged  in  the  fight, 
including  the  cavalry.  This  estimate  included  a 
number  of  stragglers  who  afterwards  returned  to  the 
Confederate  ranks.  Among  the  brave  dead  were 
Armistead,  Garnett,  Pender,  Barksdale,  and  Sem- 
mes.  Kemper,  Pettigrew,  Hood,  Trimble,  Heth, 
Scales,  G.  T.  Anderson,  Jenkins,  and  Hampton 
were  seriously  wounded,  and  Archer  was  left  a 
prisoner.  Concerning  the  result  of  the  conflict, 
Lee  says:  “ The  severe  loss  sustained  by  the  army, 
and  the  reduction  of  its  ammunition,  rendered 
another  attempt  to  dislodge  the  enemy  inadvisable, 
and  it  was,  therefore,  determined  to  withdraw.” 

On  July  4,  Lee  stood  the  entire  day  in  defiant  at- 
titude, awaiting  Meade’s  advance.  The  latter  was 
wise  enough  to  know  that  disaster  would  follow  an 
assault.  Lee  started  all  his  impedimenta  toward  the 
Potomac,  and  during  the  night  of  the  4th  withdrew 
his  entire  army  in  good  order  via  Fairfield.  Ewell’s 
corps,  as  Lee’s  rearguard,  did  not  leave  Gettysburg 
until  the  forenoon  of  July  5.  He  thus  compelled 
Meade  to  follow  him  by  circuitous  routes  through 
the  passes  to  the  southward.  The  morale  of  the 
Confederate  army  was  unimpaired.  The  men  were 
ready  for  battle  at  any  hour.  They  ascribed  their 
repulse  on  the  third  day  solely  to  the  advantage- 


18631 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


12  i 


ous  position  of  the  Federal  army.  Upon  the  field 
of  Gettysburg  their  honour  had  remained  untarn- 
ished. In  nearly  every  part  of  the  struggle  they 
had  contended  against  superior  numbers.  Even  in 
Pennsylvania,  as  upon  all  other  fields,  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  man  for  man,  greatly  out-fought 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

July  6 found  Lee’s  army  at  Hagerstown;  his 
trains  stood  at  Williamsport,  checked  in  their  prog- 
ress by  the  swollen  Potomac.  The  Confederates 
established  themselves  behind  intrenchments  cover- 
ing the  ford  at  Williamsport  and  the  bridge  at  Fall- 
ing Waters.  Stuart  was  indefatigable  in  guarding 
both  flanks.  With  great  caution,  Meade  marched 
through  Frederick  and  Middletown.  The  battle  of 
Gettysburg  had  left  him  about  forty-seven  thousand 
effective  men  out  of  his  original  ninety-five  thousand. 
The  authorities  at  Washington  grew  bolder  with  the 
lapse  of  time  and  urged  Meade  to  destroy  Lee’s 
army  at  once.  French  brought  forward  eleven 
thousand  Federal  veterans,  while  Couch  and  Smith 
led  to  Meade’s  aid  a swarm  of  militia.  July  ii  saw 
Meade  carefully  bridging  the  Antietam,  and  the  I2th 
brought  him  within  view  of  Lee’s  position  near  the 
Potomac.  There  he  speedily  placed  fortifications  in 
front  of  the  Federal  army.  Meade  called  a council 
of  war,  but  his  subordinates  were  almost  unanimous 
against  the  policy  of  attacking  Lee’s  thin  line. 
They  knew  well  enough  the  unconquerable  spirit  of 
the  Confederates,  who  were  eagerly  awaiting  an 
opportunity  to  defend  their  position.  Lee  himself 

said  of  his  soldiers  at  this  juncture,  “ Our  noble 
21 


322 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


men  are  cheerful  and  confident.”  He  wrote  to 
President  Davis  again  urging  the  assembling  of  an 
army  from  the  Southern  coast,  and  its  advance 
under  Beauregard  to  “ make  a demonstration  upon 
Washington.” 

“ I hope  your  Excellency  will  understand,”  he  continued,  “ that  I 
am  not  in  the  least  discouraged,  or  that  my  faith  in  the  protection  of 
an  all-merciful  Providence,  or  in  the  fortitude  of  this  army,  is  at  all 
shaken.  But,  though  conscious  that  the  enemy  has  been  much  shat- 
tered in  the  recent  battle,  I am  aware  that  he  can  be  easily  reinforced, 
while  no  addition  can  be  made  to  our  numbers.” 

On  July  ii,  while  Meade  drew  nigh,  Lee  issued 
the  following  address  to  his  soldiers: 

“ After  long  and  trying  marches,  endured  with  the  fortitude  that 
has  ever  characterised  the  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
you  have  penetrated  the  country  of  our  enemies,  and  recalled  to  the 
defence  of  their  own  soil  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  invasion  of 
ours.  You  have  fought  a fierce  and  sanguinary  battle,  which,  if  not 
attended  with  the  success  that  has  hitherto  crowned  your  efforts,  was 
marked  by  the  same  heroic  spirit  that  has  commanded  the  respect  of 
your  enemies,  the  gratitude  of  your  country,  and  the  admiration  of 
mankind. 

“ Once  more  you  are  called  upon  to  meet  the  army  from  which 
you  have  won  on  so  many  fields  a name  that  will  never  die. 

Let  every  soldier  remember  that  on  his  courage  and  fidelity  depends 
all  that  makes  life  worth  having — the  freedom  of  his  country,  the 
honour  of  his  people,  and  the  security  of  his  home.  . . .” 

On  July  13,  the  river-flood  was  within  its  banks 
again  and  during  the  night  Ewell’s  corps  waded  the 
Potomac  at  Williamsport.  Longstreet  and  Hill  be- 
gan to  cross  the  pontoon  bridge  at  Falling  Waters. 
Stuart  defended  the  rear  witli  such  success  that 
Meade  did  not  discover  the  Confederate  movement 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


323 


until  it  was  practically  completed.  The  Federal 
cavalry  pressed  forward  against  Hill’s  rear  only  to 
feel  the  strength  of  Heth’s  division;  the  brave 
Pettigrew  was  slain  in  this  rearguard  skirmish. 
Noonday  saw  the  three  Confederate  corps  on  the 
Virginia  side  of  the  river,  and  Meade  was  left  aston- 
ished at  the  consummate  skill  shown  in  the  method 
of  Lee’s  withdrawal.  The  spirit  of  aggressiveness 
had  been  hammered  out  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
at  Gettysburg,  and  Meade  was  henceforth  held  care- 
fully between  Lee  and  the  city  of  Washington. 

From  the  lower  valley,  on  July  15,  Lee  wrote  as 
follows : 

“ The  army  has  returned  to  Virginia.  Its  return  is  rather  sooner 
than  I had  originally  contemplated,  but,  having  accomplished  much 
of  what  I proposed  on  leaving  the  Rappahannock — namely,  relieving 
the  valley  of  the  presence  of  the  enemy  and  drawing  his  army  north 
of  the  Potomac — I determined  to  recross  the  latter  river.  The 
enemy,  after  centring  his  forces  in  our  front  [at  Williamsport],  be- 
gan to  fortify  himself  in  his  position  and  bring  up  his  troops,  militia, 
etc.,  and  those  around  Washington  and  Alexandria.  This  gave  him 
enormous  odds.  It  also  circumscribed  our  limits  for  procuring  sub- 
sistence for  men  and  animals,  which,  with  the  uncertain  state  of  the 
river,  rendered  it  hazardous  for  us  to  continue  on  the  north  side. 

. . . I hope  we  will  yet  be  able  to  damage  our  adversaries  when 

they  meet  us,  and  that  all  will  go  right  with  us.  That  it  should  be 
so  we  must  implore  the  forgiveness  of  God  for  our  sins  and  the  con- 
tinuance of  His  blessings.  There  is  nothing  but  His  Almighty 
power  can  sustain  us.  God  bless  you  all. 


Meade  followed  McClellan’s  plan  of  the  previous 
autumn,  and  crossed  the  Potomac  into  the  regions 
east  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  Federal  Third  Corps 
looked  cautiously  through  the  passes  of  the  Ridge 


324 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


as  Lee  moved  up  the  valley,  to  throw  his  army 
across  Meade’s  path  at  Culpeper  on  July  24.  Opera- 
tions upon  a wider  field  now  claimed  the  attention 
of  both  armies.  Meade  sent  troops  to  assist  in  be- 
leaguering Charleston  and  also  to  suppress  the  riots 
in  New  York  due  to  the  enforced  enlistment  of  Fed- 
eral recruits.  Lee  was  called  upon  to  face  the  re- 
sults of  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  the  depletion  in 
strength  of  the  Confederate  armies. 

Perhaps  the  most  serious  obstacle  to  the  ultimate 
success  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  was  the  Federal 
control  of  ocean  and  rivers.  Water  routes  of  com- 
munication enabled  the  North  to  attack  salient 
points  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  Confederacy  was 
cut  in  twain  by  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  the  conse- 
quent loss  of  the  Mississippi  River.  The  strong- 
hold of  the  Confederates  was  now  limited  to  the 
southern  Appalachian  Mountains  and  their  slopes. 
The  Southern  people  were  isolated  from  the  rest  of 
the  world  by  a ring  of  fire.  Rosecrans  was  advanc- 
ing into  Tennessee,  and  Charleston  was  fiercely 
assailed.  Wilmington  remained  as  the  only  port  of 
entry  for  the  blockade-runners  from  foreign  ports. 
Men,  horses,  cloth,  and  provisions  were  becoming 
every  day  more  scarce.  The  railroads  were  out  of 
order,  and  every  State  was  besieging  President  Davis 
with  demands  for  the  defence  of  its  borders.  Under 
the  stress  of  complaints  from  the  public  press,  Gen- 
eral Lee,  on  August  8,  wrote,  in  part,  as  follows  to 
President  Davis : 

“ . . . Everything  points  to  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 

a new  commander,  and  I the  more  anxiously  urge  the  matter  upon 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


325 


your  Excellency  from  my  belief  that  a younger  and  abler  man  than 
myself  can  readily  be  obtained.  I know  that  he  will  have  as  gallant 
and  brave  an  army  as  ever  existed  to  second  his  efforts,  and  it  would 
be  the  happiest  day  of  my  life  to  see  at  its  head  a worthy  leader— one 
that  would  accomplish  more  than  I can  perform  and  all  that  I have 
wished.  I hope  your  Excellency  will  attribute  my  request  to  the  true 
reason — the  desire  to  serve  my  country  and  to  do  all  in  my  power  to 
insure  the  success  of  her  righteous  cause.” 

To  this  letter,  Davis  replied,  in  part,  in  these  words : 


. . I am  truly  sorry  to  know  that  you  still  feel  the  effects  of 

the  illness  you  suffered  last  spring,  and  can  readily  understand  the 
embarrassments  you  experience  in  using  the  eyes  of  others,  having 
been  so  much  accustomed  to  make  your  own  reconnaissances.  . . . 
But  suppose,  my  dear  friend,  that  I were  to  admit,  with  all  their  im- 
plications, the  points  which  you  present,  where  am  I to  find  that 
new  commander  who  is  to  possess  the  greater  ability  which  you  be- 
lieve to  be  required.  . . . To  ask  me  to  substitute  you  by  some 

one  in  my  judgment  more  fit  to  command,  or  who  would  possess 
more  of  the  confidence  of  the  army,  or  of  the  reflecting  men  of  the 
country,  is  to  demand  an  impossibility.” 

Lee’s  appeals  for  men  were  heard  and  his  roll  of 
August  10  numbered  fifty-eight  thousand  six  hun- 
dred “ present  for  duty.”  Early  in  September, 
Longstreet  led  away  two  divisions  to  assist  Bragg  in 
holding  Tennessee  against  Rosecrans,  and  Pickett’s 
division  was  moved  to  Petersburg.  This  left  Lee  in 
command  of  about  forty-six  thousand  men.  Upon 
his  departure  Longstreet  wrote  this  to  Lee:  “ Our 
affections  for  you  are  stronger,  if  it  is  possible  for 
them  to  be  stronger,  than  our  admiration  for  you.” 

Meade  advanced  in  force  to  Culpeper,  and  Lee 
stood  on  the  defensive  behind  the  Rapidan.  Lee 
sought  to  quiet  jealousies  among  his  own  soldiers 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


326 

from  different  States,  called  for  more  troops,  and 
then,  on  September  25,  wrote  as  follows  to  Long- 
street  concerning  the  battle  of  Chickamauga: 

“ My  whole  heart  and  soul  have  been  with  you  and  your  brave 
corps  in  your  late  battle.  It  was  natural  to  hear  of  Longstreet  and 
[D.  II.]  Hill  charging  side  by  side,  and  pleasing  to  find  the  armies 
of  the  east  and  west  vying  with  each  other  in  valour  and  devotion  to 
their  country.  . . . Finish  the  work  before  you,  my  dear  Gen- 

eral, and  return  to  me.  I want  you  badly,  and  you  cannot  get  back 
too  soon.” 

On  October  9,  Lee  advanced  his  army  across  the 
Rapidan  to  seek  battle  with  Meade.  By  concealed 
and  circuitous  routes,  he  passed  around  Meade’s 
right  flank  and  threatened  his  rear  via  Madison 
Court-House.  Meade  had  marched  all  the  way  from 
Gettysburg  to  find  a battle  with  Lee,  but  during  the 
night  of  October  10,  he  moved  backward  rapidly 
until  the  Rappahannock  rolled  between  the  two 
armies. 

Lee  then  crossed  the  river  at  the  Warrenton 
Springs  and  again  moved  around  Meade’s  right 
flank  to  Warrenton.  A halt  was  made  to  apportion 
food  to  the  troops.  The  delay  gave  Meade  the  op- 
portunity to  hasten  eastward  along  the  railroad  and 
thus  to  reach  Bristoe  Station  before  Lee  could  cut 
off  his  retreat.  Hill  led  Lee’s  advance-guard.  As 
Hill  drew  nigh  to  Bristoe  Station,  the  Fifth  Federal 
Corps  was  just  crossing  Broad  Run  in  front  of  the 
Confederates.  Without  a reconnaisance,  Hill  pushed 
parts  of  two  divisions  over  the  Run  to  attack  the 
rear  of  the  Fifth.  Suddenly  the  fire  of  Warren’s 
(Second)  corps  was  poured  into  Hill’s  flank  from 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Riin. 


327 


behind  the  railroad  embankment.  Nearly  fourteen 
hundred  Confederates  were  disabled  or  captured. 
The  tardiness  of  both  Hill  and  Ewell  had  permitted 
the  escape  of  Meade,  but  the  greater  tardiness  of 
Ewell  allowed  Warren  thus  to  assail  Hill’s  flank. 
Lee  listened  to  the  latter’s  words  of  excuse  for  the 
mortifying  disaster,  and  then  with  grave  sadness 
replied,  “ Well,  well,  General,  bury  these  poor  men 
and  let  us  say  no  more  about  it.”  Even  yet,  how- 
ever, Meade’s  situation  “ was  singularly  precarious,” 
says  one  of  his  own  officers,  for  his  waggon  trains 
were  massed  in  the  fields  away  from  the  roads.  At 
length  the  Federal  army  was  on  the  northern  side  of 
Bull  Run  and  fortified  itself  at  Centreville.  Lee 
then  decided  to  withdraw,  and  assigned  the  follow- 
ing reasons: 

“ Nothing  prevented  my  continuing  in  his  front  but  the  destitute 
condition  of  the  men,  thousands  of  whom  are  barefooted,  a greater 
number  partially  shod,  and  nearly  all  without  overcoats,  blankets  or 
warm  clothing.  I think  the  sublimest  sight  of  the  war  was  the 
cheerfulness  and  alacrity  exhibited  by  this  army  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
enemy  under  all  the  trials  and  privations  to  which  it  was  exposed.” 


While  the  Confederates  were  returning  toward  the 
Rapidan,  Stuart  gave  Meade’s  cavalry  a staggering 
blow  as  they  advanced  in  pursuit.  The  horse- 
men wrought  heroic  deeds  during  the  entire  cam- 
paign, both  in  the  pursuit  and  in  the  withdrawal. 
Lee  moved  the  main  body  of  his  troops  across  the 
Rappahannock  and  left  two  of  Early’s  brigades  on 
the  northern  bank  in  the  redoubts  near  the  site  of 
the  former  railroad  bridge.  A sudden  onset  of  the 


328 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


advanced  Federal  brigades  in  the  late  evening  of 
November  7,  secured  possession  of  the  redoubts  be- 
fore aid  could  be  sent  to  Early’s  troops.  Sixteen 
hundred  prisoners,  eight  colours,  and  several  guns  be- 
came Federal  spoil.  Just  before  this  disaster  Lee 
wrote  as  follows  to  his  wife : 

“ I moved  yesterday  into  a nice  pine  thicket,  and  Perry  is  to-day 
engaged  in  constructing  a chimney  in  front  of  my  tent  which  will 
make  it  warm  and  comfortable.  I have  no  idea  when  Fitzhugh 
[General  W.  H.  F.  Lee]  will  be  exchanged.  The  Federal  authori- 
ties still  resist  all  exchanges,  because  they  think  it  is  to  our  interest 
to  make  them.  Any  desire  expressed  on  our  part  for  the  exchange 
of  any  individual  magnifies  the  difficulty,  as  they  at  once  think  some 
great  benefit  is  to  result  to  us  from  it.  His  detention  is  very  griev- 
ous to  me,  and,  besides,  I want  his  services.  I am  glad  you  have 
some  socks  for  the  army.  Send  them  to  me.  They  will  come  safely 
Tell  the  girls  to  send  all  they  can.  I wish  they  could  make  some 
shoes,  too.  We  have  thousands  of  barefooted  men.  There  is  no 
news.  General  Meade,  I believe,  is  repairing  the  railroad,  and  I 
presume  will  come  on  again.  If  I could  only  get  some  shoes  and 
clothes  for  the  men  I would  save  him  the  trouble.” 


After  Lee  returned  to  the  southern  bank  of  the 
Rapidan,  Meade  essayed  a movement  of  the  Na- 
poleonic sort.  At  the  dawn  of  November  26  he 
ordered  the  Fifth  and  First  Corps  to  cross  the  Rapi- 
dan at  Culpeper  Mine  ford ; the  Second  Corps  was 
expected  to  cross  at  the  Germanna  ford,  while  the 
Third  and  Sixth  were  to  seek  passage  higher  up  the 
stream.  This  host  in  five  bands  was  expected  to 
seize  the  Orange  turnpike  and  the  plank  road,  which 
run  parallel  to  the  Rapidan,  and  to  follow  these 
highways  up-stream  against  Lee’s  right  flank.  The 
Rapidan  banks  were  difficult ; other  causes  assisted 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


3“9 


in  delaying  Meade  an  entire  day.  The  Third  Corps 
moved  too  far  to  the  right  on  the  27th,  and  ran 
against  Edward  Johnson’s  division  of  Ewell’s  corps. 
Stuart’s  vigilance  had  brought  Lee  the  news,  and 
the  swift  marching  of  Hill  united  his  corps  with 
Ewell  in  the  intrenchments  hastily  constructed  by 
the  troops  on  the  western  border  of  Mine  Run. 
This  forest  stream  seeks  the  Rapidan  in  a northward 
course  and  formed  the  right  flank  of  Lee’s  position. 
On  its  rugged  banks  Lee  arrayed  his  eager  veterans. 

The  gallant  Johnson  held  the  Federal  Third  Corps 
engaged,  and  thus  the  rest  of  the  Federal  army  was 
delayed.  When  Meade  advanced  on  the  morning 
of  the  28th  to  run  riot  in  Lee’s  camp,  he  was  con- 
fronted in  the  Wilderness  with  one  hundred  and 
fifty  guns  behind  heavy  works.  Meade  paused  to 
devise  further  strategic  movements.  Warren  led  the 
Federal  Second  Corps  and  a part  of  the  Sixth  to  turn 
Lee’s  right  flank.  Sedgwick  found  what  seemed  to  be 
a vulnerable  point  in  the  defences  of  Lee’s  left  wing. 
Warren’s  force  was  increased  to  twenty-six  thousand, 
and  Meade  gave  his  two  lieutenants  the  order  to  crush 
the  Confederate  flanks.  The  signal  guns  sounded 
early  on  the  morning  of  November  30.  Sedgwick 
on  the  Federal  right  was  ready  to  move.  Warren 
on  the  left  was  ready  but  unwilling  to  assault. 
During  the  night  Lee’s  heroes  had  thrown  up  heavy 
breastworks  and  adorned  them  with  cannon  for  the 
defence  of  their  right  flank.  Naught  but  wounds 
and  death  did  the  Federal  officers  anticipate  in  ad- 
vancing against  the  grim  Confederate  heroes.  With 
chagrin,  Meade  withdrew  his  troops  to  the  fields  of 


33° 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1863 


Culpeper.  Though  greatly  outnumbering  them,  he 
dared  not  attack  the  defiant  Confederate  veterans  of 
Gettysburg. 

Ten  days  before  this  movement,  on  November  19, 
President  Lincoln  delivered  his  celebrated  speech 
upon  the  Gettysburg  battle-ground.  He  said,  in 
part : 

“ Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth  on  this 
continent  a new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to  the 
proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  engaged  in 
a great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation,  or  any  nation  so 
conceived  and  so  dedicated , cati  long  endure .” 


The  address  was  a masterpiece  of  rhetorical  beauty 
and  also  of  the  art  of  shifting  great  issues.  The 
words  italicised  were  shrewdly  interpolated  as  ex- 
pressing a proposition  synonymous  with  the  testing 
of  the  experiment  of  nearly  a century.  That  ex- 
periment had  culminated  in  the  attempt  of  the  Fed- 
eral administration  to  invade  and  subdue  by  force 
of  arms  some  of  the  States  “ conceived  in  liberty.” 
Mr.  Lincoln’s  dialectical  skill  imposed  upon  his 
audience  the  belief  that  they  were  struggling  for  the 
perpetuity  of  any  government  by  the  people.  He 
thus  added  fresh  impetus  to  the  waning  energies  of 
those  who  had  accepted  his  legal  fiction  of  1861  that 
the  Federal  administration  was  striving  to  ‘‘save  the 
Union.”  The  Confederate  soldiers  were  striving 
for  the  principles  involved  in  the  italicised  words  of 
the  address.  The  Southern  heroes  who  died  upon 
the  field  of  Gettysburg,  and  those  who  lived  to  drive 
back  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  Mine  Run  were 


1863] 


Gettysburg  and  Mine  Run. 


331 


dedicated  to  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  set 
forth  in  Lee’s  address  to  his  army  at  Hagerstown 
on  July  11, — “ all  that  makes  life  worth  having — 
the  freedom  of  his  country,  the  honour  of  his  people, 
and  the  security  of  his  home.” 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  WILDERNESS. 

1864. 

HE  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  spent 
the  dreary  months  from  December, 
1863,  until  May,  1864,  upon  the  bluffs 
that  skirt  the  southern  bank  of  the 
Rapidan  River.  Behind  the  army  to 
the  southward  were  outspread  the  tangled  forests  of 
the  Piedmont  and  Tidewater  sections  of  central 
Virginia.  The  flight  of  the  bee  toward  the  rear  from 
the  position  of  the  Confederate  intrenchments  would 
pass  across  the  network  of  streams  that  feed  the 
York  and  the  James  rivers  and  at  the  distance  of 
sixty-five  miles  would  find  Richmond,  the  capital  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy.  The  Confederate  line 
of  defence  behind  the  Rapidan  was  twenty  miles  in 
length.  The  left  wing  under  A.  P.  Hill  lay  around 
Orange  Court-House.  The  right  wing  was  com- 
manded by  Ewell,  and  its  flank  was  made  strong  by 
the  works  that  followed  the  windings  of  Mine  Run. 
From  this  stronghold  the  Confederate  guns  frowned 
upon  every  avenue  of  approach  from  the  direction 

332 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  333 


of  Culpeper  Court-House.  The  latter  was  the 
adopted  home  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  ten 
miles  due  northward  from  the  central  point  of  Lee’s 
encampment.  The  worst-clad  and  the  worst-fed 
army,  perhaps,  ever  mustered  into  service  was  the 
band  of  Confederate  heroes  who  shivered  and  starved 
together  on  the  banks  of  the  Rapidan.  Rude  huts 
of  pine  and  oaken  logs,  furnished  inside  with  beds 
of  straw,  formed  the  habitations  of  both  officers  and 
men.  The  soldiers  were  clad  in  garments  made  up 
of  patches  and  fluttering  strings.  Very  few  pos- 
sessed comfortable  shoes.  Thousands  were  abso- 
lutely destitute  of  covering  for  head  or  foot.  The 
only  complete  outfits  were  the  products  of  hand- 
looms,  woven  by  wives,  mothers,  and  daughters  who 
kept  brave  watch  and  prosecuted  unmurmuring 
labours  in  the  old  plantation-homes. 

Hunger  was  the  most  inveterate  enemy  of  the 
Confederates  in  the  Rapidan  bivouac.  One  quarter 
of  a pound  of  fat  pork,  with  a little  meal  or  a little 
flour,  was  the  portion  of  food  assigned  daily  to  each 
man.  Very  frequently  the  pork  only  was  dealt  out, 
or  perhaps  the  meal,  or  a bundle  of  crackers.  This 
winter  of  1863  saw  the  climax  of  high  prices  due  to 
the  inflated  paper  currency  of  the  Confederacy. 
When  bacon  was  selling-for  eight-doilars  and  sugar 
for  twenty,. dollars  a pound,  beans  for  sixty  dollars 
and  corn-meal  for  fifty  dollars  a bushel,  the  result 
was  famine  in  the  army.  The  negro  servants  were 
still  faithful;  very  few,  except  along  the  border,  had 
been  enticed  into  the  North.  They  were  manifest- 
ing strong  affection  for  their  masters  by  cultivating 


334 


Robert  £.  Lee. 


[1864 


the  plantations  to  feed  the  Southern  armies  in  the 
field,  and  the  old  men,  women,  and  children  at 
home.  But  the  railways  were  dilapidated,  and  the 
rolling-stock  was  worn  out,  and  the  meat  and  corn 
and  flour  produced  in  the  far  South  could  not  be 
swiftly  borne  to  the  starving  men  who  were  defend- 
ing the  northern  threshold  of  the  Confederacy. 

General  Lee’s  winter  home  was  pitched  in  the 
midst  of  the  camp.  His  small  tent  stood  on  a steep 
hillside,  about  two  miles  northeast  of  Orange  Court- 
House.  Two  or  three  additional  tents  furnished  ac- 
commodations for  his  staff.  Only  the  man  himself 
was  there  to  indicate  the  presence  of  one  in  author- 
ity. General  Lee  shared  the  sufferings  and  priva- 
tions of  his  men.  He  allowed  himself  a small  ration 
of  meat  only  twice  a week  and  sometimes  declined 
even  that.  He  lived  on  corn-bread  or  crackers  or  a 
bit  of  cabbage  as  each  or  all  came  with  convenience. 
All  luxuries  sent  him  by  friends  went  invariably  to 
the  sick  and  wounded  in  the  hospitals.  In  reply  to 
remonstrances  he  would  always  say,  “ I am  content 
to  share  the  rations  of  my  men”  * 

* We  are  told  that  on  one  occasion  Lee  received  through  the  mail 
from  an  anonymous  private  soldier  a very  small  slice  of  salt  pork 
carefully  packed  between  two  oaken  chips,  with  the  statement  in  a 
letter  that  this  was  the  daily  ration  of  meat  ; the  writer  claimed  to  be 
unable  to  live  on  this  allowance  and,  although  a gentleman,  had  been 
compelled  to  steal.  But  the  Commander  himself  fared  no  more 
sumptuously.  It  is  stated  that  some  officers  once  came  to  dine  in 
General  Lee’s  tent.  The  fare  set  before  them  was  only  a plate  of 
boiled  cabbage  ; in  the  centre  of  the  dish  rested  a diminutive  slice 
of  bacon.  With  knife  well  poised  above  this  morsel,  General  Lee 
invited  each  guest  in  turn  to  receive  a portion.  But  the  small  size  of 
the  piece  of  bacon  led  them  all  to  decline.  The  meat  remained  on 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  335 


Lee’s  humility  of  spirit  seemed  to  increase,  if  pos- 
sible, day  by  day.  His  devout  trust  in  God  grew 
stronger  and  more  childlike.  His  great  heart  was 
full  of  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his  men,  and  for 
the  upbuilding  of  the  strength  of  his  army.  Upon 
himself  he  laid  the  lowliest  duties  in  order  to  relieve 
the  sufferings  of  his  soldiers.  The  man  who  always 
sat  upon  the  most  uncomfortable  seat  in  his  tent  lest 
some  one  else  might  secure  it,  could  also  bring  to 
the  army  for  distribution  the  socks  knit  by  his  wife 
and  daughters  and  other  devoted  women  of  Virginia. 

After  a visit  from  his  soldier-nephews,  Fitz,  John, 
and  Henry  Lee,  in  the  autumn  of  1863,  General  Lee 
wrote  this:  “ As  soon  as  I was  left  alone,  I com- 
mitted them  in  a fervent  prayer  to  the  care  and 
guidance  of  our  Heavenly  Father.”  When  the  City 
Council  of  Richmond  made  him  the  gift  of  a house, 
Lee  expressed  his  appreciation  of  the  kind  generosity 
of  the  Council,  and  added  these  words: 


“ The  house  is  not  necessary  for  the  use  of  my  family,  and  my 
own  duties  will  prevent  my  residence  in  Richmond.  I shall,  there- 
fore, be  compelled  to  decline  the  generous  offer,  and  trust  that  what- 
ever means  the  City  Council  may  have  to  spare  for  this  purpose  may 
be  devoted  to  the  relief  of  the  families  of  our  soldiers  in  the  field 
who  are  now  in  need  of  assistance,  and  more  deserving  of  it  than 
myself.” 

To  his  wife  he  wrote  the  following: 

the  plate  untouched  ; hunger  was  appeased  with  cabbage.  On  the 
following  day,  General  Lee  called  again  for  the  bit  of  swine-flesh, 
but  his  coloured  servant,  with  many  bows,  gave  the  information  that 
the  bacon  had  been  borrowed  to  grace  the  official  board  of  the  day 
before  and  had  been  already  returned  to  the  owner. 


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so-.  W.  H. 


M»roe  and  For:  Lafayette,  r-lti  Carr.  R.  H Tay- 


2sd  iti  prison*  n isci  chiklfcti  wcr^  stnc&6& 

— hh  sickness  ever.  c:n:o  dea:h  The  elder  dmr.er 


338 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


G.  W.  Custis  Lee,  through  the  agency  of  a flag  of 
truce,  asked  permission  of  the  Federal  authorities  to 
take  his  brother’s  place  and  to  die,  if  needs  be,  in  his 
stead.  But  the  rules  of  warfare  would  not  permit 
the  exchange.  When  the  wife  and  children  died, 
the  sorrowful  event  drew  from  General  Lee  this  let- 
ter, dated  December  27 : 

“ Custis’s  despatch  which  I received  last  night  demolished  all  the 
hopes  in  which  I had  been  indulging,  during  the  day,  of  dear  Char- 
lotte’s recovery.  It  has  pleased  God  to  take  from  us  one  exceedingly 
dear  to  us,  and  we  must  be  resigned  to  His  holy  will.  She,  I trust, 
will  enjoy  peace  and  happiness  forever,  while  we  must  patiently 
struggle  on  under  all  the  ills  that  may  be  in  store  for  us.  What  a 
glorious  thought  it  is  that  she  has  joined  her  little  cherubs  and  our 
angel  Annie  in  heaven  ! Thus  is  link  by  link  of  the  strong  chain 
broken  that  binds  us  to  earth,  and  smooths  our  passage  to  another 
world.  Oh,  that  we  may  be  at  last  united  in  that  haven  of  rest, 
where  trouble  and  sorrow  never  enter,  to  join  in  an  everlasting  chorus 
of  praise  and  glory  to  our  Lord  and  Saviour.  I grieve  for  our  lost 
darling  as  a father  only  can  grieve  for  a daughter,  and  my  sorrow  is 
heightened  by  the  thought  of  the  anguish  her  death  will  cause  our 
dear  son,  and  the  poignancy  it  will  give  to  the  bars  of  his  prison. 
May  God  in  His  mercy  enable  him  to  bear  the  blow  He  has  so  sud- 
denly dealt,  and  sanctify  it  to  his  everlasting  happiness.”  * 

When  General  Lee  received  the  suggestion  that 
he  should  give  to  his  youngest  son  a position  on  his 
staff,  he  thus  replied  : 

“ . . . His  company  would  be  a great  pleasure  and  comfort  to 

me,  and  he  would  be  extremely  useful  in  various  ways,  but  I am 
opposed  to  officers  surrounding  themselves  with  their  sons  and  rela- 

* In  March,  1864,  General  W.  H.  F.  Lee  was  exchanged  and  re- 
turned to  his  cavalry  brigade  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  Wilderness 
campaign. 


ROBERT  E.  LEE,  Jr., 

YOUNGEST  SON  OF  GENERAL  R.  E.  LEE. 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  339 


tives.  It  is  wrong  in  principle,  and  in  that  case  selections  would 
be  made  from  private  and  social  relations  rather  than  for  the  pub- 
lic good.  There  is  the  same  objection  to  going  with  Fitz  Lee. 
I should  prefer  Rob’s  being  in  the  line  in  an  independent  position, 
where  he  could  rise  by  his  own  merit  and  not  through  the  recom- 
mendation of  his  relatives.  I expect  him  here  soon,  when  I can 
better  see  what  he  himself  thinks.  The  young  men  have  no  fondness 
for  the  society  of  the  old  general.  He  is  too  heavy  and  sombre  for 
them.” 

A month  prior  to  the  writing  of  the  above-quoted 
letter,  General  Lee  sent  the  following  to  his  son 
Robert,  then  at  Charlottesville : 

. . Tell  Fitz  [General  Lee’s  nephew]  I grieve  over  the 

hardships  and  sufferings  of  his  men  in  their  late  expedition.  I 
would  have  preferred  his  waiting  for  more  favourable  weather.  He 
accomplished  much  under  the  circumstances,  but  would  have  done 
more  in  better  weather.  I am  afraid  he  was  anxious  to  get  back  to 
the  ball.  This  is  a bad  time  for  such  things.  We  have  too  grave 
subjects  on  hand  to  engage  in  such  trivial  amusements.  I would 
rather  his  officers  should  entertain  themselves  in  fattening  their 
horses,  healing  their  men,  and  recruiting  their  regiments.  There  are 
too  many  Lees  on  the  committee.  I like  them  all  to  be  present  at 
battles,  but  can  excuse  them  at  balls.  Rut  the  saying  is,  ‘Children 
will  be  children.’  I think  he  had  better  move  his  camp  farther  from 
Charlottesville,  and  perhaps  he  will  get  more  work  and  less  play.  He 
and  I are  too  old  for  such  assemblies.  I want  him  to  write  me  how 
his  men  are,  [and]  his  horses,  and  what  I can  do  to  fill  up  his  ranks.” 

On  the  sixth  day  of  February,  Meade  marched 
down  to  Morton’s  Ford  to  test  the  mettle  of  Lee’s 
half-fed  veterans.  With  eager  impetuosity  the  lat- 
ter fell  upon  the  division  of  Hays  and  sent  it  back 
across  the  Rapidan  with  loss.  In  the  opening  days 
of  the  month  of  March,  Kilpatrick  and  Dahlgren 
were  leading  a troop  of  Federal  horsemen  across 


340 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


the  Ely  Ford  and  through  Spotsylvania  toward 
Richmond.  Dahlgren  had  great  expectation  of 
burning  and  sacking  the  Confederate  Capital  and  of 
capturing  all  the  executive  officers  of  the  Con- 
federacy. Instead  of  this,  he  lost  his  own  life,  and 
the  entire  expedition  was  another  Federal  disaster. 

The  second  day  of  May,  1864,  brought  General 
Lee  to  the  signal-station,  on  the  summit  of  Clark’s 
Mountain,  just  behind  the  advanced  guns  of  his  own 
right  wing.  The  frosts  of  three  winters  spent  in 
camp  had  added  an  additional  silvery  tinge  to  his 
hair  and  had  made  deeper  the  lines  in  the  brow,  but 
they  had  also  set  a more  intense  glow  in  the  eye 
whose  flashing  spake  of  eagerness  for  battle.  Un- 
abated was  Lee’s  natural  vigour  as  he  stood  in  the 
beauty  of  perfect  manhood,  and  with  field-glass 
swept  the  plains  of  Culpeper  to  discern  the  future 
movements  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Along  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  railway  from 
the  Rapidan  far  northward  toward  the  Rappahan- 
nock, Lee  could  look  upon  a great  city  of  tents  and 
above  the  city  he  saw  banners  unfurled  in  multitude 
to  declare  the  presence  of  a vast  host  of  Federal  sol- 
diery. Long  time  did  Lee  scan  the  warlike  horizon. 
Carefully  he  noted  the  location  and  arrangement  of 
the  Federal  encampment,  to  see  if  Grant’s  intent 
was  favourable  to  early  battle.  Early  battle  the 
Federal  commander  seemed  to  desire.  There  was 
much  riding  to  and  fro;  there  was  great  commotion 
in  Culpeper  that  May  day,  and  it  was  evident  to 
Lee  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  would  soon 
strike  tent  and  advance  southward. 


18641 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  341 


Again  Lee  scans  the  horizon  of  the  field  of  war. 
What  route  will  the  new  commander  choose  ? Re- 
cent cavalry  movements  along  the  borders  of  the 
upper  Rapidan  beyond  the  left  flank  of  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia  indicate  a possible  advance  of  the 
Federal  army  in  that  direction.  But  eastward  from 
the  Confederate  position  lies  the  region  of  previous 
Federal  assaults.  In  the  distance  to  Lee’s  right  is 
Fredericksburg,  the  field  of  Burnside;  half-way  be- 
tween Lee’s  mount  of  observation  and  the  Marye 
Heights  lies  Hooker’s  battle-ground  at  Chancellors- 
ville.  Immediately  on  his  right  Lee’s  glass  may 
discern  the  course  of  Mine  Run,  from  whose  in- 
trenched banks  General  Meade  withdrew  his  army 
the  previous  November.  Only  two  months  old  in 
May  is  the  memory  of  the  Kilpatrick-Dahlgren  raid 
around  the  Confederate  right  flank.  While  Lee 
thus  seeks  to  discern  the  future  through  his  field- 
glass,  and  weighs  the  chances  of  approaching  battle, 
his  corps  and  division  commanders  stand  near  their 
leader  and  assist  him  to  scan  the  field.  Longstreet 
has  recently  returned  from  Tennessee,  and  holds  his 
corps  in  bivouac  on  the  Central  railroad.  Field  leads 
Hood’s  old  division  while  Kershaw  directs  the  di- 
vision once  commanded  by  McLaws.  Pickett’s 
division  is  standing  on  guard  near  the  coast  of 
North  Carolina.  Ewell’s  division  leaders  are  Early, 
Edward  Johnson,  and  Rodes;  those  of  A.  P.  Hill 
are  R.  H.  Anderson,  Heth,  and  Wilcox.  To  this 
company  of  councillors  General  Lee  turns  himself 
after  long-continued  searching  of  the  Rapidan  valley- 
slopes.  With  quiet  dignity  he  points  down-stream 


342 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


toward  Chancellorsville,  and  gives  his  opinion  that 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  will  advance  across  the 
Rapidan  at  the  Germanna  or  Ely  Ford.  He  bids 
his  officers  hold  the  Confederate  divisions  in  readi- 
ness to  take  up  the  line  of  march  at  the  waving  of  the 
signal-flag. 

On  that  same  second  day  of  May,  perhaps  at  the 
very  hour  when  Lee’s  field-glass  caught  glimpses  of 
the  city  of  tents,  General  Meade  was  writing  an  im- 
portant military  order.  Lee  possibly  could  not  dis- 
cern the  solferino  colour  of  Meade’s  headquarters’ 
flag,  nor  could  he  see  the  golden  eagle  in  a silver 
wreath  wrought  into  the  banner’s  folds,  but  he  had 
already  divined  the  intent  of  the  commands  now 
issued  by  the  Federal  commander.  Meade  was 
directing  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  set  itself  in 
motion  across  the  Germanna  and  the  Ely  fords  at 
the  midnight  hour,  which  should  usher  in  the  fourth 
day  of  May.  This  order  of  General  Meade  was 
written  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  Lieuten- 
ant-General Grant,  then  commanding  all  the  Feder- 
al forces  in  the  field.  This  spring  of  1864  saw  only 
two  Confederate  armies  yet  abiding  in  strength. 
Both  of  these  bands  were  facing  northward,  under 
J.  E.  Johnston,  in  northern  Georgia,  and  R.  E. 
Lee  in  northern  Virginia.  Against  these  armies 
General  Grant  ordered  an  advance  “all  along  the 
line.’’  Sherman  was  directed  to  press  forward  from 
Chattanooga  to  crush  Johnston.  Crook  had  orders 
to  move  south-eastward  from  the  mountains  of  west- 
ern Virginia.  Sigel  was  sent  up  the  Valley  of  Vir- 
ginia to  threaten  the  Central  railroad;  Butler  was 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  343 


placed  in  charge  of  an  armament  intended  to  plough 
the  waters  of  the  James  River  and  usher  its  com- 
mander within  the  portals  of  Richmond.  At  the 
same  time  Grant  came  eastward  wearing  the  laurels 
of  Vicksburg  and  Chattanooga,  and  pitched  his  tent 
with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Across  the  Rapi- 
dan  he  proposed  to  send  Meade  with  the  duty  laid 
upon  him  of  destroying  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia.  Grant’s  instructions  to  Meade  were  these  : 
“ Lee’s  army  will  be  your  objective  point.  Wher- 
ever Lee  goes,  there  you  will  go  also.”  The  system 
inaugurated  by  Grant  was  “ to  hammer  continuously 
against  the  armed  force  of  the  enemy  and  his  re- 
sources, until  by  mere  attrition,  if  by  nothing  else, 
there  should  be  nothing  left  for  him  but  . 
submission.”  The  purpose  of  Grant  was  set  forth  in 
other  terms  as  the  intention  “ to  fight  Lee  between 
the  Rapidan  and  Richmond  if  he  zvill  stand." 

The  fourth  day  of  May  was  the  date  assigned  for 
the  simultaneous  advance  of  all  the  Federal  hosts 
against  Johnston,  Lee,  and  Richmond.  Under  his 
own  immediate  direction  near  Culpeper,  Grant  could 
count  about  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  thousand 
men.  Meade’s  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  arrayed 
in  three  grand  corps  d'arme'e.  The  Second  Corps 
was  commanded  by  Hancock,  the  Fifth  was  under 
Warren,  and  the  Sixth  followed  Sedgwick.  Burn- 
side held  the  Ninth  Corps  apart  from  Meade’s  forces, 
on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Rappahannock.  Of 
this  great  Federal  host  about  twenty  thousand  had 
charge  of  the  waggon  trains.  More  than  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  soldiers  with  arms  were 


344 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


ready  to  obey  Grant’s  orders.  General  Sheridan 
controlled  nearly  thirteen  thousand  cavalry,  and  a 
park  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-four  heavy  guns 
accompanied  the  army.  “ The  best-clothed  and 
best-fed  army  ” that  ever  took  the  field  was  Grant’s 
invading  host,  according  to  the  judgment  of  one  of 
his  officers.  For  the  furnishing  and  comfort  of  this 
multitude  Grant  possessed  a supply  train  that  would 
have  extended  in  a continuous  line  from  the  Rapi- 
dan  to  Richmond.  This  tremendous  engine  of  war 
was  about  to  hurl  itself  across  Lee’s  right  flank  in 
the  effort  to  accomplish  the  destruction  of  the  ragged 
Confederate  heroes  of  the  Rapidan.  The  total 
effective  force  under  Lee’s  command  at  the  end  of 
the  month  of  April,  1864,  fell  short  of  sixty-two 
thousand  men.* 

* In  the  Third  Corps,  under  A.  P.  Hill  at  Orange  Court-House, 
about  twenty-two  thousand  officers  and  men  were  ready  for  duty. 
The  Second  Corps  on  the  Rapidan  under  Ewell  was  reckoned  at  a 
little  over  seventeen  thousand.  Two  divisions  of  the  First  Corps, 
commanded  by  Longsteet,  lay  in  camp  at  Gordonsville,  and  num- 
bered ten  thousand  effectives.  Four  batteries  of  four  guns  each  were 
assigned  to  Lee’s  eight  infantry  divisions.  Seventy-two  cannon  were 
in  the  Reserve  and  twenty-four  guns  constituted  Stuart’s  horse- 
artillery.  Four  thousand  eight  hundred  men  served  this  park  of  two 
hundred  and  twenty-four  guns.  Eight  thousand  three  hundred 
troopers  followed  the  black  plume  of  “ Jeb  ” Stuart.  The  corps  of 
horsemen  was  organised  in  two  divisions  of  three  brigades  each. 
Wade  Hampton,  the  Carolinian,  rode  at  the  head  of  the  first  division 
and  Fitz  Lee,  the  Virginian,  led  the  second.  In  Hampton’s  division, 
the  brigade  of  Gordon  came  entirely  from  the  mountains  of  North 
Carolina,  the  brigade  of  Young  was  made  up  of  South  Carolinians 
and  Georgians,  and  Rosser’s  brigade  was  gathered  from  Virginia. 
From  Virginia  also  were  mustered  the  three  brigades  of  Fitz  Lee’s 
division,  and  they  were  commanded  by  W.  Id.  F.  Lee,  Lomax,  and 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  345 


When  Grant  made  ready  to  advance,  Stuart’s 
couriers  bore  swift  messages  to  Lee  that  the  Federal 
cavalry  were  swarming  on  the  northern  bank  of  the 
Rapidan,  opposite  Chancellorsville.  Lee  knew  that 
the  hour  of  battle  was  at  hand,  and  he  stood  ready 
to  spring  upon  the  flank  of  his  adversary  as  soon  as 
the  latter  entangled  himself  in  the  toils  of  the 
Wilderness. 

The  third  day  of  May  saw  much  burnishing  of 
muskets  in  the  Confederate  camp.  Letters  were 
written  and  final  farewells  sent  to  the  circles  where 
love  and  tenderness  kept  watch  at  home.  No  busy 
cookery  scattered  its  noisy  din  among  the  houses  of 
the  soldiers,  for  the  supply  of  meal  was  short.  But 
the  hungry  began  to  talk  of  Federal  provision  trains 
as  the  possible  spoil  of  battle,  and  comrade  bade 
good-bye  to  comrade  and  looked  upon  faces  in  other 
brigades  which  he  might  not  see  again. 

General  Lee  began  the  duties  of  May  4 by  issuing 
general  order  No.  38,  repeating  his  previous  com- 
mands to  “ prevent  injury  to  fencing,  crops,  and 
other  private  property  ” during  the  approaching 
campaign.  The  war-horse  was  already  snuffing  the 
battle  from  afar.  At  9 A.M.  the  signal-flag  on 
Clark’s  Mountain  was  waving  the  news  to  Lee’s 
headquarters  that  Grant’s  tents  were  folded  and  his 
column  in  motion  around  the  Confederate  right 
flank  across  the  Rapidan.  At  once  the  order  was 
given  to  advance.  On  parallel  roads  leading  a little 


Wickham.  In  the  opening  days  of  May,  Stuart  held  most  of  these 
swordsmen  along  the  lower  Rapidan  and  on  the  Rappahannock 
guarding  the  Confederate  right. 


34-6 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


east  of  a due  southward  course  from  the  Rapidan, 
Grant  was  moving  his  army  in  two  columns.  He 
was  thrusting  himself  into  the  thickets  of  the  Wilder- 
ness at  a right  angle  to  Lee’s  front  line.  Lee 
wheeled  instantly  toward  his  own  right  flank  and 
turned  his  face  eastward  along  two  other  parallel 
roads  that  led  him  with  the  course  of  the  Rapidan 
in  perpendicular  line  against  the  right  flank  of 
Grant’s  long  columns.  At  noontide  on  the  4th, 
Ewell  moved  from  the  Palmyra  Ford  by  the  right 
flank  eastward  along  the  Orange  turnpike.  At  the 
same  hour  two  of  Hill’s  divisions  marched  from 
Orange  Court-House  eastward  toward  Chancellors- 
ville  along  the  plank  road  two  or  three  miles  south- 
ward from  Hill’s  advance  on  the  turnpike. 

As  early  as  11  A.M.  Longstreet  was  ordering  Field 
and  Kershaw  to  follow  a cross-country  road  that 
runs  eastward  from  Gordonsville.  But  it  was  4 I’.M. 
when  the  two  divisions  fell  into  the  line  of  march. 

Lee  left  Anderson’s  division  of  Hill’s  corps  to 
guard  his  rear  and  with  twenty-eight  thousand 
muskets  under  Hill  and  Ewell  was  making  all  speed 
to  strike  a blow  at  the  side  of  Grant’s  columns.  The 
Confederate  artillery  moved  to  the  front  with  the 
infantry.  Stuart  was  already  making  obstinate 
battle  far  in  advance.  Lee  rode  with  Hill’s  column 
on  the  plank  roadway  and  sent  urgent  messages  to 
Longstreet  to  speed  forward  and  support  the  Con- 
federate right  wing. 

As  the  three  columns  of  bronzed  veterans  press 
onward  to  deliver  battle,  we  mark  their  eagerness 
for  the  coming  strife.  Confidence  in  their  leader 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  347 


and  in  themselves  reigns  supreme.  The  starving- 
time in  the  Confederate  “ Valley  Forge  ” has 
whetted  their  appetite  for  the  field  of  war.  The 
men  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  are  here  whose 
fathers  suffered  cold  and  hunger  with  Washington 
at  the  first  Valley  Forge.  Here  march  the  sons  of 
the  Virginian  riflemen  who  made  a “ bee-line  for 
Boston  ” under  Daniel  Morgan  in  1775,  stood  with 
Washington  at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  broke  the 
strength  of  Burgoyne  by  their  unerring  aim  at  Sara- 
toga, assisted  in  driving  Cornwallis  from  the  Caro- 
linas,  and  in  forcing  his  surrender  at  Yorktown. 
Under  Lee’s  command  are  assembled  the  sons  of 
North  Carolina,  whose  fathers  trailed  muskets  after 
Wayne  at  Stony  Point,  and  followed  both  Washing- 
ton and  Greene  into  battle.  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
and  the  Mississippi  Valley  States  have  sent  the  sons 
and  grandsons  of  Revolutionary  veterans.  In  Lee’s 
camp,  multitudes  never  weary  of  telling  how  their 
sires  won  the  day  at  King’s  Mountain,  Cowpens, 
New  Orleans,  Buena  Vista,  and  Chapultepec.  The 
gaudium  certaminis  which  glows  in  the  soul  of  almost 
every  individual  soldier  of  Lee’s  army  is  a direct 
heritage  from  his  fathers.  Moreover,  most  of  these 
Southern  soldiers  are  descended  from  warlike  races 
beyond  the  sea.  The  majority  of  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia  is  made  up  of  Ulstermen,  who 
are,  for  the  most  part,  non-slaveholders.  Their 
fathers  in  Scotland  suffered  persecution  in  the  days 
of  Charles  II.,  fought  at  Bothwell  Bridge,  passed 
over  to  Ireland  to  stand  with  William  of  Orange  in 
the  battle  of  the  Boyne,  and  endured  the  pangs  of 


34§ 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


hunger  in  Londonderry.  From  the  province  of 
Ulster,  Ireland,  they  came  to  plant  themselves  in 
the  fortress  formed  by  the  ridges  and  foot-hills  of  the 
Alleghany  Mountains.  These  belligerent  Calvinists 
held  the  front  line  in  battle  from  the  time  of  the  old 
French  and  Indian  War  down  to  this  struggle  be- 
tween the  States;  their  days  of  peace  they  filled  up 
with  disputations  in  theology. 

From  the  tidewater  section  of  Virginia  and  South 
Carolina,  Lee  has  summoned  a small  band  of  Eng- 
lish Cavaliers  whose  ancestors  followed  Marlborough 
and  Prince  Rupert;  whose  love  of  good  cheer  and 
whose  courtly  bearing  make  them  the  centre  of 
jovial  comradeship  in  the  starving-time  in  camp,  and 
whose  unquenchable  courage  sends  them  to  the  very 
cannon’s  mouth  in  the  hour  of  battle.  From  the 
same  regions  also  come  the  Huguenots,  whose 
patient  endurance  under  sufferings  in  France,  and 
whose  gallantry  in  the  days  of  partisan  warfare  under 
Francis  Marion  in  the  Carolina  swamps,  have  ripened 
into  that  brave  steadiness  that  wins  the  battle  or 
dies  upon  the  field. 

Nearly  all  these  sons  of  fighting  sires  were  brought 
up  in  the  quietude  of  plantation-life.  Nearly  all 
have  used  the  rifle,  nearly  all  from  childhood  up- 
ward have  spent  hours  on  horseback  in  the  mount- 
ains and  the  fields;  nearly  all  have  strength  and 
skill  to  make  the  woodland  ring  with  the  hunter’s 
wild  echoing  shout.  When  all  these  regiments  of 
country-bred  soldiers  advance  in  line  of  battle  until 
they  catch  sight  of  the  men  in  blue  uniform,  it  is 
only  the  old  view-halloo  upon  the  hunting-field  that 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  349 


has  become  the  battle-slogan  to  greet  the  ears  of  the 
Federal  soldiers  as  the  terror-producing  “ rebel  yell.  ” 
The  yell  and  the  chase  are  linked  by  long  associa- 
tion. Scarcely  a day  has  passed  during  the  sojourn 
of  the  Confederate  army  in  camp  that  has  not  seen 
a full  regiment  of  soldiers  in  full  chase  across  the 
fields  after  the  swift-footed  rabbit,  every  leap  accom- 
panied by  wild  shouts.  It  was  a frequent  remark  in 
bivouac  throughout  the  war,  when  the  notes  of  this 
far-resounding  enthusiasm  were  borne  along  on  the 
breeze,  “ There  goes  Marse  Robert  or  an  old 
hare.  ”* 


*Two  characteristics  are  stamped  upon  this  army  that  follows  Lee 
— the  deep  religious  faith  of  many  and  the  buoyant  good  temper  of 
all.  In  the  ranks  march  ministers  of  the  Gospel  and  laymen  who 
from  youth  have  been  devotees  of  the  religious  teachings  handed  down 
through  pious  ancestors  from  Knox,  Cranmer,  Wesley,  and  Bun- 
yan.  The  labours  of  the  chaplains  during  the  winter  on  the  Rapidan 
have  been  followed  by  a heightened  religious  devotion  throughout 
the  army.  A veritable  parallel  to  Cromwell’s  Ironsides  is  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia  in  this  Wilderness  campaign,  when  it  wards  off 
weariness  by  keeping  step  to  the  vocal  music  of  psalms  and  hymns. 
The  piety  of  General  Lee  himself  has  reached  as  full  a measure  of 
religious  devotion  as  that  manifested  by  Havelock  and  Stonewall 
Jackson.  Often  is  Lee  found  engaged  in  earnest  prayer.  With 
bowed  head  he  is  frequently  beheld  standing  in  the  assemblies  for 
prayer  held  by  the  soldiers.  He  constantly  asks  for  the  prayers  of 
his  friends,  and  always  ascribes  to  Providence  the  successes  of  his 
army. 

The  unfailing  good  humour  of  the  men  on  the  march  is  often  their 
only  panacea  for  thirst,  hunger,  and  weariness.  Privations  furnish 
material  for  the  spirit  of  innocent  mirth.  A lively  fellow  whistles  an 
air,  another  chirps  the  fragment  of  a song,  and  all  join  in  the  chorus. 
Then  a slip  in  the  mud,  a peculiar  cry  or  quaint  jest  sets  an  entire 
regiment  into  a roar  of  laughter.  After  that  follows  the  hum  and  the 


35° 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


The  evening  of  the  4th  of  May  found  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-seven  thousand  men  under  Grant’s 
banner  south  of  the  Rapidan.  Hancock’s  corps 
crossed  at  Ely’s  Ford,  and  pitched  camp  for  the 
night  amid  the  wreckage  of  the  field  of  Chancellors- 
ville.  He  was  three  miles  eastward  from  the  Brock 
road,  and  threw  out  Gregg’s  cavalry  in  advance.  War- 
ren’s corps  made  passage  at  Germanna,  and  moved 
on  the  Germanna  road  to  the  Wilderness  Tavern. 
Sedgwick  led  the  Sixth  Corps  behind  the  Fifth,  and 
his  camp-fires  were  kindled  along  the  Germanna  high- 
way just  south  of  the  Rapidan.  Cavalry  vedettes 
kept  watch  at  every  path  that  looked  westward  to- 
ward Fee’s  position.  Burnside’s  corps  remained  as 
yet  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river.  Fike  a huge 
serpent,  Grant’s  army  was  outstretched  in  the  Wil- 
derness from  the  Rapidan  as  far  as  Jackson’s  last 
battle-ground.  In  the  very  heart  of  the  dense 
forest-land  between  Orange  Court-House  and  Fred- 
ericksburg, Grant  thus  wedged  the  Army  of  the 

buzz  of  a bewildering  medley  of  merriment  and  song  that  makes  light 
the  burden  of  the  journey. 

This  lightness  of  spirit  is  the  most  significant  fact  connected  with 
Lee’s  army  in  the  Wilderness.  It  indicates  the  superb  morale  of  the 
Confederate  troops.  It  is  the  sign  of  that  cheerful  endurance  that 
carries  them  through  the  marching  and  starving  and  fighting  of  the 
fiercest  campaign  of  the  entire  war.  It  follows  them  into  battle.  It 
marks  them  as  they  fight  in  the  trenches.  The  men  scarcely  ever 
cease  to  talk  and  yell  as  they  load  and  fire  their  muskets.  We  see 
the  merriment  and  well-attempered  buoyancy  changed  into  the  earn- 
est enthusiasm  of  a devoted  soldiery  when  Lee  gallops  forward  along 
Hill’s  column  on  the  afternoon  of  May  4.  Affection  for  their  great 
leader  breaks  out  in  the  tumult  of  wild  cheers  and  the  rolling  of  the 
battle-yell  as  the  soldiers  catch  sight  of  their  hero  in  the  plain  slouch 
hat  and  the  suit  of  grey. 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  351 


Potomac,  and,  unfortunately  for  himself,  paused  to 
wait  for  another  day. 

This  part  of  the  Wilderness  is  a deserted  mining 
region,  the  home  of  the  whippoorwill,  the  bat,  and 
the  owl.  Between  the  numerous  rivulets  are  oak- 
covered  ridges.  The  sweet-gum,  the  cedar,  and  the 
low  pine  lift  their  tops  just  above  the  dense  under- 
growth. Numerous  ravines  bar  the  way,  and  the 
tangled  thickets  can  be  traversed  only  with  extreme 
difficulty.  A few  cleared  fields  offer  space  for  the 
deployment  of  a regiment  or  a brigade. 

As  the  night  of  May  4 drew  nigh,  Grant  called  the 
passage  of  the  river  “ a great  success,”  and  de- 
clared that  all  his  apprehensions  had  vanished.  He 
had  as  yet  met  no  opposition.  He  therefore  tele- 
graphed this  message  to  Halleck  in  Washington : 

Forty-eight  hours  will  now  demonstrate  whether 
the  enemy  intends  giving  battle  this  side  of  Rich- 
mond.” At  the  same  time  with  the  sending  of  this 
despatch  Ewell’s  corps  of  Confederates  was  about 
to  bivouac  within  one  hour’s  march  of  Grant’s  right 
flank,  ready  to  leap  to  battle  in  the  jungle. 

Through  this  dense  forest  two  roads  seek  passage 
from  Orange  Court-House  to  Fredericksburg.  The 
Orange  turnpike  runs  parallel  to  the  Rapidan ; the 
Orange  plank  road  follows  the  same  course,  farther 
away  from  that  stream.  Upon  these  same  highways 
Jackson  delivered  his  rear  attack  against  Hooker;  in 
the  same  direction  Lee  was  now  hastening  eastward 
to  deliver  a flank  attack  against  Grant.  Lee  also 
declared  that  his  apprehensions  had  taken  wings, 
and  that  he  had  the  Federal  army  in  the  position 
which  he  himself  would  select. 


352 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


Lee  was  advancing  with  three  columns  en  Echelon 
against  Grant’s  central  and  advanced  corps.  Ewell 
was  foremost  on  the  turnpike  as  he  rushed  across 
the  intrenchments  at  Mine  Run  and  pitched  camp  at 
Locust  Grove  and  Robertson’s  Tavern  ; his  advanced 
pickets  stood  on  guard  only  three  miles  from  the 
bivouac  of  Warren’s  corps.  Lee  set  up  his  tent 
with  Hill  near  Verdiersville  in  a roadside  grove.  He 
dwelt  thus  with  his  central  column  on  the  plank 
road.  Farther  to  Hill’s  right  and  rear  was  Long- 
street.  Twelve  miles  he  marched  from  Gordonsville 
on  May  4,  and  darkness  found  him  at  Brock’s  Bridge 
on  the  Catharpin  road.  Lee’s  troops  were  well  in 
hand  for  the  tiger-spring  of  the  morrow.  At  eight 
o’clock  in  the  evening  he  sent  a courier  to  Ewell 
with  orders  to  move  forward  at  the  dawning  of  May 
5,  and  expressed  the  strong  desire  “ to  bring  him 
[the  enemy]  to  battle  now  as  soon  as  possible.” 

A great  chorus  of  forest  birds  greets  the  coming 
of  the  dawn  of  the  fifth  day  of  May  as  Lee  sits  to 
eat  the  scanty  morning  meal.  His  face  beams  with 
cheerfulness;  he  is  communicative  beyond  his  wont. 
He  passes  pleasant  jests  at  the  expense  of  the  staff. 
He  openly  gives  expression  to  surprise  that  Grant 
has  pushed  himself  into  the  same  position  occupied 
by  Hooker  just  a year  before,  and  he  breathes  the 
hope  that  the  result  may  prove  even  more  disastrous 
to  Grant.  In  such  an  issue  to  the  combat  he  de- 
clares his  perfect  confidence.  He  then  mounts  horse 
and  gallops  to  the  head  of  Hill’s  column  on  the  plank 
road.  Just  behind  his  own  advanced  pickets  he 
rides  when  the  skirmish  opens  with  Grant’s  cavalry 


1864]  Che  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  353 


at  Parker’s  store.  Far  to  the  right  front  he  can 
hear  the  carbines  of  his  own  troopers,  and  across  the 
woods  from  the  left  conies  the  brisk  rattle  of  Ewell’s 
sharpshooters.  An  occasional  heavy  gun  sends  its 
deep  echo  rolling  backward  from  the  line  of  Confed- 
erate advance.  Lee  is  ready  to  strike  with  his 
centre  and  left, — but  his  own  right  wing  is  yet  far 
afield.  Ewell  leads  the  advance  on  the  morning  of 
May  5 along  the  turnpike.  But  Longstreet  has  not 
yet  reported  his  presence  on  the  right,  and  at  8 A.M. 
Lee  instructs  Ewell  (left  wing)  to  regulate  his  march 
by  Hill  (centre),  whose  progress  along  the  plank 
road  may  be  marked  by  the  firing  at  the  head  of 
Hill’s  column.  At  the  same  time  Lee  prefers  not 
to  bring  on  a general  engagement  ” before  the 
arrival  of  Longstreet.  A general  battle  he  means 
to  have,  but  his  plan  now  contemplates  brisk  skir- 
mishing to  hold  the  Federal  army  in  its  present 
position  until  he  can  swing  his  centre  and  right  wing 
against  Grant’s  advanced  corps. 

Ewell  advances  slowly  in  readiness  for  action. 
Johnson’s  division  leads  the  column  and  Jones’s 
brigade  marches  to  the  front.  The  Federal  pickets 
fall  back  before  the  vigour  of  Jones  until  the  latter, 
at  11  A. M.,  catches  sight  of  Warren’s  column  cross- 
ing the  turnpike  and  pressing  southward  on  the 
Germanna  road.  Jones  is  greatly  in  advance  of 
Hill,  and  his  attack  has  brought  him  face  to  face 
with  Grant’s  regular  line  of  battle.  At  the  same 
hour  to  Ewell  comes  Lee’s  repetition  of  the  order 
“no  general  engagement”  until  Longstreet  shall 
reach  the  field.  From  his  central  position  with 

23 


354 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


Hill,  Lee  holds  his  two  columns  in  check,  waiting 
for  the  First  Corps.  The  Confederate  soldiers  are 
like  war-dogs  straining  at  the  leash,  eager  for  battle 
with  their  old  antagonists. 

In  advance  of  the  main  column  on  the  plank  road, 
Lee,  Hill,  and  Stuart  ride  forward  beyond  Parker’s 
store  and  pause  under  the  trees  in  the  edge  of  an 
old  field.  Grant’s  skirmishers  break  like  a blue 
cloud  from  the  grove  of  pines  to  the  eastward;  but 
the  line  of  grey-jackets  leaps  forward  to  the  charge. 
In  the  very  forefront  along  the  plank  road  Poague 
pushes  his  guns.  The  yells  of  the  Confederates  and 
the  roll  of  their  musketry  tell  Lee  that  a stronger 
line  must  press  forward,  and  now  he  sends  Heth’s 
division  to  hold  the  crest  of  the  ridge  in  the  edge  of 
the  forest.  Just  as  Heth  moves  to  the  front,  the 
music  of  regular  battle  comes  from  the  left;  the 
crash  of  rifle-volleys,  the  deep  roar  of  a few  scat- 
tered batteries,  the  occasional  report  of  a Parrott 
gun,  and  the  stirring  cadence  of  the  Confederate 
yell,  warn  Lee  that  Ewell  has  found  Grant’s  full  line 
of  battle.  The  sun  is  already  sloping  his  course 
toward  the  west — and  still  Longstreet  tarries. 

If  we  recall  the  hour  of  noon  on  Ewell’s  front,  we 
find  him  ordering  the  adventurous  Jones  to  “ fall 
back  slowly  if  pressed.”  This  is  Ewell’s  obedience 
to  Lee’s  injunctions  against  general  battle.  There- 
fore Jones  withdraws  the  heavy  guns  which  stand  in 
front  with  his  skirmishers.  This  retirement  of  artil- 
lery in  the  turnpike  invites  Griffin’s  division  of 
Warren’s  corps  into  strong  attack  upon  the  Confed- 
erate brigade.  The  line  of  Jones  is  broken  and 


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MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  WILDERNESS,  VA.,  MAY  5-6,  1864. 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  355 


driven  back  over  the  dead  body  of  the  brave  briga- 
dier. But  Ewell  will  retire  no  farther.  He  gives 
the  word  and  the  brigades  of  Daniel  and  Gordon 
rush  forward  to  pour  a musketry  fire  into  Griffin’s 
front  and  flanks.  Griffin’s  column  is  crushed;  still 
onward  press  the  Confederates  through  the  under- 
growth until  they  catch  the  flank  of  the  two  Federal 
divisions  of  Crawford  and  Wadsworth.  These  have 
become  entangled  in  the  forest  and  speedily  go  down 
before  the  Southern  woodsmen.  Four  Federal  guns 
and  several  hundred  Federal  prisoners  become 
Ewell’s  spoil.  At  close  range  each  line  of  battle 
begins  to  make  its  position  strong  with  breastworks 
of  logs  and  earth.  Sedgwick  has  brought  his  corps 
into  touch  with  Warren’s  right.  Ewell  stands  block- 
ing the  advance  of  both  the  Fifth  and  Sixth  Fed- 
eral Corps.  The  entire  Confederate  left  wing  is 
deployed  in  line  across  the  turnpike  facing  Warren 
and  Sedgwick,  who  hold  the  Germanna  road.  In 
Ewell’s  centre  stands  Johnson ; the  left  is  held  by 
Early,  while  the  right  division  under  Rodes  extends 
itself  southward  through  the  tangled  forest  to  touch 
elbows  with  the  left  of  Hill’s  corps. 

From  the  plank  road  where  Fee’s  eye  keeps 
watch,  arises  the  roar  of  desperate  battle  about  the 
hour  when  Ewell  is  counting  his  prisoners  and  mak- 
ing stronger  his  line.  Heth  has  led  the  attack  from 
Fee’s  centre;  he  has  struck  Warren’s  head  of  col- 
umn under  Crawford  and  has  driven  it  back;  as 
Crawford  recoiled  toward  the  turnpike  his  line  was 
caught  in  flank  by  Ewell’s  charge.  But  Getty  of 
Sedgwick’s  corps  reaches  the  junction  of  the  plank 


356 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


tl  864 


and  Brock  roads,  and  against  Getty  rushes  Heth’s 
line  of  battle.  It  would  seem  that  Grant  has  not 
expected  battle  in  the  Wilderness.  His  order  of 
march  for  the  morning  of  the  fifth  of  May  has  bid- 
den Hancock  advance  to  Shady  Grove  Church,  has 
ordered  Warren  to  bring  the  Fifth  Corps  as  far  as 
Parker’s  store,  and  Sedgwick  must  lead  the  Sixth  to 
Wilderness  Tavern.  The  huge  serpent  thus  seeks 
to  crawl  forward  and  thrust  its  head  outside  of  the 
Wilderness.  At  11  A.M.  Hancock  finds  himself  at 
Todd’s  Tavern,  southward  from  the  plank  road;  a 
gap  of  ten  miles  he  has  left  between  the  Second 
Corps  and  the  Fifth  and  Sixth  which  are  now  com- 
pelled to  halt  and  face  the  thunderbolts  of  war  mov- 
ing eastward  on  the  parallel  roadways.  At  u A.M. 
Hancock  turns  his  face  back  over  his  morning  path- 
way, and  hastens  to  aid  Getty  in  the  defence  of  the 
Brock  road.  But  it  is  2 P.M.  before  Hancock’s 
head  of  column  begins  to  assist  Getty  in  the  work 
of  erecting  fortifications  along  the  Brock  road,  facing 
Lee  on  the  plank  road. 

That  space  of  three  hours  from  eleven  until  two 
o’clock  marks  the  passing  of  a rare  opportunity. 
“What  can  delay  General  Longstreet  ? ’’  The  crim- 
son flush  is  on  Lee’s  brow  and  every  vein  is  swollen 
with  the  hot  blood  of  battle.  The  Confederate 
commander  rides  up  and  down  his  line,  his  quiet 
dignity  scarce  conceals  the  anxious  eagerness  of  the 
moment  as  he  longs  for  the  First  Corps.  With 
those  ten  thousand  men  he  might  rush  between  the 
divided  wings  of  Grant’s  army  and  in  this  tangle  of 
narrow  pathways  hold  one  portion  at  bay  while  he 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  357 


makes  assault  upon  the  other.  But  Longstreet 
comes  not.  Far  to  Lee’s  right,  beyond  the  plank 
road  he  plods  along,  misses  the  way  and  retraces  his 
steps,  and  reaches  not  the  field  of  war. 

On  the  Brock  road  Hancock  makes  ready  his  corps 
for  battle.  Behind  the  first  line  of  breastworks  he 
piles  up  logs  to  form  a second  intrenchment,  and  be- 
hind the  left  centre  of  this  second  defence  he  erects 
a third.  In  front  of  Hancock’s  threefold  fortress, 
Heth’s  men  build  at  first  only  a slight  defence  across 
the  turnpike.  The  Confederate  line  is  in  horseshoe 
shape  behind  the  crest  of  a slight  elevation  in  the 
midst  of  a dense  growth  of  young  trees.  Beyond  this 
line  a strong  body  of  skirmishers  advance,  and  in  the 
open  forest,  three  hundred  yards  from  the  Brock 
road,  they  await  the  approach  of  Hancock.  Wilcox 
has  sent  brigades  to  strengthen  Heth’s  flanks,  and 
to  keep  in  touch  with  the  right  of  Ewell’s  corps. 
Poague’s  battalion  of  heavy  guns  is  planted  in  the 
front  on  the  roadway.  The  other  cannon  of  the 
corps  cannot  reach  the  scene  and  are  silent  in  the 
rear. 

At  4.30  P.M.  Hancock  advances  two  divisions  to 
strengthen  the  attack  of  Getty’s  division  in  the  cen- 
tre. Two-thirds  of  Gibbon’s  division  and  one-half  of 
Owen’s  division  also  lend  their  aid.  On  Hancock’s 
right,  Wadsworth’s  division  seeks  Hill’s  flank. 
More  than  four  Federal  divisions  engage  in  actual 
conflict  with  Hill’s  two  divisions,  and  other  Federal 
troops  threaten  an  advance.  The  forest  is  at  once 
ablaze  with  the  flame  of  musketry.  The  roar  of 
deadly  combat  resounds  through  the  dark  woods 


35§ 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


11864 


where  the  two  lines  of  riflemen,  less  than  one  hun- 
dred feet  apart,  fire  into  each  other’s  faces.  Hill’s 
men,  behind  the  crest  of  the  slight  elevation,  can 
hear  the  moaning  of  the  leaden  hail  that  cuts  off  the 
forest  of  saplings  four  and  five  feet  above  their  heads. 
They  lie  flat  upon  the  ground  and  with  deliberate 
aim  scatter  havoc  among  the  men  in  blue.  As  the 
night  falls  upon  the  grim  wrestlers  in  this  inferno , 
they  can  aim  only  at  the  flashing  of  the  opposing 
muskets.  The  fierce  yells  and  the  business-like 
cheerfulness  of  the  Confederates  tell  of  the  bravery 
and  grim  battle-ardour  of  these  ragged  and  hungry 
heroes.* 

While  nearly  one-half  of  Grant’s  army  thus  vainly 
strives  to  break  through  Hill’s  two  little  divisions, 
Lee  sends  swift  message  to  Ewell  to  move  forward 
and  capture  the  Wilderness  Tavern  ridge  and  thus 
cut  off  Grant  from  the  Rapidan.  Ewell  assumes  the 
aggressive  and  sends  two  brigades  against  the  centre 
of  Sedgwick’s  corps  and  stands  ready  to  follow  up 
the  charge.  But  Sedgwick  has  made  himself  im- 
pregnable behind  a fortress  of  logs,  and  Ewell  with- 
holds his  men.  In  Hill’s  centre  a counter-charge  by 

* Frank  Wilkeson,  a private  Federal  soldier,  discovered  a line  of 
sentinels  in  the  rear  of  Grant’s  troops,  charged  with  the  duty  of  keep- 
ing the  Federal  soldiers  in  the  fight.  It  seems  that  many  of  the  men 
who  were  serving  under  Grant  for  bounty-money  had  strong  desire 
to  escape  from  the  battle.  Wilkeson  states  that  the  sentinels,  or 
guards,  “seemed  to  be  posted  in  the  rear  of  the  battle-lines  for  the 
express  purpose  of  intercepting  the  flight  of  cowards.  At  the  time  it 
struck  me  as  a quaint  idea  to  picket  the  rear  of  an  army  which  was 
fighting  a desperate  battle.” — Recollections  of  a Private  Soldier  in  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac.  Published  by  G.  P.  Putnam’s  Sons. 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  359 


Heth  makes  capture  of  Rickett’s  battery,  but  the 
guns  are  lost  again.  Hill’s  right  is  pushed  by  Wil- 
cox around  Hancock’s  left  flank,  and  two  Federal 
brigades  are  routed  from  their  position.  Hancock 
makes  “ repeated  and  desperate  assaults,”  writes 
Lee,  but  Hill’s  line  is  unyielding,  while  the  Confed- 
erate cavalry  on  the  right  drives  back  Sheridan’s 
advanced  horsemen.  A heavy  tribute  in  blood  has 
Lee  exacted  from  Grant  and  as  deep  darkness 
covers  the  weird  and  dismal  field  of  wounds  and 
death  Lee  can  send  despatch  to  Richmond  that  all  is 
yet  well:  “ By  the  blessing  of  God  we  maintained 
our  position  against  every  effort  until  night,  when 
the  contest  closed.” 

The  tardy  Longstreet  has  made  only  a twelve-mile 
advance  eastward  during  the  entire  day  of  May  5, 
and  halts  at  Richard’s  shop  on  the  Catharpin  road, 
miles  away  from  Lee’s  field  of  action.  At  8 P.M. 
Lee  sends  a courier  to  bid  Longstreet  make  a night- 
march,  and  at  the  same  time  promises  Hill  that  his 
men  shall  be  relieved  at  the  coming  of  the  dawn, 
and  he  sends  Ewell  the  order  to  make  early  assault 
on  May  6 with  the  left  wing  of  the  Confederate 
army.  Lee  seeks  rest  upon  the  bare  ground  among 
his  weary,  hungry  veterans.  His  plans  are  laid  to 
push  Ewell,  Longstreet,  and  Anderson’s  division  of 
Hill’s  corps  in  full  offensive  battle  against  both  flanks 
of  Grant’s  army.  Hill’s  soldiers  sleep  on  the  ground 
where  they  have  fought ; little  food  passes  their  lips. 
They  take  no  care  to  strengthen  the  slight  irregular 
breastworks,  for  Longstreet’s  men  are  under  orders 
to  march  and  take  Hill’s  position.  One  hour  after 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


360 

midnight,  Longstreet’s  corps  breaks  camp  and  fol- 
lows the  special  guide  toward  the  battle-ground. 
As  the  forest  birds  again  announce  the  dawn,  Ewell 
opens  fierce  fire  along  the  Confederate  left  wing  be- 
fore 5 A.M.  Lee  has  taken  up  again  the  part  of  the 
aggressor.  Warren  and  Sedgwick  make  reply  to 
Ewell,  and  then  from  left  to  right  along  the  entire 
Confederate  line  the  musketry  battle  begins  its 
deadly  work. 

During  the  night  Burnside  has  led  his  twenty 
thousand  across  the  Rapidan  and  Grant  orders  his 
entire  army  to  make  assault  “along  the  whole  line  ’’ 
at  five  o’clock  in  the  morning.  Hancock  leads 
one-half  the  Federal  army  against  Lee’s  right,  and 
Burnside  moves  forward  to  pierce  the  Confederate 
centre. 

Before  the  dawn  is  the  hour  set  by  Lee  for  Long- 
street’s  arrival.  Hill  expects  to  be  withdrawn,  and 
is  not  prepared  for  battle;  but  Hancock’s  assault 
upon  Hill’s  front  is  met  with  obstinate  courage; 
Hill’s  centre  does  not  yield.  Wadsworth’s  fresh 
division  strikes  Hill’s  left  flank;  Hancock’s  bri- 
gades swarm  around  to  Hill’s  right,  and  the  Con- 
federate line  is  rolled  up  and  driven  backward. 
Desperately  the  men  of  Hill  contend  for  their  field, 
delivering  a fierce  fire  as  they  retreat.  Close  and 
savage  is  the  fight,  but  Lee’s  right  wing  is  broken. 
One  hour  after  the  first  shot,  Hill  has  been  forced 
upon  Poague’s  battalion  of  artillery,  that  stands  de- 
fiant near  the  roadway.  Hancock  dares  not  pass 
Poague’s  grape  and  canister.  Just  behind  the  guns 
is  Lee  on  horseback.  “ Why  does  not  Longstreet 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  361 


come  ? ” he  continually  says  to  his  staff  as  he.  rides 
to  and  fro  to  rally  the  brigades  of  Hill’s  corps. 

From  the  Confederate  left  wing  come  the  sounds 
of  heavy  battle.  Ewell  has  made  his  log-works  to 
bristle  with  cannon  and  heaps  disaster  upon  every 
assault  by  Warren  and  Sedgwick.  But  at  last  Lee’s 
counter-stroke  against  Hancock’s  assault  is  prepared. 
In  closed  ranks  and  in  double  column,  advancing 
in  a long  trot  down  the  plank  road  rushes  Long- 
street’s  corps,  Field’s  division  on  the  left,  side  by 
side  with  Kershaw’s  division  on  the  right. 

Already  is  the  sun  beaming  upon  the  awful  game 
of  death;  the  forest  wears  the  smile  of  the  spring- 
tide;  the  birds  in  the  tree-tops  are  singing  while  the 
tempest  of  wrath  breaks  below.  The  thunder  of 
Poague’s  guns  shakes  the  very  earth.  Lee  rides 
forward  to  meet  the  head  of  Field’s  division. 

What  boys  are  these  ? ” he  asks.  “ Texas  boys,” 
is  the  quick  reply  from  the  brigade  that  once  fol- 
lowed Hood  but  is  now  led  by  Gregg.  The  light  of 
battle  is  shining  in  his  deep,  luminous  eyes  as  he 
calls  out,  “ My  Texas  boys,  you  must  charge.  ” The 
Confederates  go  fairly  wild  when  they  see  before 
them  the  grey-bearded  man  with  the  grey  slouch 
hat.  The  voices  of  the  eight  hundred  Texans  are 
hoarse  with  joy,  and  their  blood  catches  fire  as  they 
hear  Lee  himself  give  the  order  to  charge.  Ragged 
caps  fly  into  the  air  as  the  veterans  rend  the  sky 
with  their  wild  yell.  Then  the  line  of  battle  is 
formed,  they  advance  beyond  the  batteries  against 
Hancock.  Immediately  behind  the  line  rides  Lee  to 
direct  the  charge  in  person.  ‘‘  Charge,  boys,”  is 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


362 

Lee’s  deep,  thrilling  call  as  he  advances  into  the 
thickest  of  the  fight.  Suddenly  the  men  divine  his 
desperate  purpose  and  they  begin  to  shout,  “ Go 
back,  General  Lee — Marse  Robert  go  back.”  Then 
the  artillerymen  whom  Lee  has  passed  respond  with 
the  answering  call,  “ Come  back,  come  back,  Gen- 
eral Lee.”  Lee  rides  onward,  waving  his  old  grey 
hat,  but  the  very  heavens  are  rent  with  the  cry, 
” Lee  to  the  rear!  Lee  to  the  rear!  ” A tall,  lank, 
ragged  Texas  sergeant  moves  from  the  ranks,  seizes 
the  bridle-rein  and  turns  Traveller’s  head  to  the 
rear.  A look  of  disappointment  crosses  the  face  of 
General  Lee,  but  he  yields.  A last  earthly  salute 
the  entire  line  wave  to  their  leader  and  forward  they 
sweep  to  meet  the  advancing  foe.  At  the  same 
time  a part  of  Poague’s  battalion  moves  forward 
with  cannon.  “ Good-bye,  boys!”  cry  the  ad- 
vancing gunners  to  the  comrades  left  behind.  At 
the  head  of  the  return-charge  dash  the  Texans. 
They  are  the  heroes  of  Cold  Harbor,  Second  Manas- 
sas, Sharpsburg,  and  Round  Top.  At  the  very  head 
of  the  Federal  column  massed  in  the  plank  road  the 
brigade  flings  itself.  The  ceaseless  fury  of  the  Fed- 
eral fire  is  pouring  into  front  and  flanks.  To  right 
of  them,  to  left  of  them,  in  front  of  them,  muskets 
and  cannon  volley  and  thunder,  but  into  the  jaws  of 
death  charge  the  eight  hundred.  A circle  of  fire  en- 
velops the  band,  but  already  the  Federal  column 
staggers.  Benning  and  Anderson  with  their  Georgi- 
ans, and  Law  leading  his  Alabamians,  crash  forward 
against  the  encircling  host.  The  forest  rings  with 
yells;  the  roar  of  battle  becomes  terrific.  Half 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness. 


0UJ 


of  the  Texas  brigade  fall  within  ten  minutes.  But 
the  tide  of  Federal  success  has  been  turned  back- 
ward by  the  gallant  men  who  have  shown  their  will- 
ingness to  meet  death  and  to  spare  their  beloved 
leader. 

Lee’s  counter-stroke  is  continued.  Three  guns  are 
thrown  forward  with  the  infantry  on  the  highway. 
Field  deploys  to  the  left  and  Kershaw  to  the  right 
of  the  road.  The  conflict  sweeps  to  and  fro  in  the 
tangled  woods  and  marshes.  The  crisis  in  the  battle 
of  the  Wilderness  has  come.* 

Now  Anderson  comes  to  give  strength  to  Lee’s 
onset.  Hill’s  men  return  to  the  front.  At  io  A.M. 
Longstreet  moves  four  brigades  under  Mahone  by 
the  right  flank.  They  find  a covered  way  in  an  un- 
finished railroad  that  brings  them  against  the  left 
end  of  Hancock’s  line.  They  fall  upon  his  flank 
and  rear  and  roll  up  his  regiments  “ like  a wet 
blanket,”  as  Hancock  himself  declared.  At  n A.M. 
Lee  pushes  his  entire  force  against  Hancock’s  front 
and  flank  in  impetuous  charge.  Hancock’s  brigades 


* Lee  waits  behind  his  field-battery  for  the  arrival  of  Anderson’s 
division  of  Hill’s  corps.  The  fight  is  raging  in  his  front  ; the  guns 
of  Ewell  are  calling  across  from  the  turnpike  that  all  is  well  on  the 
left  wing.  An  engineer  is  sent  to  find  an  opening  for  a flank  attack 
against  Hancock’s  left.  At  this  moment  of  anxiety  a courier — a 
mere  lad — dashes  up  to  General  Lee  with  a message  from  Anderson. 
The  courier’s  small  pony  is  panting  like  a hunted  deer.  Lee  reads 
the  message  and  turns  to  look  upon  the  tired  pony.  “ Young  man,” 
he  says,  “ you  should  have  some  feeling  for  your  horse  ; dismount 
and  rest  him.”  Lee  thereupon  draws  forth  from  the  bag  attached  to 
his  saddle  a buttered  biscuit,  and  half  of  this  with  his  own  hand  he 
gives  to  the  courier’s  pony. 


364 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


are  forced  backward  and  broken  into  fragments. 
Wadsworth’s  division,  on  Hancock’s  right,  is  scat- 
tered in  dire  disorder.  Twelve  o’clock  finds  Grant’s 
entire  left  wing  defeated  and  disorganised.  “ Down 
the  plank  road  from  Hancock’s  centre,”  says  Gen- 
eral Francis  A.  Walker,  ‘‘  a stream  of  broken  men 
was  pouring  to  the  rear,  giving  the  onlooker  the  im- 
pression that  everything  had  gone  to  pieces.” 

Like  a lion  of  war,  Longstreet  is  closing  in  upon 
Grant’s  routed  host.  Not  even  the  attack  of  the 
tardy  Burnside  can  retrieve  the  Federal  disaster. 

The  blaze  of  muskets  has  ignited  the  dried  leaves 
and  the  smoke  obscures  the  noonday  glow.  Long- 
street’s  regiments  are  ablaze  with  the  ardour  of  bat- 
tle. The  gallant  Georgian  places  himself  at  the 
head  of  Kershaw’s  division  and  arrays  it  in  line 
across  the  plank  road.  In  hot  pursuit  of  Hancock 
he  moves  rapidly  toward  the  eastward,  nor  does  he 
note  the  fact  that  his  four  flanking  brigades  have 
made  pause  in  line,  facing  the  plank  roadway. 
Their  loaded  muskets  are  pointing  northward  to 
command  the  very  avenue  upon  which  Longstreet 
rides.  They  mistake  the  latter  for  a Federal  officer 
and  in  full  volley  they  fire  upon  the  general  and  his 
staff.  The  brave  brigadier  Jenkins  falls  dead  and 
Longstreet  is  disabled.  The  Confederate  advance 
is  checked.  Another  Bull  Run  rout  is  averted  from 
the  Federal  army  only  by  the  fall  of  Longstreet  in 
the  moment  of  victory.  Lee  hastens  to  the  front 
and  seeks  to  straighten  out  his  line  of  battle.  The 
hour  of  four  o’clock  has  struck  when  the  order  is 
given  to  charge  through  forest,  flame,  and  smoke 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  365 


upon  the  Brock  road.  Before  this  hour  Burnside 
has  raised  a storm  against  the  Confederate  centre 
but  Hill’s  troops  already  have  tamed  the  fury  of  the 
Ninth  Corps.  As  Burnside  becomes  quiet  in  the 
centre,  Lee  makes  ready  to  deliver  assault  against 
both  flanks  of  the  Federal  army.  Ewell  sends  Early 
and  Gordon  to  envelop  Sedgwick’s  right  flank  at 
the  very  hour  when  Lee  urges  his  right  wing  to  the 
charge  against  Hancock’s  triple  wall  of  defence. 
The  forest  has  communicated  its  fire  to  the  front 
line  of  Federal  logs.  Forward  rush  the  divisions  of 
Field  and  Anderson.  They  pour  in  a hot  musketry 
fire,  but  Hancock’s  second  line  is  bristling  with 
heavy  guns  and  their  canister  sweeps  the  field. 
Up  to  the  very  breastwork  on  Hancock’s  left  the 
Confederates  advance ; a gap  is  made  and  disorder 
reigns  among  the  Federal  defenders,  who  turn  in 
flight.  The  Confederate  flag  is  planted  in  triumph 
on  Hancock’s  first  intrenchment.  But  his  second 
and  third  walls  are  impregnable.  The  Federal  artil- 
lery compels  the  Confederates  to  loosen  their  grasp 
on  Hancock’s  fortress. 

The  sun  is  yet  above  the  horizon,  and  Gordon  is 
ready  for  the  charge  against  Grant’s  extreme  right. 
Two  Confederate  brigades  beyond  the  turnpike  are 
facing  southward ; their  bayonets  are  pointing  di- 
rectly along  Grant’s  line  of  battle.  They  advance 
to  the  music  of  the  far-resounding  yell.  Sedgwick’s 
right  brigade  is  engaged  in  the  busy  work  of  piling 
log  upon  log,  but  the  men  lay  down  the  axe  and  the 
spade,  and  join  their  brigadier  as  prisoners  of  war. 
The  second  brigade  is  likewise  rolled  up  and  broken 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


366 

and  a second  brigadier  is  captured.  Darkness  falls 
upon  Gordon  in  possession  of  a mile  of  Grant’s  rifle- 
pits,  six  hundred  -prisoners,  and  Generals  Shaler  and 
Seymour.  The  dense  thickets  have  disordered  the 
Confederate  line  and  Gordon  halts.  The  Sixth 
Corps  spends  the  night  in  drawing  back  its  front 
and  right  to  a line  of  defence  entirely  new  along  the 
Germanna  road.  “ Had  there  been  dayli  ght,” 
writes  Grant,  “ the  enemy  could  have  injured  us 
very  much  in  the  confusion  that  prevailed.” 

The  awful  struggle  in  the  tangled  forest  has  closed 
with  Lee  pressing  the  attack  against  Grant’s  right 
and  left.  As  this  second  day  fades  into  darkness 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  is  struggling  in  a purely 
defensive  contest,  and  holds  its  position  behind 
three  heavy  walls  of  log-work  on  the  left  and  draws 
back  its  right  wing  behind  a second  freshly  con- 
structed intrenchment.  At  the  same  time  Grant  is 
urging  Burnside  to  place  himself  behind  strong 
works  in  the  Federal  centre. 

When  Grant  looks  through  the  thickets  on  the 
morning  of  the  seventh  of  May  he  beholds  Lee’s 
breastworks  crowned  with  heavy  guns  and  has  no 
desire  to  renew  the  battle.  Likewise,  Lee  sees  the 
strength  of  Grant’s  intrenchments,  and  does  not 
attack.  A cavalry  battle  is  in  progress  this  day  to 
the  southward,  where  Fitz  Lee  on  the  Brock  road, 
and  Hampton  on  the  Catharpin  road,  oppose  the 
troopers  of  Sheridan. 

If  the  casualties  suffered  in  battle  are  an  indica- 
tion of  success  or  failure,  we  may  place  the  seven- 
teen thousand  disabled  Federal  soldiers  in  contrast 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  367 


with  the  probable  Confederate  loss  of  less  than  half 
that  number. 

Grant’s  early  order  of  May  7 commanded  Meade 
to  make  ready  for  a night-march  to  Spotsylvania 
Court-House.  Hancock  was  to  hold  his  ground 
while  Warren  led  the  Fifth  Corps  southward  along 
the  Brock  road,  and  Sedgwick  moved  eastward  to 
Chancellorsville  and  thence  to  Piney  Branch  Church. 
Burnside  was  sent  eastward  to  Chancellorsville  and 
thence  southward.  Two  Federal  corps  thus  drew 
back  from  before  the  face  of  Lee  toward  the  east, 
while  two  remained  in  his  front. 

All  day  long  both  Grant  and  Meade  were  troubled 
with  anxious  fear  of  an  attack  from  the  Confederate 
army.  The  new  purpose  formed  in  Grant’s  mind 
found  expression  the  following  day  in  a despatch  to 
Washington  : “ My  efforts  will  be  to  form  a junction 
with  General  Butler  as  early  as  possible,  and  be  pre- 
pared to  meet  any  enemy  interposing.  . . . My 

exact  route  to  the  James  River  I have  not  yet  defin- 
itely marked  out.”  We  hear  no  longer  the  com- 
mand to  Meade  to  seek  Lee’s  army  as  his  objective 
point ! Grant  had  enough  of  Lee’s  army.  He  now 
turned  toward  Butler  on  the  distant  James.  Early 
on  the  morning  of  May  7,  Lee  ordered  a roadway 
cut  through  the  forest  directly  southward  from  the 
plank  road.  He  anticipated  Grant’s  movement 
from  the  latter’s  failure  to  renew  the  battle.  The 
cavalry  soon  brought  word  that  Grant’s  trains  were 
moving.  Ewell  sent  a force  to  reconnoitre  the 
Federal  right  and  found  the  Germanna  road  de- 
serted. Grant  was  withdrawing  from  his  defences, 


Robert  E.  Lee . 


[1864 


368 

and  behind  him  he  left  his  dead  and  some  of  his 
wounded  to  care  for  themselves. 

At  the  coming  of  darkness  Lee  issued  the  order  to 
Anderson  to  lead  Longstreet’s  corps  along  the  new 
forest  roadway  toward  Spotsylvania  Court-House. 
Ewell  was  next  ordered  to  begin  the  night-march 
while  Hill  remained  to  guard  the  Confederate  rear. 
Anderson’s  corps  began  to  march  at  11  P.M.  of  May 
7.  The  Wilderness  was  illuminated  by  the  blaze  of 
the  burning  leaves.  Rapidly  the  Confederate  column 
moved  southward,  and  an  hour  before  the  dawn  they 
lay  down  to  rest  in  a grove  near  Spotsylvania  Court- 
House.  Lee  held  Ewell’s  corps  at  Parker’s  store, 
and  early  on  the  morning  of  May  8 advanced  to  sup- 
port Anderson.* 

During  the  previous  night  Fitz  Lee  held  his  dis- 
mounted men  on  the  Brock  road  to  resist  the  ad- 
vance of  Warren.  Trees  were  felled,  attacks  were 
delivered,  and  obstinate  resistance  was  offered  to  the 
Federal  advance.  The  sun  of  May  8 arose  upon 
Warren  still  distant  from  the  goal,  while  Anderson, 

* Grant’s  withdrawal  eastward  led  Lee  to  suppose  that  the  Federal 
army  was  retiring  to  Fredericksburg.  Lee  therefore  left  Early  with 
Hill’s  corps  near  Todd’s  Tavern  to  hold  the  attention  of  Grant’s  rear 
until  he  could  swing  Anderson  and  Ewell  around  to  strike  Grant’s 
flank  or  his  head  of  column.  Lee’s  movement  was  executed  with 
skill  and  vigour.  Grant  himself  remained  behind  with  Hancock’s 
corps  to  watch  Early.  Until  noonday  and  afterwards  he  was  sending 
to  the  front  detailed  specifications  for  the  advance  of  his  army  beyond 
Spotsylvania  to  the  James  River  ! At  I P.  M.  he  learned  that  War- 
ren’s corps  had  received  a disastrous  check  at  the  Court-House,  and 
that  he  must  halt  to  deliver  battle  against  Confederate  intrenchments. 
Lee’s  advanced  corps  had  won  the  race  for  position  and  held  the 
coveted  field  of  defensive  battle  on  Spotsylvania  Ridge. 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  369 


after  a more  circuitous  journey,  was  arrayed  across 
the  Federal  pathway.  After  sunrise,  Anderson 
marched  one  mile  northward  from  the  Court-House 
to  assist  the  cavalry  in  stemming  the  Federal  tide  of 
war.  Upon  a pine-covered  ridge,  Anderson  threw 
up  hasty  works  composed  of  logs  and  rails.  The 
Confederates  wore  a grim  smile  behind  their  de- 
fences as  they  saw  Warren’s  corps  advancing  to  the 
assault  to  meet  disaster  in  front  of  their  unerring 
rifles.*  Lee’s  First  Corps  held  the  Court-House 
cross-road  and  the  onset  of  Grant’s  advance  corps 
failed  to  take  the  position. 

The  two  armies  were  shaping  their  course  south- 
eastward across  the  swamps  and  sluggish  streams 
that  feed  the  upper  York  River.  Between  the 
Po  and  the  Ny  rivers  lies  the  Spotsylvania  Ridge. 
Lee’s  swifter  marching  during  the  night  enabled  him 
to  array  his  line  of  battle  across  this  peninsular  ridge, 
with  his  guns  pointing  northward  face  to  face  with 
Grant’s  head  of  column.  In  ignorance  of  this  fact, 
Grant  remained  in  dalliance  with  Early  at  Todd’s 
Tavern,  and  permitted  Lee  to  make  a more  speedy 
concentration  of  his  entire  army  at  Spotsylvania. 
At  5 P.M.  on  May  8,  Lee  arrived  with  Ewell’s  corps, 
after  a double  passage  of  the  Po,  and  at  sunset  the 
First  and  Second  Confederate  corps  were  in  po- 

* Stuart  was  there.  For  the  last  time  the  ascending  sun  glanced 
upon  that  plumed  hat  in  the  presence  of  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia.  Amid  the  storm  of  bullets,  Stuart  wore  his  old,  sweet 
smile,  and  cheered  the  riflemen  by  commending  the  accuracy  of  their 
aim  and  the  rapidity  of  their  fire.  His  shout  of  gratification  was 
mingled  with  theirs  when  they  beheld  Warren’s  corps  recoiling  from 

the  deadly  fire  that  blazed  along  the  ridge’s  crest. 

24 


370 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


sition  across  the  Brock  road  ready  to  receive  the 
assault  of  the  Fifth  and  Sixth  Federal  corps  under 
Sedgwick.  As  darkness  fell,  the  second  Federal 
attack  was  repulsed  and  Ewell  advanced  northward 
a half-mile  in  a counter-charge  on  the  right  of  the 
roadway.  In  the  darkness,  the  Confederates  began 
to  throw  up  intrenchments  in  front  of  Sedgwick’s 
breastworks.* 

The  works  erected  during  the  night  were  slight  and 
irregular.  Lee  thought  the  position  untenable,  but 
Ewell  called  attention  to  the  high  open  point  on  the 
ridge  defended  by  Johnson’s  salient.  From  that 
elevation  hostile  cannon  might  sweep  the  entire 
region  between  the  rivers.  Lee,  therefore,  ordered 
his  heavy  guns  into  position  behind  the  defences 
and  commanded  the  chief  engineer  to  mark  off  a 


* On  the  evening  of  May  8,  Ewell’s  corps  formed  Lee’s  right 
wing  and  Anderson’s  corps  his  left.  The  division  of  Rodes  rested 
its  left  on  the  Brock  road,  while  Edward  Johnson’s  division  was 
drawn  out  to  the  right  of  Rodes.  Gordon  held  his  division  in  re- 
serve. The  half-mile  advance  brought  Ewell’s  corps  northward 
beyond  Anderson’s  corps.  Lee’s  entire  right  wing  faced  westward 
while  his  left  wing  faced  northward,  both  guarding  the  approach  of 
the  Brock  road  from  the  north-west. 

The  early  morning  of  May  g,  saw  Lee  riding  along  Ewell’s  line. 
Through  the  pine-tree  groves  it  wound  its  way  almost  northward  to- 
ward Sedgwick’s  flank.  Johnson’s  division  on  the  extreme  right  was 
extended  through  the  forest,  across  ravines  and  marshes,  beyond  the 
Harrison  and  McCool  farm-houses,  to  command  the  open  ground  that 
slopes  eastward  to  the  Ny  River.  At  Rodes’s  right  brigade  the 
line  bent  outward  in  a salient,  and  near  the  centre  of  Johnson’s  posi- 
tion an  acute  angle  in  the  line  was  formed  by  bending  back  his  right 
brigade  to  face  the  Ny.  This  was  the  apex  of  the  famous  salient  of 
the  battle  of  May  12. 


MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  OF  SPOTTSYLVANIA  COURT-HOUSE 


MAY 


8-18, 


1864. 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness. 


371 


second  line  behind  the  advanced  right  wing,  to  be 
held  by  Gordon’s  division. 

Far  behind  at  Todd’s  Tavern  on  the  Brock  road, 
most  of  Hancock’s  corps  tarried  throughout  the 
eighth  day  of  May.  Early  and  Hampton  thus  held 
the  tail  of  the  serpent,  while  Anderson  and  Ewell 
were  hammering  his  head.  On  the  morning  of  the 
9th,  Grant  sent  Sheridan  on  a raid  toward  Richmond, 
and  thus  gave  Lee  longer  time  to  concentrate  his 
entire  army  at  Spotsylvania.  On  this  same  day  the 
head  of  Early’s  corps  reached  the  Court-House  just 
in  time  to  check  the  advance  of  Burnside  across  the 
Ny  from  the  eastward.  The  latter  had  marched  far 
afield  and  was  moving  on  the  Fredericksburg  road 
to  strike  Lee’s  right  and  rear.  Early  established 
his  guns  in  a north  and  south  line  along  the  ridge 
and  visited  confusion  upon  Burnside.  The  left  of 
the  Third  Confederate  Corps  was  then  extended  to 
unite  with  Ewell’s  right,  and  the  great  salient  was 
thus  completed.  The  western  face  was  held  by 
Ewell  and  the  eastern  face  by  Ewell  and  Early. 
Lee’s  right  wing  formed  nearly  a right  angle  with 
his  centre  and  left.  At  the  angle,  the  Confederate 
line  was  pushed  out  northward  in  the  shape  of  an 
acorn,  one  mile  in  length  and  a half-mile  in  width. 
The  Confederate  soldiers  called  this  excrescence 
“ The  Mule  Shoe.”  The  gallant  Confederate  artil- 
lerymen were  ready  to  sweep  with  canister  every 
approach  toward  the  elevation  where  Johnson’s  divi- 
sion held  the  apex  of  the  salient. 

Hancock  followed  the  Brock  road  on  May  9 to 
take  position  on  Grant’s  extreme  right.  He  sent 


37  2 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


three  divisions  across  the  Po  to  press  against  Lee’s 
left  and  rear.  Grant  proposed  to  assail  Lee’s  pen- 
insula from  the  north  and  from  the  east  and  from 
the  west. 

Under  cover  of  darkness  Lee  made  ready  his  coun- 
ter-stroke. Across  the  Po  below  the  Court-House 
he  moved  Heth’s  division.  At  the  dawn  of  the 
ioth,  Heth  fell  upon  the  flank  and  rear  of  Hancock’s 
force,  just  as  Hancock  was  seeking  to  obey  Grant’s 
order  to  withdraw  his  men  to  the  northern  bank  of 
the  Po.  Grant  seems  to  have  become  nervous  in 
attempting  the  mild  manoeuvre  of  an  assault  against 
Lee’s  left  flank,  for  he  hastily  recalled  the  column 
in  order  to  mass  his  forces  in  front  of  the  Confed- 
erate intrenchments.  Amid  the  thick-grown  pines, 
Heth  visited  fearful  loss  upon  Barlow’s  division. 
Through  an  inferno  of  burning  woods  he  hastened 
Hancock’s  retreat  across  the  Po  and  rejoiced  over 
the  capture  of  one  of  Hancock’s  heavy  guns. 

On  May  io,  Grant  began  to  storm  the  Confederate 
works.  At  ii  A.M.,  a strong  force  rushed  against 
Lee’s  left  wing.  Field’s  division  wrapped  their  de- 
fences in  the  flame  of  musketry  and  cannon  fire,  and 
the  Federal  soldiers  poured  out  their  blood  in  vain. 
At  three  in  the  afternoon  the  men  in  blue  uniform 
made  a second  dash  against  the  wooded  crest  where 
the  guns  and  muskets  of  Lee’s  First  Corps  were 
hurling  a tornado  of  death  through  the  wilderness  of 
stunted  cedars.  After  the  repulse,  the  Confederates 
leaped  over  their  works  to  collect  the  muskets  and 
ammunition  of  Grant’s  defeated  and  fallen  men. 
These  were  distributed  along  the  line  until  each  Con- 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  373 


federate  soldier  was  armed  with  more  than  one  loaded 
rifle.  The  sun  drew  near  the  hour  of  setting.  Han- 
cock was  united  with  Warren  and  in  long  heavy  lines 
the  two  corps  dashed  themselves  against  Lee’s  thin 
left  wing.  But  Hancock’s  front  line  went  down  be- 
fore the  multiplied  fire  of  Field's  division.  Gallantly 
onward  rushed  the  second  Federal  line  over  the 
breastwork  of  the  Texas  brigade.  Like  tigers 
fought  the  fragment  of  the  eight  hundred.  With 
bayonets  and  with  clubbed  muskets  they  struggled 
hand  to  hand  and  yielded  not.  The  adjoining  bri- 
gade turned  upon  the  flank  of  the  foe  and  Grant’s 
assault  was  rendered  fruitless. 

At  the  same  hour  another  assault  was  raging 
against  the  western  face  of  the  salient.  Sedgwick 
sent  Upton’s  brigade  to  charge  Ewell’s  centre.  In 
four  lines  Upton  advanced.  He  broke  through 
Doles’s  brigade  and  swept  him  from  the  Confederate 
works.  Daniel  and  Steuart  unleashed  their  brigades 
against  Upton’s  flanks.  Battle  and  Johnson  as- 
sailed him  in  front;  and  still  the  gallant  Upton  con- 
tinued the  struggle.  Gordon  and  Walker  struck 
heavy  blows  against  the  Federal  flanks  and  Upton 
was  forced  back  with  heavy  loss.  Ewell’s  terrific 
firing  had  meanwhile  repulsed  the  reinforcements 
pressing  forward  to  the  aid  of  Upton. 

The  Confederate  right  wing  facing  eastward  under 
Early  did  not  escape  attack  on  this  day  of  general 
assault.*  Several  lines  from  Burnside’s  corps  essayed 

*“To  assault  ‘all  along  the  line,’  as  was  so  often  done  in  the 
summer  of  1864,  is  the  very  abdication  of  leadership.” — Francis  A. 
Walker. 


374 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


to  seize  the  roadway  at  the  Court-House.  But  the 
guns  of  Cutts  and  Pegram  speedily  drove  Burnside  to 
seek  shelter. 

This  day  of  Federal  sacrifice  was  followed  by  a 
day  of  rain  and  skirmishing.  On  May  io,  Grant 
wired  thus  to  Halleck:  “ Send  to  Belle  Plain  all  the 
infantry  you  can  rake  and  scrape.”  On  May  n,  he 
despatched  to  Washington  the  well-known  boast  that 
he  would  “ fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all 
summer”  and  added  to  this  the  following:  “ The 
arrival  of  reinforcements  here  will  be  very  encourag- 
ing to  the  men,  and  I hope  they  will  be  sent  as  fast 
as  possible  and  in  as  great  numbers.”  * 

On  May  II,  Lee  marked  great  commotion  in  the 
P'ederal  army.  Burnside  turned  his  head  of  column 
northward  across  the  Ny,  and  then  marched  back 
again  to  sit  down  before  the  Court-House.  P'ar  up 
the  Po  opposite  Lee’s  left  marched  a P'ederal  brigade. 
Hancock  withdrew  a division  from  the  Federal  right. 
Lee  interpreted  this  restlessness  as  the  sign  of  a with- 
drawal from  the  field.  He  ordered  all  artillery 

difficult  of  access  ” on  the  Confederate  line  to  be 
withdrawn  and  held  in  readiness  for  the  march.  In 
obedience  to  this  command  Long  drew  back  through 
the  narrow  winding  roadway  the  guns  from  the  Mule 
Shoe  salient.  Johnson’s  division  was  left  to  guard 
the  apex  with  muskets  alone  and  two  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. At  midnight  Johnson  reported  the  massing  of 

* Francis  A.  Walker  says  in  connection  with  this  crisis  in  the 
Federal  movement  : “ The  partition  of  authority  between  Grant 

and  Meade  had  worked  badly  from  the  first,  as  it  was  destined  to  do 
through  the  remainder  of  the  campaign.” 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  375 


troops  in  his  front  and  asked  for  the  return  of  the 
guns.* 

Through  the  heavy  mist  at  the  dawn  of  May  12, 
Hancock’s  corps  rushed  forward  to  envelop  the  apex 
of  the  salient.  Johnson’s  division  was  alert,  but 
musketry  fire  alone  could  not  shake  the  masses  of 
the  Second  Corps,  f Over  the  log-works  they 
swarmed.  Johnson’s  division  of  twenty-eight  hun- 
dred was  made  captive.  The  Confederate  batteries 
rushed  forward  at  a gallop,  and  reached  the  salient 
just  in  time  to  become  Federal  spoil.  Twenty  can- 
non and  a troop  of  banners  fell  into  Hancock’s  hands, 
along  with  Generals  Johnson  and  Steuart.  Han- 
cock’s corps  filled  up  the  inner  angle  of  the  salient, 
and  his  line  began  to  sweep  down  within  the  Mule 
Shoe  from  point  to  heel.  Lane’s  Confederate  bri- 
gade poured  in  a galling  fire  from  the  eastern  face 
and  Hancock’s  left  wing  recoiled.  Across  the  base 
of  the  salient  Gordon  formed  his  line;  so  dense  was 
the  fog  and  smoke  of  battle  that  Hancock’s  position 
was  defined  only  by  the  sound  of  his  muskets  and 
the  direction  of  the  bullets.  Lee  spurred  his  horse 
toward  the  place  of  strife  and  found  Gordon  array- 
ing his  men  for  the  charge.  Lee  quietly  took  his 
position  to  lead  the  division.  “ This  is  no  place  for 
General  Lee,”  said  Gordon  in  stage-whisper.  The 
soldiers  heard  the  words  and  began  to  shout,  “ Gen- 
eral Lee  to  the  rear.”  “ These  men  are  Georgians 

* Lee  was  not  informed.  Ewell  ordered  the  guns  to  return  at 
daybreak. 

f On  account  of  the  dampness  many  of  the  Confederate  rifles  re- 
fused to  fire  ; this  fact  imparted  greater  courage  to  the  assailants. 


376 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


and  Virginians;  they  have  never  failed  you;  they 
will  not  fail  you  now,”  cried  the  impetuous  Gordon 
to  his  commander.  A ragged  soldier  stepped  from 
the  ranks  and  turned  Traveller’s  head  toward  the 
rear.  The  cry  of  “ Lee  to  the  rear  ” rang  out  again 
and  again,  and  then  it  changed  to  the  battle-slogan 
as  the  line  advanced.  Like  a primitive  bee-hunter, 
Gordon  followed  the  course  of  the  leaden  messengers 
back  to  their  origin.  The  din  of  battle  swelled  into 
a roar  when  Gordon  met  Hancock  amid  the  dense 
growth  of  pines.  The  Federal  left  was  thrust  back- 
ward and  Gordon  set  his  flag  above  the  eastern 
face  of  the  salient. 

Ewell  urged  Ramseur’s  brigade  against  Hancock’s 
right  flank.  From  Early’s  corps  came  two  brigades 
under  Harris  and  McGowan.  Lee  rode  forward  to 
lead  Harris’s  Mississippians  into  the  deadly  breach, 
but  again  was  heard  the  protest  “ General  Lee,  go  to 
the  rear.”  “ Lee  to  the  rear  ” was  the  battle-cry  of 
this  line  that  repulsed  Hancock’s  right  wing.  Severe 
losses  had  befallen  Hancock  and  he  was  driven  out 
side  the  salient.  The  Federal  troops  now  held  the 
outer  trenches  at  the  apex  and  along  the  western  face 
of  the  Mule  Shoe.  Two  Federal  divisions  from  the 
Sixth  Corps  advanced  to  support  Hancock’s  line 
along  this  western  portion  of  the  angle.  Three 
Confederate  brigades  occupied  the  corresponding 
inner  trenches.*  Across  the  pile  of  logs  for  twenty 

* Mississippi  under  Harris  held  the  place  of  honour  in  this  con- 
flict. In  close  support  stood  South  Carolina,  led  by  McGowan,  and 
North  Carolina  under  Ramseur.  These  three  brigades  held  the  inner 
trenches  of  the  western  face  of  the  salient.  From  the  apex  at  their 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  377 

hours  the  murderous  struggle  continued  hand-to- 
hand,  until  this  place  of  battle  was  baptized  in  the 
life-current  from  the  veins  of  heroes  as  the  Bloody 
Angle. 

right,  an  enfilading  Federal  fire  swept  along  their  line.  Just  across 
the  heap  of  logs  in  the  outer  trenches  stood  the  Federal  divisions, 
four  lines  deep. 

The  three  brigades  must  hold  this  key-point  in  the  Confederate 
archway.  Lee  had  not  another  man  to  place  in  the  imperilled  cen- 
tre, for  Grant  was  hurling  the  whole  Army  of  the  Potomac  against 
him  “ all  along  the  line.”  The  Fifth  and  a part  of  the  Sixth  Corps 
were  charging  Lee’s  left,  and  Burnside  was  storming  the  right.  But 
cannon  crowned  the  Confederate  lines,  and  the  story  of  Grant’s 
assaults  was  again  written  in  the  blood  of  his  own  soldiers.  A 
division  of  the  Fifth  Corps  was  sent  to  aid  Hancock.  Ravines 
and  forests  outside  the  salient  were  filled  up  with  Federal  regiments  ; 
batteries  were  planted  to  fire  over  the  works  ; mortars  dropped  their 
shot  among  the  beleaguered  Confederates.  Cannon  were  dragged 
up  to  thrust  their  muzzles  across  the  top  of  the  intrenchments.  And 
yet  the  three  brigades  stood  bravely  to  their  work. 

On  each  side  of  the  fortification,  men  climbed  to  the  top  and  fired 
into  the  faces  of  the  foe.  They  grappled  and  dragged  one  another 
across  the  logs.  Over  the  works  and  through  the  crevices  were 
bayonets  thrust.  A cold,  drenching  rain  fell  upon  the  wrestlers  ; 
both  trenches  were  partly  filled  with  water  and  seemed  to  run  with 
blood.  The  heaps  of  dead  and  dying  were  more  than  once  removed 
to  leave  fighting  room  for  the  living.  Large  standing  trees  behind 
the  lines  were  cut  off  by  musket-balls. 

Throughout  the  day  the  roar  of  battle  was  continuous  in  this  field 
of  blood.  The  brigades  ordered  forward  by  Grant  to  support  the 
assault  suffered  more,  perhaps,  than  the  Federal  force  in  the  trenches. 
The  Confederate  fire  was  so  keen  that  it  split  the  blades  of  grass 
around  the  approaching  foe.  (A  Federal  officer  speaks  of  the  “ Min- 
ies  moaning  in  a furious  concert  as  they  picked  out  victims  by  the 
score.”) 

Under  the  cover  of  darkness  Hancock’s  line  of  toilers  in  the  ditch 
was  relieved  by  men  who  took  their  place.  (All  were  relieved  ex- 
cept the  37th  Mass,  regiment.)  As  these  Federal  soldiers  withdrew 
they  dropped  to  the  ground  from  exhaustion.  But  the  three  Confed- 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


C1864 


378 


Gordon’s  men  were  toiling  to  erect  a breastwork 
across  the  base  of  the  salient.  At  the  early  dawn 
of  May  13,  the  wearied  Confederates  were  with- 
drawn from  the  angle.  Lee’s  wings  were  bound 
together  by  this  stronger  second  line.  In  spite  of 
Confederate  losses  by  capture  on  this  fearful  day, 
Grant’s  disabled  men  were  so  numerous  that  the 
casualties  on  both  sides  stood  in  number  about  the 
same, — seven  thousand.  Twenty-two  brigades  in 
all  were  thrown  against  Lee’s  centre  at  the  salient, 
only  to  meet  disaster. 

From  May  13  to  May  18,  Grant  “ manoeuvred  and 
waited  for  reinforcements,”  notwithstanding  his  pre- 
vious words  to  Meade,  “ I never  manoeuvre.  ” About 
twenty-five  thousand  men  came  to  his  aid.  The 
Confederates  rested  and  satisfied  their  hunger  from 
the  captured  Federal  haversacks.  Real  coffee  boiled 
in  new  Federal  tin  cups,  with  foreign  sugar,  gave 
additional  vigour  to  Lee’s  veterans.  The  evening 
of  May  12  brought  the  news  of  J.  E.  B.  Stuart’s 
heroic  death  the  previous  day  in  front  of  Richmond. 
On  May  20,  Lee  made  this  official  announcement  of 
the  sad  event : 

“ Among  the  gallant  soldiers  who  have  fallen  in  this  war,  General 
Stuart  was  second  to  none  in  valour,  in  zeal,  and  in  unflinching  devo- 
tion to  his  country.  His  achievements  form  a conspicuous  part  of 
the  history  of  this  army,  with  which  his  name  and  services  will  be 
forever  associated.  To  military  capacity  of  a high  order,  and  to  the 
nobler  virtues  of  the  soldier,  he  added  the  brighter  graces  of  a pure 

erate  brigades  were  not  relieved.  Lee  could  not  spare  the  men. 
Without  food,  or  drink,  or  rest,  or  covering,  beneath  the  falling  rain, 
they  stood  in  the  bloody  trenches  and  loaded  and  fired  throughout 
the  watches  of  the  night. 


18641 


ike  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  379 


life,  guided  and  sustained  by  the  Christian’s  faith  and  hope.  The 
mysterious  hand  of  an  all-wise  God  has  removed  him  from  the  scene 
of  his  usefulness  and  fame.  His  grateful  countrymen  will  mourn  his 
loss  and  cherish  his  memory.  To  his  comrades  in  arms  he  has  left 
the  proud  recollections  of  his  deeds  and  the  inspiring  influence  of  his 
example.” 

May  17  brought  unwelcome  messages  to  Grant. 
Halleck  telegraphed  the  following:  “ Sigel  is  in  full 
retreat  on  Strasburg.  He  will  do  nothing  but  run. 
Never  did  anything  else.”  At  New  Market,  in  the 
Valley  of  Virginia,  on  May  15,  Sigel  had  suffered 
defeat  at  the  hand  of  John  C.  Breckinridge  with  the 
loss  of  six  Federal  guns  and  nearly  nine  hundred 
men.*  The  information  also  came  to  Grant  that 
May  16  had  closed  on  Butler  fast  in  the  huge  bot- 
tle formed  by  the  James  and  Appomattox  rivers. 
Beauregard  held  the  cork  of  the  bottle  and  Butler 
could  neither  advance  nor  retreat. 

On  the  morning  of  May  18,  Grant  massed  his 
Second  and  Sixth  Corps  and  sent  them  to  storm  the 
salient.  Lee’s  heavy  guns  were  ready  along  the 
new  base-line.  Spherical  case  and  canister  from 
twenty-nine  guns  broke  the  Federal  host  of  twelve 
thousand  before  they  came  within  rifle-range.  At 

* Si  gel’s  force  numbered  six  thousand  five  hundred  men  and 
twenty-eight  guns.  Breckinridge  had  about  four  thousand  five  hun- 
dred men,  including  the  artillery  under  William  McLaughlin  and  the 
horsemen  of  J.  D.  Imboden.  McLaughlin’s  eight  guns  with  the  horse- 
artillery  tamed  the  spirit  of  the  Federal  soldiery  ; Imboden  placed  his 
cavalry  on  Sigel’s  flank  and  the  Confederate  infantry  advanced  to 
drive  Sigel  down  the  valley.  The  corps  of  cadets  from  the  Virginia 
Military  Institute,  mere  boys  in  age,  advanced  with  the  steadiness  of 
veterans  side  by  side  with  the  62d  Virginia  regiment,  and  captured  a 
blazing  battery  from  the  centre  of  Sigel’s  line. 


38° 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


the  same  hour  Burnside  fell  back  from  his  attack 
against  Lee’s  right  wing.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  slowly  drifting  towarci  its  own  left.  Grant  was 
looking  for  weak  points  in  Lee’s  line,  but  at  every 
assault  the  Confederate  breastworks  fairly  bristled 
with  cannon  and  Grant  drew  back.  On  May  19, 
Ewell  was  sent  around  the  Federal  right  to  ascertain 
Grant’s  position.  He  found  severe  battle,  and  was 
repulsed  with  the  loss  of  nine  hundred  men.  But 
Grant  was  held  back  one  entire  day  from  his  march 
southward.  The  night  of  May  20  found  Hancock 
leading  Grant’s  advance  south-eastward  to  the  Fred- 
ericksburg railroad.  The  chapter  of  Federal  losses 
on  the  Spotsylvania  field  recounts  the  fall  and  cap- 
ture of  nearly  eighteen  thousand  men.  Over  thirty- 
seven  thousand  was  the  total  number  of  disabled  in 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  the  Rapidan  to 
Spotsylvania.  About  one-third  of  that  number 
measured  the  reduction  in  Lee’s  effective  strength. 

At  noonday,  May  2 1 , Ewell  led  the  advance  towards 
Hanover  Junction  beyond  the  North  Anna  River. 
The  forenoon  of  the  22d  brought  Ewell’s  head  of 
column  to  the  Junction.  Noonday  marked  the 
passage  of  Anderson’s  column  across  the  Anna 
bridge  while  the  morning  of  May  23  found  the 
Third  Corps,  again  under  Hill,  on  the  southern  bank 
of  the  stream.  Lee  did  not  possess  the  strength 
to  strike  Grant’s  flank  in  the  latter’s  circuitous 
march.  He  preferred  to  follow  the  shorter  pathway 
and  to  block  Grant’s  journey  southward.*  Pickett 

* Lee  remarked  to  Jed  Hotchkiss  on  the  journey  to  Hanover; 
‘ We  wish  no  more  salients.” 


1864] 


The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  381 


and  Breckinridge  with  nine  thousand  muskets 
awaited  Lee’s  approach  at  the  Junction.  Noonday 
of  May  23  found  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
looking  out  northward  from  rude  intrenchments  to 
mark  the  approach  of  Grant’s  columns  beyond  the 
river. 

In  the  centre,  commanding  the  telegraph  road 
stood  the  First  Corps  behind  heavy  guns.  Lee’s 
right  was  held  by  the  Second  Corps,  and  his  left  by 
the  Third.  Farther  up  the  stream  the  corps  of 
Warren  found  passage  and  threatened  the  Confed- 
erate left  flank.  Hill  sent  Wilcox  at  6 P.M.  to  drive 
Warren  back,  but  Warren  manifested  much  strength, 
and  as  darkness  fell  both  sides  began  to  build 
fortifications. 

Sunrise  of  the  24th  brought  Lee  to  his  left  wing, 
to  mark  the  advantage  gained  by  Warren.  His 
wrath  was  aroused.  The  crimson  flush  mounted 
high  on  neck  and  forehead.  The  eyes  were  as  a 
flame  of  fire.  The  courtly  manner  was  stiffened  into 
reserve.  The  words  of  questioning  fell  like  a scath- 
ing rebuke:  “ General  Hill,  why  did  you  let  these 
people  cross  the  river  ? Why  did  you  not  drive 
them  back  as  General  Jackson  would  have  done  ? ” 

Since  Hill  had  already  drawn  back  the  left  wing, 
Lee  retired  his  right  from  the  river,  and  allowed 
his  centre  to  rest  on  the  North  Anna  at  Ox  Ford. 
The  Confederate  army  was  drawn  up  in  form  like  a 
wedge  with  the  point  thrust  against  the  river.  Grant 
pushed  his  Fifth  and  Sixth  Corps  over-stream  to  face 
southward  and  Hancock’s  corps  crossed  below  and 
faced  northward.  Burnside  sought  passage  in  the 


382 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


Federal  centre,  but  suffered  loss  from  Lee’s  guns  on 
the  river’s  edge.  Grant’s  army  was  cut  in  twain  on 
the  point  of  the  Confederate  wedge.  If  either  Fed- 
eral wing  should  bring  assistance  to  the  other,  the 
Federal  force  must  make  a double  passage  of  the 
river.* 

The  morning  of  May  27  dawned  upon  the  vacant 
Federal  encampment.  Grant  had  again  sought  the 
northern  bank  of  the  river  and  was  heading  his 
columns  south-eastward.  He  had  received  a com- 
plete checkmate  and  had  failed  to  cut  the  Central 
railroad.  Lee  was  disappointed  that  greater  results 
did  not  follow  the  separation  of  Grant’s  two  wings. 
But  his  combative  spirit  never  wavered,  and  at  a 
swift  pace  the  Confederates  started  on  the  home- 
stretch. Directly  southward  between  the  Central 
and  Fredericksburg  railways,  Lee  moved  the  Sec- 
ond Corps  now  under  Early.  The  First  Corps 
marched  around  to  Lee’s  right  via  Ashland.  A 
journey  of  twenty-four  miles  in  thirty  hours  brought 
the  Confederates  into  line  of  battle  facing  north- 
eastward on  the  central  ridge  between  the  Totopo- 
tomoy  and  Beaver  Dam  creeks.  Grant  kept  close 
to  the  northern  bank  of  the  Pamunkey  and  sought 
to  cross  that  stream  and  seize  Richmond.  Fitz 

* At  this  juncture  Lee  was  seized  with  sickness.  During  the 
previous  twenty  days  he  rested  little.  Not  until  ten  or  eleven  at 
night  did  he  seek  his  blanket,  and  three  o’clock  each  morning  found 
him  at  breakfast  by  candle-light,  and  then  to  the  front  to  spend 
eighteen  hours  along  the  line  of  battle.  His  iron  frame  yielded  at 
last,  but  he  still  retained  his  command.  As  he  lay  in  his  tent  he 
cried  out  in  impatience  : “ We  must  strike  them  ! We  must  never 

let  them  pass  us  again  ! We  must  strike  them  ! ” 


18641  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  383 


Lee’s  cavalry  retarded  Grant’s  progress  untjl  the 
entire  Confederate  army  stood  athwart  Grant’s 
pathway  on  May  28.  Grant  moved  his  army  south 
of  the  Pamunkey,  but  Lee’s  front  was  formidable, 
and  Grant  halted  to  await  reinforcements  from 
Butler.  On  May  30,  W.  F.  Smith’s  corps  reached 
the  White  House  on  the  lower  Pamunkey  and 
marched  to  give  strength  to  Grant’s  left  wing.* 

From  Beauregard’s  army,  south  of  Richmond,  Lee 
asked  reinforcements.  Since  May  20,  Beauregard 
had  beset  the  Richmond  officials  with  proposals  for 
a game  in  grand  strategy.  Grant  and  Butler  occu- 
pied outside  lines,  while  Beauregard  and  Lee  held  the 
inner  defensive  lines.  Let  Lee  fall  back  to  the 
Chickahominy  and  draw  Grant  after  him,  was  Beau- 
regard’s suggestion.  A portion  of  Lee’s  force  might 
hold  Grant  at  bay  while  the  other  portion  brought 
aid  to  Beauregard.  After  the  capture  of  Butler, 
Beauregard  would  move  northward  and  stand  by  the 
side  of  Lee  to  receive  the  capitulation  of  Grant  in 
the  swamps  of  the  Chickahominy.  Whatever  the 
merits  of  the  scheme,  Lee  steadfastly  maintained 
that  continual  battle  must  be  offered  to  Grant. 
When  at  length  he  reached  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  Capital,  he  asked  Beauregard  to  lend  assist- 
ance. But  Beauregard  seemed  unwilling  now  to 
play  at  strategy.  He  telegraphed  to  Richmond : 
“ War  Dept,  must  determine  when  and  what  troops 

* Lee’s  sickness  continued  during  these  critical  days.  For  the  first 
time  in  the  campaign  he  spent  the  night  under  the  roof  of  a house 
near  Atlee’s  Station.  His  determined  will  kept  him  at  the  front  each 
day. 


3§4 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


to  order  from  here.”  Lee’s  reply  to  Beauregard  is 
this:  ‘‘If  you  cannot  determine  what  troops  you  can 
spare,  the  Department  cannot.  The  result  of  your 
delay  will  be  disaster.  Butler’s  troops  will  be  with 
Grant  to-morrow.” 

Grant  withdrew  from  Lee’s  front  and  once  again 
moved  by  the  left  flank  towards  Cold  Harbor.  On 
May  31,  Hoke’s  division  from  Beauregard  confronted 
the  Federal  advance  on  the  old  battle-ground  of  1862. 
Lee  extended  his  right  to  give  support,  and  the 
afternoon  of  June  1 witnessed  severe  battle  on  the 
roadway  between  Old  and  New  Cold  Harbor.  A 
Federal  charge  broke  through  Lee’s  right  wing  and 
carried  away  five  hundred  captives.  But  Grant  paid 
the  tribute  of  twelve  hundred  men. 

During  the  hot  sultry  night  of  June  1,  Grant  with- 
drew his  own  right  wing  and  moved  it  by  the  left 
beyond  the  Cold  Harbor  road.  Lee  met  this 
change  of  position  by  sending  Hill  and  Breckinridge 
to  defend  his  own  right  flank.  Lee’s  right  wing  on 
Turkey  Hill  now  defended  the  passage  of  theChicka- 
hominy  at  Grapevine  Bridge.  The  heat  of  the  second 
day  of  June  brought  weariness  and  thirst  to  the  men 
of  both  armies.  The  dust  from  marching  columns 
hovered  over  the  field  in  dense  clouds.  The  pangs 
of  hunger  oppressed  the  Confederates  as  they  took 
their  places  behind  the  earthworks.*  In  Lee’s  cen- 

* Many  of  the  Confederate  troops,  according  to  George  C.  Eggles- 
ton of  the  artillery,  had  received  only  two  issues  of  rations  since 
leaving  the  Junction.  One  issue  contained  three  hard  biscuits  and  a 
meagre  slice  of  pork  to  each  man.  Two  days  after  this  issue,  one 
cracker  was  apportioned  to  each  soldier.  Upon  this  allowance  the 
Confederates  entered  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor. 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  385 


tre,  Anderson’s  (Longstreet's)  corps  and  Hoke’s 
division  were  arrayed  across  the  roadway  between 
New  and  Old  Cold  Harbor,  facing  eastward.  Be- 
yond Hoke’s  right,  to  the  southward,  Breckinridge 
and  Hill  extended  the  Confederate  line  to  the 
Chickahominy.  Fitz  Lee  patrolled  the  region  be- 
tween that  stream  and  the  James  River.  Looking 
northward  from  Lee’s  centre,  one  might  see  Ewell’s 
corps  under  Early  standing  at  Anderson’s  left  hand. 
Heth’s  division  of  Hill’s  corps  defended  the  extreme 
Confederate  left. 

In  the  afternoon  of  J une  2,  Lee  assumed  the  offens- 
ive. He  ordered  Early  to  assail  Grant’s  right  flank 
and  sweep  down  in  front  of  the  Confederate  line  of 
battle.  Early  found  Grant’s  right  wing  intrenched 
behind  impregnable  works.  The  opportunity  was 
offered  to  Grant  to  fight  in  open  ground  For  such 
an  opportunity  he  expressed  a great  desire  in  his 
despatches  to  Washington.  But  he  came  not  forth 
from  his  fortress  to  deliver  battle  against  Early. 
The  latter  built  strong  breastworks  in  front  of  Grant’s 
right  and  awaited  the  coming  of  the  morning. 

At  4.30  on  the  morning  of  June  3,  Grant  sent  his 
army  to  the  assault  all  along  the  line,  six  miles  in 
length.  The  Confederate  works  were  full  of  salient 
angles,  and  Lee’s  heavy  guns  secured  a cross-fire  at 
short  range  against  nearly  every  one  of  the  attacking 
brigades.  The  Confederate  riflemen  took  deliberate 
aim.  Hunger  had  maddened  Lee’s  veterans  and 
they  multiplied  their  shots  with  fearful  swiftness. 
The  rifle-pits  seemed  to  speak  with  tongues  of  flame. 
No  man  and  no  body  of  men  could  stand  in  front  of 

25  • 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


386 

that  fire  and  live.  Grant’s  vast  host  could  only  rush 
forward  to  die  before  the  Confederate  marksmen. 

Hancock’s  corps  assailed  Lee’s  right  in  double 
line  of  attack  with  supports  in  rear.  A salient  in 
front  became  Federal  prey.  A fierce  counter-stroke 
by  Breckinridge  drove  the  assailants  in  flight,  and 
the  enfilading  fire  of  the  Confederate  artillery 
stretched  three  thousand  of  Hancock’s  men  upon 
the  field.  A like  tragic  fate  met  the  Federal  corps 
which  attacked  Lee’s  centre  and  left.  The  front 
lines  of  Grant’s  assault  were  almost  destroyed  within 
ten  minutes,  and  the  rest  sought  shelter. 

At  nine  o’clock  Meade  sent  Grant’s  order  to  his 
subordinates  to  renew  the  attack.  Hancock  refused 
to  give  the  order  to  his  men.  W.  F.  Smith,  com- 
manding the  Eighteenth  Corps,  writes  this  sentence  : 

That  order  I refused  to  obey.”  Major-General 
M.  T.  McMahon,  Chief-of-staff,  Sixth  Federal  Corps, 
states  that  a second  and  a third  command  to  attack 
came  from  Grant.  The  order,  says  McMahon, 

“came  to  the  corps  headquarters,  was  transmitted  to  the  division 
headquarters,  and  to  the  brigades  and  the  regiments  without  com- 
ment. To  move  that  army  farther,  except  by  regular  approaches, 
was  a simple  and  absolute  impossibility,  known  to  be  such  by  every 
officer  and  man  of  the  three  corps  engaged.  The  order  was  obeyed 
by  simply  renewing  the  fire  from  the  men  as  they  lay  in  position.” 

In  the  battles  of  June  1 and  June  3,  Grant’s  loss 
was  about  ten  thousand  men.  Most  of  these  fell  in 
the  grand  assault  of  the  last  day.  From  the  time 
of  crossing  the  Pamunkey  to  June  12,  Grant’s  casual- 
ties numbered  over  fourteen  thousand  men;  three 
thousand  sick  soldiers  sent  North  makes  a ghastly 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness . 387 


aggregate  of  over  seventeen  thousand.  Lee’s  loss 
was  small.* 

Grant  ordered  his  army  to  approach  Lee’s  lines  by 
constructing  regular  approaches  as  in  a siege.  His 
professed  object  was  to  restrain  Lee  from  sending 
troops  against  Hunter  who  was  prosecuting  a cam- 
paign with  the  torch  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia.  In 
this  purpose  Grant  did  not  succeed.  Lee  assumed 
the  offensive  on  a wider  field  than  the  Wilderness. 
Two  attacks  were  delivered  by  Early  against  Grant’s 
right  and  rear  on  June  6 and  7,  but  strong  fortifica- 
tions held  him  in  check.  June  10  found  Lee 
despatching  Breckinridge  toward  the  Valley.  On 
June  12,  Hampton  crossed  the  path  of  Sheridan  at 
Trevilian’s  and  checked  his  advance  against  Lynch- 

*The  wounded  left  upon  the  field  after  the  assault  of  June  3 
were  all  Federal  soldiers.  Unspeakable  suffering  abounded.  Not 
until  June  5 did  Grant  seek  to  relieve  his  men,  and  then  only  by 
making  the  strange  proposition  to  Lee  “ that,  hereafter,  when  no 
battle  is  raging,  either  party  be  authorised  to  send  to  any  point  be- 
tween the  pickets  or  skirmish-lines  unarmed  men  bearing  litters  to 
pick  up  their  dead  or  wounded,  without  being  fired  upon  by  the 
other  party.”  Lee  suggested  that  Grant  should  follow  the  regular 
method  of  asking  a truce.  When  Grant  finally  determined  to  act  in 
accordance  with  the  usual  mode  his  wounded  men  were  dead.  He 
then  sought  to  lay  upon  Lee  the  blame  for  the  delay.  General 
Francis  A.  Walker  writes  on  this  point  as  follows  : “ If  it  be  asked 
why  so  simple  a duty  of  humanity  as  the  rescue  of  the  wounded  and 
burial  of  the  dead  had  been  thus  neglected,  it  is  answ'ered  that  it  was 
due  to  an  unnecessary  scruple  on  the  part  of  the  Union  Commander- 
in-chief.  Grant  delayed  sending  a flag  of  truce  to  General  Lee  for 
this  purpose  because  it  would  amount  to  an  admission  that  he  had 
been  beaten  on  the  3d  of  June.  It  now  seems  incredible  that  he 
should  for  a moment  have  supposed  that  any  other  view'  could  be 
taken  of  that  action.” 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


388 

burg.  The  evening  of  June  12  marked  Lee’s  order 
to  Early  to  lead  the  Second  Corps  in  search  of 
Hunter.  He  commanded  Early  to  march  after- 
wards across  the  Potomac  to  threaten  Washington. 
Not  long  did  Lee  wait  to  hear  of  the  swift-footed 
march  of  Early  to  Lynchburg.  There  he  con- 
fronted Hunter  who  came  fresh  from  the  burning 
and  pillage  of  collegiate  buildings  and  private  dwell- 
ing-houses in  the  Valley.  In  dismay,  Hunter  turned 
himself  westward  through  the  mountains  while  Early 
sought  the  Federal  Capital. 

Under  cover  of  the  night  of  June  12,  Grant  moved 
his  army  across  the  Chickahominy  toward  the  James. 
His  campaign  had  been  a disastrous  failure.  He 
had  sought  to  reach  Richmond  from  the  northward. 
He  was  compelled  to  unite  his  army  with  Butler’s 
shattered  force,  and  to  assail  Petersburg  in  order  to 
secure  a way  of  advance  from  the  southward.  More- 
over, the  Federal  army  was  broken  in  spirit.  Its 
morale  was  gone.  The  next  few  days  brought 
Grant’s  men  nerveless  and  cautious  into  the  pre- 
sence of  Confederate  intrenchments.* 

* General  F.  A.  Walker  thus  writes  of  the  bravest  and  strongest 
body  of  troops  in  Grant’s  army,  the  Second  Corps:  “As  the  corps 
turned  southward  from  Cold  Harbor  to  take  its  part  in  the  second 
act  of  the  great  campaign  of  1864,  the  historian  is  bound  to  con- 
fess that  something  of  its  pristine  virtue  had  departed  under  the 
terrific  blows  that  had  been  showered  upon  it  in  the  series  of  fierce 
encounters  which  have  been  recited.  Its  casualties  had  averaged 
more  than  four  hundred  a day  for  the  whole  period  since  it  crossed 
the  Rapidan.  . . . Moreover,  the  confidence  of  the  troops  in 

their  leaders  had  been  severely  shaken.  They  had  again  and  again 
been  ordered  to  attacks  which  the  very  privates  in  the  ranks  knew  to 
be  hopeless  from  the  start  ; they  had  seen  the  fatal  policy  of  ‘ assaults 


1864]  The  Campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  389 


Lee  met  Grant’s  movement  by  sending  Hoke’s 
division  to  Petersburg  on  the  morning  of  June  13. 
Anderson  and  Hill  were  moved  to  the  right  and 
covered  the  approaches  toward  Richmond  by  estab- 
lishing a line  of  battle  from  White  Oak  Swamp  to 
Malvern  Hill.  Lee  had  less  than  thirty  thousand 
men  north  of  the  James.  Grant  veiled  his  passage 
of  the  river  behind  a cloud  of  cavalry  supported  by 
his  Fifth  Corps.  Smith’s  corps  was  hastened  for- 
ward to  aid  Butler  in  the  capture  of  Petersburg. 
Hancock  followed  in  the  track  of  Smith. 

On  the  morning  of  June  16,  Lee  transferred  the 
divisions  of  Field  and  Pickett  to  the  southern  bank 
of  the  James.  On  the  i/th,  they  drove  Butler  from 
a part  of  Beauregard’s  old  line  near  Bermuda.  The 
spirit  of  Lee’s  entire  army  is  set  forth  in  the  follow- 
ing despatch  from  Lee:  “ We  tried  very  hard  to 
stop  Pickett’s  men  from  capturing  the  breastworks 
of  the  enemy,  but  could  n’t  do  it.” 

As  soon  as  Lee  made  himself  certain  that  Grant 
would  not  assail  Richmond  from  the  northern  bank 
of  the  James,  he  threw  his  columns  across  the  river. 
The  evening  of  June  18  found  Lee  conjoined  with 
Beauregard,  ready  to  visit  slaughter  upon  the  armies 
of  Grant  and  Butler.  Between  the  15th  and  the 
1 8th  of  June,  ten  thousand  additional  names  dis- 
appeared from  the  Federal  rolls  as  the  result  of  daily 
assaults  against  Beauregard’s  intrenchments.  Dur- 

all  along  the  line  ’ persisted  in  even  after  the  most  ghastly  failures  ; 
and  they  had  almost  ceased  to  expect  victory  when  they  went  into  battle. 
The  lamentable  story  of  Petersburg  can  not  be  understood  without 
reference  to  facts  like  these.” — Life  of  Hancock , pp.  228,  229. 


39° 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


ing  these  four  days,  Beauregard  made  a gallant  de- 
fence against  more  than  half  of  Grant’s  army,  with  a 
Confederate  force  of  only  about  ten  thousand  men. 
Between  the  Rapidan  and  the  James,  Grant’s  losses 
reached  the  number  of  fifty-four  thousand  nine 
hundred  and  twenty-six.  This  ghastly  aggregate 
of  sixty-five  thousand  disabled  men  between  the 
Rapidan  and  Petersburg  was  counterbalanced  by 
Federal  reinforcements  to  the  number  of  fifty-five 
thousand  men. 

The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  still  retained  its 
old  elasticity  and  vigour.  Lee’s  losses  amounted 
to  about  twenty  thousand.  The  spirit  of  the  soldiers 
was  yet  buoyant.  The  old  yell  had  gathered  addi- 
tional fierceness;  the  men  went  into  battle  with  all 
their  former  dash  and  impetuosity.  Perhaps  not 
one  in  Lee’s  heroic  band  held  a doubt  as  to  the 
ultimate  success  of  the  Confederacy.  After  the 
bloody  repulse  which  these  heroes  visited  upon  the 
P'ederal  assault  of  June  18,  Grant  wrote  thus  to 
Meade:  “ Now  we  will  rest  the  men  and  use  the 
spade  for  their  protection  until  a new  vein  can  be 
struck.  ” 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

PETERSBURG  AND  APPOMATTOX. 

1864-1865. 

HE  Confederate  administration,  in  the 
summer  of  1864,  decided  to  continue 
the  fatal  policy  of  defending  Rich- 
mond. For  more  than  a year  Lee 
had  persisted  in  pointing  out  the  cer- 
tainty of  defeat,  if  his  small  band  should  be  com- 
pelled to  withstand  the  Federal  hosts  in  the  trenches 
around  the  Capital  of  the  Confederacy.  Lee’s  with- 
drawal to  the  base  of  the  Blue  Ridge  in  July,  1864, 
would  very  probably  have  enabled  him  to  destroy 
Grant’s  army.  The  bravest  men  of  that  army  were 
destroyed  and  its  spirit  was  completely  broken  by 
the  campaign  in  the  Wilderness.  Grant  himself 
suffered  a reaction,  and  began  the  policy  of  playing 
around  the  ends  of  Lee’s  fortifications.*  His  flank 
attacks  during  the  autumn  and  winter  were  costly 
failures.  His  own  intrenchments  were  impregnable 
against  Confederate  assaults  and  he  drew  his  re- 

* On  July  27,  Grant  sent  this  despatch  to  Meade  : “ I do  not  want 
Hancock  to  attack  intrenched  lines.” 


391 


392 


Robei't  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


sources  from  sea-going  vessels  near  the  head  of  tide- 
water. Lee  could  not  get  at  him.  Grant  had  the 
patience  to  wait  three-fourths  of  a year,  until  starv- 
ation forced  Lee’s  heroes  to  submit.  General 
Francis  A.  Walker  bears  this  testimony  concerning 
Grant’s  new  policy  and  the  lack  of  spirit  in  the 
Federal  army : 

“ Unfortunately,  this  change  of  purpose  did  not  take  place  until 
the  numbers,  and  even  more  the  morale , of  the  troops  had  been  so  far 
reduced  that  the  flanking  movements  became,  in  the  main,  ineffectual 
from  the  want  of  vigour  in  attack  at  critical  moments,  when  a little  of 
the  fire  which  had  been  exhibited  in  the  great  assaults  of  May  would 
have  crowned  a well-conceived  enterprise  with  victory.  That  fire  for. 
the  time  had  burned  itself  out ; and  on  more  than  one  occasion  dur- 
ing the  months  of  July  and  August  the  troops  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  after  an  all-day  or  all-night  march,  which  placed  them  in  a 
position  of  advantage,  failed  to  show  a trace  of  that  enthusiasm  and 
elan  which  had  characterised  the  earlier  days  of  the  campaign.” — 
Life  of  Hancock , pp.  246-7. 

A growing  party  in  the  North  seemed  to  echo  the 
sentiment  of  the  chief  Federal  army,  that  the  war  of 
invasion  had  proved  a failure.  When  Mr.  Lincoln 
sought  to  secure  half  a million  additional  soldiers  to 
throw  into  the  breach,  a great  clamour  of  protest 
was  sent  up  by  the  Northern  press.  Just  after  the 
battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  gold  in  New  York  went  up 
to  2.52,  and  the  hopes  of  the  war-advocates,  accord- 
ing to  Horace  Greeley,  went  down  to  the  depths  of  a 
most  profound  despair.  The  Republican  party,  on 
June  7,  renominated  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  Presi- 
dency, but  the  unrest  of  the  succeeding  weeks  led 
the  Democratic  party  to  conceive  the  sanguine  hope 
of  defeating  him.  On  August  29,  the  latter  brought 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


393 


forward  as  standard-bearer,  General  George  B.  Mc- 
Clellan. The  second  plank  in  the  Democratic  plat- 
form declared, 

“ that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  the  experi- 
ment of  war,  during  which,  under  the  pretence  of  a military  necessity 
of  a war  power  higher  than  the  Constitution,  the  Constitution  itself 
has  been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and  public  liberty  and  private 
right  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  the  country 
essentially  impaired  ; justice,  humanity,  liberty,  and  the  public  wel- 
fare demand  that  immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a cessation  of 
hostilities.” 

The  third  plank  denounced  as  revolutionary  “ the 
direct  interference  of  the  military  authority  of  the 
United  States  in  the  recent  elections  held  in  Ken- 
tucky, Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Delaware.”  The 
fifth  ran  as  follows: 

“ Resolved,  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  administration  to 
its  duty  in  respect  to  our  fellow-citizens  who  now  are,  and  long  have 
been,  prisoners  of  war,  in  a suffering  condition,  deserves  the  severest 
reprobation,  on  the  score  alike  of  public  policy  and  common  human- 
ity.” 


Under  the  stress  of  failure  in  the  field,  Lincoln 
and  Grant  had  been  driven  to  the  desperate  expedi- 
ent of  refusing  to  exchange  prisoners  of  war.  They 
desired  to  retain  all  Confederate  captives  in  order  to 
make  permanent  reductions  in  the  Southern  armies. 
In  consequence  there  was  great  suffering  among  the 
overcrowded  prison-pens  in  the  South.  Federal 
prisoners  had  to  share  the  meagre  food  of  the  Con- 
federates in  the  field,  and  since  this  was  often  only  a 
daily  handful  of  cornmeal,  the  Federal  captives  very 
naturally  complained  of  hunger.  In  order  to  con- 


394 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


ceal  from  the  Northern  public  their  policy  of  non- 
exchange, the  Federal  authorities  refused  to  receive 
captive  Federal  soldiers  when  the  Confederate  com- 
missioner, Judge  Ould,  offered  to  hand  them  over 
without  equivalent.  Moreover,  the  Federal  ad- 
ministration inflicted  upon  Confederate  soldiers  in 
Northern  prison-pens  the  direful  pangs  of  hunger 
and  cold  in  a land  of  plenty.  This  plan  of  retalia- 
tion resulted  in  the  death  of  a far  higher  percentage 
of  Confederates  held  in  bonds  than  was  the  case 
among  Federal  prisoners  in  the  South. 

The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  had  virtually  won 
peace  and  perhaps  independence  in  the  Wilderness 
campaign,  when  Confederate  reverses  in  Alabama 
and  Georgia  changed  the  despair  of  the  North  into 
a determination  to  continue  the  war  of  aggression. 
In  the  early  days  of  July,  1864,  J.  E.  Johnston  was 
withdrawing  his  army  across  the  Chattahoochee 
River  from  the  presence  of  Sherman’s  forces.  From 
July  20  until  September,  Hood  was  losing  the  game 
of  war  in  front  of  Atlanta.  On  August  23,  Farragut 
had  complete  possession  of  the  bay  and  fort  of  Mo- 
bile. In  the  autumn,  Hood  was  breaking  his  army 
to  pieces  in  Tennessee  while  Sherman  was  making 
an  unopposed  march,  torch  in  hand,  from  Atlanta 
to  Savannah.  The  early  winter  found  the  Federal 
fleet  closing  in  upon  Fort  Fisher,  on  the  Carolina 
coast,  the  last  seaport  connecting  the  Confederacy 
with  foreign  countries.  During  all  these  reverses, 
wherein  the  control  of  rivers  and  sea  permitted  the 
Federal  forces  gradually  to  reduce  the  territorial 
limits  of  the  Confederacy,  Lee  and  his  grim  veterans 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


395 


stood  before  Richmond  and  Petersburg  with  courage 
steadfast  and  unmoveable.  Grant’s  army  was  the 
real  garrison ; his  strong  works  alone  prevented 
Lee  from  driving  him  into  the  sea.  The  Southern 
sentiment  which  demanded  the  defence  of  the  Capi- 
tal, kept  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  away  from 
the  mountain  slopes  and  ridges  where  the  only 
chance  for  victory  still  remained. 

Beauregard’s  heroic  defence  of  Petersburg  during 
four  days  of  assault  was  succeeded  by  the  Sunday 
quietude  of  June  19.  Lee  spent  the  morning  in 
prayer  at  church,  while  his  men  were  throwing  up 
earthworks.  Both  armies  were  intrenching.  Lee 
faced  eastward  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Appo- 
mattox. He  was  ready  to  hold  Petersburg,  the  key 
to  the  Richmond  defences.  Beauregard  stood  with 
his  left  resting  on  the  Appomattox;  to  his  right  was 
the  First  Corps  under  Anderson, while  beyond  Ander- 
son to  the  southward  A.  P.  Hill’s  corps  formed  the 
Confederate  right  wing.  Pickett’s  division  occupied 
the  line  across  the  angle  between  the  Appomattox 
and  the  James  rivers.  The  fortifications  on  the 
northern  bank  of  the  James  were  manned  by  bat- 
teries and  local  troops  under  Ewell.  More  than  thirty 
miles  in  length  was  this  line  of  frowning  redoubts, 
connected  by  extended  breastworks,  strengthened  by 
mortar  batteries  and  field-works  of  every  description. 
Abatis  and  bushy  entanglements  were  constructed 
in  front  of  these  defences.  Even  stronger  were 
Grant’s  fortifications.  Bomb-proofs  and  parapets 
manifested  his  intention  to  dwell  under  the  earth 
until  regular  siege  operations  should  reduce  the  be- 


396 


Robert  R.  Lee. 


[1864- 


leaguered  city.  Near  the  close  of  the  month  of 
June,  1864,  when  these  siege  operations  began, 
Grant’s  force  aggregated  more  than  one  hundred 
and  seven  thousand  men.  The  Confederate  de- 
fenders of  Petersburg  and  Richmond  were  about 
fifty-four  thousand  in  number. 

Confederate  supplies  were  drawn  from  the  South 
over  three  railroads.  The  Weldon  road  on  Lee’s 
right  flank  was  exposed  to  the  first  Federal  assaults. 
The  Southside  (Lynchburg)  and  the  Danville  roads 
were  in  the  rear  of  the  Confederate  works.  Grant’s 
first  movement  in  the  new  game  was  to  send  forth 
from  his  long  fortress  three  corps  d'armte  against 
the  Weldon  railway. 

On  the  morning  of  June  21,  the  Second  Corps, 
followed  by  the  Sixth,  moved  across  the  Jerusalem 
plank  road  and  took  position  on  the  left  of  the  Fed- 
eral Fifth  Corps.  Grant  was  seeking  to  execute  a 
great  wheeling  movement  to  envelop  Lee’s  right 
wing,  south  of  Petersburg.  Birney’s  corps  (Second) 
formed  the  centre  of  the  wheeling  column;  the 
Sixth  was  on  Birney’s  left.  On  the  same  day  Wil- 
son’s six  thousand  horsemen  were  sent  southward  to 
strike  the  railroad  still  farther  away  from  Lee’s  lines. 

The  morning  of  June  22  found  Lee  on  his  ex- 
treme right  in  the  midst  of  the  tangled  wilderness. 
Fie  was  soon  able  to  discern  the  approach  of  Grant’s 
forces.  A.  P.  Hill  was  ordered  to  bring  three 
brigades  southward  as  far  as  the  Johnson  House. 
The  Sixth  Corps  on  the  Federal  left  was  tardy  in 
its  advance,  and  the  gap  was  growing  wider  be- 
tween the  Sixth  and  the  Second.  Hill’s  brigades 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


397 


under  Mahone  rushed  into  this  gap.  They  dashed 
through  the  pine  forests  with  a fierce  yell  to  assail 
the  left  flank  of  the  Second  Corps.  The  Federal 
line  was  thrown  into  confusion  and  driven  back,  and 
Mahone  carried  off  four  guns  and  seventeen  hundred 
prisoners.  The  Second  Corps  then  hid  itself  behind 
heavy  works.  The  attempt  to  push  the  Sixth  Corps 
forward  to  the  railroad  on  June  23  resulted  in  the 
loss  of  five  hundred  Federal  prisoners. 

June  22  found  Wilson’s  cavalry  tearing  up  the  rail- 
road track  at  Reams’s  Station.  From  that  point 
they  marched  westward  to  the  Southside  road  to 
meet  W.  H.  F.  Lee’s  division  of  horsemen.  On  the 
23d,  Wilson  attacked  Lee  with  vigour  only  to  be  re- 
pulsed. The  24th  dawned  upon  Wilson  in  retreat. 
At  Staunton  River  bridge,  the  local  militia  turned 
him  backward  to  seek  Petersburg.  Lee’s  troopers 
were  in  close  pursuit.  Hampton  came  from  his 
victory  over  Sheridan  at  Trevilian’s  to  render  aid  to 
Lee.  At  Reams’s  Station,  Mahone  with  two  brig- 
ades of  infantry  stood  across  Wilson’s  route,  while 
Fitz  Lee’s  horsemen  assailed  his  rear.  Wilson’s 
troops  were  scattered  in  wild  flight ; they  left  be- 
hind them  a long  supply-train,  thirteen  guns,  and 
one  thousand  captured  negroes.* 

Lee  now  sought  to  break  Grant’s  grasp  by  send- 
ing Early  to  threaten  Washington.  On  July  5,  Early 

* In  the  Richmond  Examiner , June  27  and  July  5,  1864,  were 
printed  official  lists,  sent  by  Generals  Lomax  and  F.  Lee,  of  various 
items  of  private  property  and  personal  effects  which  had  been  taken 
from  Virginian  homes  by  the  Federal  cavalry  and  which  were  found  in 
the  waggon-trains  captured  by  the  Confederates  at  Trevilian’s  and  at 
Kearns’s  Station. 


39§ 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


led  ten  thousand  men  across  the  Potomac  at  Shep- 
herdstown.  Three  days  later  he  was  moving  east- 
ward over  South  Mountain.  Consternation  reigned 
among  the  twenty  thousand  troops  in  the  Washing- 
ton defences.  Exaggerated  reports  of  Early’s 
numbers  were  sent  broadcast  throughout  the  North. 
Federal  troops  were  hastened  southward  from  Balti- 
more. The  Nineteenth  Corps,  en  route  from  New 
Orleans  to  Grant’s  army,  was  turned  aside  to  Wash- 
ington. Grant  was  ordered  to  withdraw  his  Sixth 
Corps  from  his  left  on  the  Jerusalem  plank  road  to 
man  the  forts  in  front  of  the  Federal  Capital.  On 
July  9,  Early  visited  utter  defeat  upon  Lew  Wallace’s 
six  thousand  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Monocacy 
near  F rederick.  The  intrepid  Confederates  continued 
their  bold  advance.  July  ii  brought  Early  to  the 
very  gates  of  the  city.  During  the  entire  day  of  July 
12,  his  little  band  stood  in  threatening  attitude  before 
the  frowning  guns  of  Washington.  The  two  Federal 
corps  from  the  field  were  just  at  hand.  It  was  not 
possible  for  Early’s  small  force  to  capture  and  hold 
the  city.  He  withdrew  across  the  Potomac  to  Lees- 
burg, and  July  22  found  him  in  the  lower  valley  at 
Strasburg.  His  expedition  led  to  the  organisation 
of  a large  army  under  Sheridan  for  the  defence  of 
Washington.  The  immense  numbers  of  men  fur- 
nished  to  the  Federal  administration  by  the  bounty 
system  enabled  them  to  give  Sheridan  a distinct 
force,  while  Grant  was  left  in  his  bomb-proofs  on  the 
James.* 

* On  July  20,  Grant  sent  the  following  to  Stanton  : “ I must  enter 
my  protest  against  States  sending  recruiting  agents  into  the  Southern 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


399 


Throughout  the  month  of  July,  Grant  was  prepar- 
ing to  make  a direct  advance  upon  Petersburg 
beneath  the  surface  of  the  earth.  In  front  of  the 
Cemetery,  the  Confederate  works  on  the  crest  of  the 
hill  were  known  as  the  Elliott  Salient.  The  rifle- 
pits  of  Burnside’s  corps  (Ninth)  were  only  one  hun- 
dred yards  distant  from  this  salient.  In  Burnside’s 
rear  the  ground  made  a rapid  descent  to  a deep 
ravine.  The  Pennsylvania  miners  under  Burnside 
began  to  dig  a tunnel  at  the  base  of  the  slope. 
They  completed  a passageway,  about  five  hundred 
and  ten  feet  in  length,  and  then  excavated  lateral 

States  for  the  purpose  of  filling  their  quotas.  The  negroes  brought 
within  our  lines  are  rightfully  recruits  for  the  U.  S.  Service,  and 
should  not  go  to  benefit  any  particular  State.  It  is  simply  allow- 
ing Massachusetts  (I  mention  Massachusetts  because  I see  the  order 
of  the  Governor  of  that  State  for  establishing  recruiting  agencies  in 
the  South,  and  see  no  such  order  from  any  other  State  authority)  to 
fill  her  quota  by  paying  an  amount  of  money  to  recruits  the  United 
States  have  already  got.” 

In  the  same  connection,  S.  S.  Cox  made  this  statement : “ Dela- 
ware . . . had  in  i860,  eighteen  hundred  slaves,  and  the  enlist- 

ing agents  have  mostly  sold  them  out  to  this  humanitarian  government 
for  soldiers,  costing  $150  apiece  in  Delaware  and  selling  for  $1000  in 
New  York.  Surely  Delaware  will  soon  be  free  !” 

On  July  22,  Brigadier-General  Cutler,  from  his  outlook  on  the 
Jerusalem  road,  sent  the  following  to  Mr.  Lincoln  : 

“.  . . For  the  first  time  since  the  war  commenced  I confess 

that  I am  seriously  apprehensive  for  the  result,  not  from  any  lack  of 
confidence  in  the  army  or  its  commanders,  but  because  I am  almost 
certain  that  you  will  not  get  the  necessary  number  of  men  of  the 
right  sort,  and  in  season,  under  the  late  call,  and  if  you  do  not,  and 
the  struggle  goes  on  through  the  autumn  without  decisive  results,  it 
requires  no  prophet  to  fortell  the  consequences.  I take  it  for  granted 
that  a large  proportion  of  the  new  men  are  to  be  substitutes  furnished 
by  those  able  to  do  so.  They  will  get  the  cheapest  they  can.  . . .” 


400 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864' 


galleries.  July  28  saw  eight  thousand  pounds  of 
powder,  ready  for  the  match,  placed  directly  beneath 
some  of  Pegram’s  guns  and  Elliott’s  Carolinians. 
Through  the  ghastly  avenue  to  be  produced  by  the 
explosion  of  the  mine,  Grant  expected  to  send  three 
corps,  composing  more  than  one-half  of  his  army, 
with  orders  to  seize  Petersburg. 

To  assist  Burnside  in  the  proposed  assault,  Grant 
attempted  a little  game  of  strategy.  On  July  27,  he 
sent  Sheridan’s  cavalry  and  the  Second  Corps,  once 
again  commanded  by  Hancock,  across  the  James 
River  to  assail  the  Confederate  defences  at  Chaffin’s, 
and  to  capture  Richmond  by  a sudden  onset  of  the 
Federal  horsemen.  If  this  plan  should  fail,  Grant 
expected  that  the  expedition  would  at  least  call 
Lee’s  forces  to  the  northern  bank  of  the  James,  and 
leave  Petersburg  exposed  to  Burnside’s  attack. 
Hancock  advanced  from  Deep  Bottom,  drove  back 
Kershaw’s  division,  and  captured  four  Parrott  guns, 
only  to  find  a strong  Confederate  line  of  battle  be- 
hind Bailey’s  Creek.  July  29  found  five  of  Lee’s 
divisions  with  his  cavalry,  after  swift  marching,  be- 
tween Hancock  and  Richmond.  Pickett  remained 
between  the  James  and  the  Appomattox,  and  only 
three  divisions  were  left  to  defend  Petersburg. 
Thirteen  thousand  infantrymen  and  artillerymen 
were  ready  to  receive  Burnside  on  the  morning  of 
July  30,  while  the  bulk  of  Lee’s  army  was  twenty 
miles  away  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  James. 

Meade  feared  to  order  Burnside  forward  without 
the  assistance  of  Hancock.  Grant  therefore  with- 
drew one-half  of  the  Second  Corps,  and  gave  up  the 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


401 


direct  assault  against  Richmond.  At  the  dawn  of 
July  30,  the  mine  was  fired  and  Elliott’s  brigade  was 
partially  destroyed.  A broad  gateway  was  opened 
into  Petersburg,  and  not  a Confederate  soldier  stood 
directly  between  Burnside  and  the  city.  Eighty- 
one  heavy  guns  and  mortars,  and  more  than  eighty 
field  guns  began  to  concentrate  their  fire  on  the  ad- 
jacent portions  of  the  Confederate  works. 

The  explosion  itself  sent  terror  into  the  Federal 
column  of  assault,  and  they  recoiled  in  confusion. 
Twenty  minutes  sufficed  to  shake  off  the  initial 
fright,  and  then  the  Second  brigade  of  the  First 
division  slowly  ascended  the  slope  and  sheltered 
themselves  in  the  yawning  crater,  which  was  one 
hundred  and  thirty-five  feet  in  length  and  thirty  feet 
deep.  The  Cemetery  was  just  before  them  on  the 
hill  undefended ; but  the  attacking  column  lingered 
in  the  chasm.  The  brigade  ordered  to  support  the 
assault  advanced  and  likewise  sought  shelter  in  the 
pit.  The  entire  assaulting  division  remained  here  in 
a confused  mass;  their  officers  could  not  move  them 
forward  in  the  face  of  the  scattering  Confederate 
musketry  fire  that  grew  louder  and  louder  on  both 
flanks.  Haskell,  the  Carolinian,  hastened  forward 
his  light  battery  and  from  the  plank  road  and  its 
vicinity  poured  in  the  fire  of  his  guns.  Hampden 
Chamberlayne,  sick  with  fever,  rushed  from  the 
hospital  to  render  gallant  service  with  his  cannon. 
Wright  and  Langhorne,  under  cover  of  the  pines  to 
the  Confederate  left,  raked  with  canister  the  ground 
between  the  crater  and  Burnside’s  corps. 

The  Confederate  gunners  stood  gallantly  to  their 

26 


402 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


work  under  the  fierce  fire  from  Grant’s  artillery. 
Two  additional  Federal  divisions  were  led  to  the 
hill’s  crest,  but  most  of  the  men  crept  into  the 
crater,  which  now  presented  the  appearance  of  an 
overturned  bee-hive.  “ Do  you  mean  to  say  your 
officers  and  men  will  not  obey  your  orders  to  ad- 
vance ?”  wrote  Meade  to  Burnside.  “ I mean  to 
say  that  it  is  very  hard  to  advance  to  the  crest,” 
was  Burnside’s  reply.  At  eight  o’clock  Burnside’s 
negro  division  was  pushed  forward  over  the  white 
men  in  the  crater,  but  they  at  once  sought  shelter  in 
the  adjacent  rifle-pits.  A division  of  the  Tenth 
Corps  followed.  The  timid  assailants  were  gradually 
gathering  courage  from  the  presence  of  numbers  to 
make  an  advance  on  Cemetery  Hill. 

In  this  crisis  Lee  arrived  from  beyond  the  Appo- 
mattox. He  had  withdrawn  two  of  Hill’s  brigades 
from  the  extreme  Confederate  right,  and  Mahone 
was  now  throwing  them  into  the  breach.  Pegram’s 
guns  were  rolling  rapidly  to  the  place  of  danger. 
The  Confederates  moved  along  the  covered  way 
from  the  plank  road  to  the  ravine  in  front  of  the 
crater.  Weisiger’s  Virginians  made  a gallant  dash 
toward  the  chasm.  The  negro  division  fled  in  terror, 
and  leaped  into  the  pit;  most  of  the  other  Federal 
troops  were  forced  into  the  same  deep  abyss. 
Wright’s  Georgians  came  to  Weisiger’s  aid.  The 
Confederate  works  were  recaptured  shortly  after 
noonday.  The  crater  became  a place  of  indescrib- 
able suffering  and  death  for  the  entrapped  Federal 
soldiers,  until  the  survivors  surrendered  at  discre- 
tion. Grant  had  massed  sixty-five  thousand  men 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


403 


for  the  grand  assault,  but  the  lack  of  vigour,  and 
even  the  timidity  of  his  officers  and  men,  resulted 
in  a failure  and  the  loss  of  nearly  five  thousand 
men.* 

In  the  opening  days  of  August,  Sheridan  took 
control  of  Federal  operations  in  the  valley  of  Vir- 
ginia; the  Sixth  Corps  and  the  cavalry  of  Torbert 
and  Wilson  were  sent  to  strengthen  his  army.  Lee 
sent  Kershaw’s  division  and  Fitz  Lee’s  horsemen  to 
render  support  to  General  Early.  Grant  therefore 
conceived  the  plan  of  again  assaulting  the  Confeder- 
ate works  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  James.  On 
August  14,  Hancock  led  the  Second  and  the  Tenth 
Corps  and  Gregg’s  cavalry  against  Lee’s  line,  only 
to  suffer  defeat.  General  Francis  A.  Walker  speaks 
thus  of  Hancock’s  movement: 

“ It  should  frankly  be  confessed  that  the  troops  on  our  side  engaged 
behaved  with  little  spirit.  . . . When  it  is  added  that  the  two 

brigades  most  in  fault  were  the  Irish  brigade  and  that  which  had  been 
so  long  and  gloriously  commanded  by  Brooke,  it  will  appear  to  what 
a condition  the  army  had  been  reduced  by  three  months  of  desperate 
fighting.” 

With  the  loss  of  one  thousand  men  Hancock  with- 
drew to  Petersburg  in  order  to  take  part  in  another 
disastrous  assault  against  the  Weldon  railroad. 

While  Hancock  was  wasting  his  strength  at  Deep 
Bottom,  the  Fifth  Corps  was  exchanging  the  mo- 
notony of  trench-life  for  the  excitement  of  a move- 


* A great  despairing  outcry  arose  in  the  North.  Gold  went  up  to 
2.go.  The  ATew  York  Herald  called  for  the  sending  of  an  embassy 
to  the  Confederate  Government  “ to  see  if  this  dreadful  war  cannot 
be  ended  in  a mutually  satisfactory  treaty  of  peace.” 


404 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


men  t against  Lee’s  right  flank.  On  August  1 8, 
Warren  led  this  corps  from  the  Jerusalem  plank 
road  as  far  as  the  Globe  Tavern  on  the  Weldon  rail- 
road. He  then  moved  along  the  railway  toward 
Petersburg  until  Heth  with  two  brigades  struck  him 
on  the  left  flank,  and  killed  and  captured  nearly  a 
thousand  Federal  soldiers.  On  the  19th,  A.  P.  Hill 
confronted  Warren  with  two  divisions.  Heth  as- 
sailed the  left  of  the  Federal  corps  while  Mahone 
thrust  his  brigades  against  Warren’s  right  flank. 
The  Federal  loss  was  two  thousand  nine  hundred 
men.  Warren  threw  up  strong  works  near  the  Gur- 
ley House,  and  on  the  21st  Hill  assaulted  him  but 
was  repulsed  with  loss. 

On  the  same  day  Hancock  led  two  divisions  be- 
yond Warren  to  the  southward  and  began  to  tear  up 
the  railway  track.  August  24  found  him  in  bivouac 
with  Gregg’s  cavalry  within  some  old  intrenchments 
at  Reams’s  Station.  A.  P.  Hill  made  a swift  move- 
ment, with  eight  brigades  aided  by  Hampton’s  cav- 
alry, against  Hancock’s  isolated  works.  Pegram 
secured  an  enfilade  and  reverse  fire  with  his  eight 
guns  at  half-musket  range.  His  terrific  hail  of  iron 
was  followed  by  Heth’s  charge.  Most  of  Hancock’s 
men  were  seized  with  panic  and  broke  away  in  flight ; 
their  works  were  taken  and  nine  guns,  twelve  col- 
ours, more  than  three  thousand  stand  of  small  arms, 
and  twenty-one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  became 
Confederate  spoil.  Hill’s  loss  was  seven  hundred 
and  twenty  men.  It  was  only  the  desperate  fight- 
ing of  Hancock  himself  at  the  head  of  a small  band 
of  courageous  men  that  prevented  the  rout  and  capt- 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  A ppomattox. 


405 


ure  of  his  entire  corps.  Francis  A.  Walker,  of 
Hancock’s  staff,  ascribes  this  Federal  defeat  chiefly 
to  “ The  weakened  spirit  of  our  [Hancock’s] 
men.”  * 

Grant’s  losses  in  the  month  of  August  reached 
the  total  of  about  eight  thousand  men ; Lee’s  casu- 
alties during  the  same  time  numbered  about  two 
thousand.  Nevertheless,  Grant  continued  his  blows 
at  both  Confederate  flanks,  his  chief  effort  being 
directed  toward  the  extension  of  the  Federal  left  in 
order  to  seize  Lee’s  lines  of  communication  with  the 
South. 

The  closing  days  of  September  saw  the  Federal 
Tenth  and  Eighteenth  corps  advancing  to  assail  the 
Confederate  defences  north  of  the  James,  only  to 
offer  in  sacrifice  about  two  thousand  three  hundred 
men.  Lee’s  loss  was  likewise  heavy.  In  connec- 
tion with  this  movement,  Grant  sent  four  divisions 
to  seize  the  Confederate  right  flank.  Hill  threw  two 
divisions  against  the  flank  of  the  assaulting  column; 
the  Federal  loss  was  more  than  two  thousand.  Gen- 

* Walker  states  further  that  Hancock  “ had  seen  his  troops  fail  in 
their  attempts  to  carry  the  intrenched  positions  of  the  enemy,  but  he 
had  never  before  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  them  driven,  and  his 
lines  and  guns  taken,  as  on  this  occasion  ; and  never  before  had  he 
seen  his  men  fail  to  respond  to  the  utmost  when  he  called  upon  them 
personally  for  a supreme  effort  ; nor  had  he  ever  before  ridden  toward 
the  enemy,  followed  by  a beggarly  array  of  a few  hundred  stragglers 
who  had  been  gathered  together  and  pushed  toward  the  enemy.  He 
could  no  longer  conceal  from  himself  that  his  once  mighty  corps  re- 
tained but  the  shadow  of  its  former  strength  and  vigour.  . . . ‘ I 

do  not  care  to  die  [cried  Hancock],  but  I pray  God  I may  never 
leave  this  field.’  The  agony  of  that  day  never  passed  away  from  the 
proud  soldier.” 


406 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


eral  Parke,  commander  of  the  Federal  Ninth  Corps, 
explains  the  disaster  as  follows:  “ The  large  amount 
of  raw  material  in  the  ranks  has  greatly  diminished 
the  efficiency  of  the  corps.” 

When  the  month  of  October  was  nearly  past, 
Grant  made  one  last  desperate  effort  to  win  a suc- 
cess in  order  to  strengthen  Lincoln  in  the  approach- 
ing election.  He  sent  a column  of  thirty-two 
thousand  infantry  and  three  thousand  cavalry  to 
turn  Lee’s  right  at  Hatcher’s  Run,  fourteen  miles 
southwest  of  Petersburg.  Hancock  was  ordered  to 
lead  his  corps  westward  along  the  Vaughan  road 
across  Hatcher’s  Run,  until  he  should  seize  the 
Boydton  plank  road.  He  was  then  to  move  east- 
ward again,  recross  Hatcher’s  Run  and  seize  the 
Southside  railroad  in  the  rear  of  Lee’s  right  wing. 
The  Fifth  and  the  Ninth  corps  with  Gregg’s  cavalry 
were  moved  to  the  Federal  left  to  support  Hancock. 
On  the  morning  of  October  27,  the  great  host  began 
the  march.  The  Ninth  Corps  advanced  against  the 
right  extremity  of  Lee’s  intrenchments,  only  to  find 
the  grey-clad  riflemen  alert  and  still  possessed  of  an 
accurate  aim.  The  Ninth  Corps,  therefore,  halted 
and  placed  itself  behind  earthworks. 

Hancock  passed  across  Hatcher’s  Run  and  secured 
the  Boydton  plank  road.  Hill’s  grim  veterans  under 
Heth  stood  ready  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Run 
and  Hancock  paused.  A division  of  the  Fifth  Corps 
crossed  the  stream  to  lend  aid  to  Hancock,  but  many 
of  the  Federal  regiments  lost  their  way  and  went 
astray  in  the  wilderness.  The  entire  Federal  force 
was  now  astride  Hatcher’s  Run,  with  its  left  wing 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


407 


separated  into  detached  bands  and  entangled  in  the 
dense  forest.  Heth  followed  the  usual  tactical 
method.  He  sent  Mahone’s  division  westward 
across  the  Run  and  thrust  them  into  the  gap  be- 
tween the  Second  and  the  Fifth  corps  and  made  a 
fierce  attack  against  Hancock’s  right  flank.  Hamp- 
ton fell  upon  Hancock’s  left.  Hancock’s  numbers 
speedily  regained  their  lost  ground.  During  the 
night  Grant  withdrew  the  entire  Federal  force  and 
left  as  Hill’s  spoil  six  guns  and  seven  hundred  pris- 
oners. Hancock  left  part  of  his  wounded  on  the 
field.  Although  Grant’s  entire  loss  amounted  to 
seventeen  hundred  and  sixty-one  men,  yet  he  tele- 
graphed to  Stanton  at  the  close  of  the  day  (October 
27):  “ . . . Our  casualties  have  been  light — - 

probably  less  than  two  hundred.  . . . We  lost 

no  prisoners  except  the  usual  stragglers,  who  are 
always  picked  up.” 

On  the  same  day,  Longstreet  celebrated  his  re- 
turn to  the  field  by  visiting  a loss  of  more  than  one 
thousand  upon  Butler’s  brigades  who  were  attempt- 
ing to  creep  through  the  White  Oak  Swamp  into  the 
Richmond  defences. 

While  Grant  was  thus  pouring  out  the  blood  of  the 
new  bounty-paid  recruits  on  the  banks  of  the  James 
and  the  Appomattox,  he  was  at  the  same  time  at- 
tempting to  incite  Sheridan  up  the  Valley  of  Virginia 
in  order  to  seize  Lee’s  lines  of  communication  at 
Lynchburg.  On  August  7 the  Federal  cavalry 
leader  was  placed  in  charge  of  a large  force,  and 
sent  against  Early  at  Winchester.  Since  his  ad- 
vance against  Washington  that  Confederate  officer 


408 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


had  been  the  source  of  much  apprehension  in  Mary- 
land and  Pennsylvania.  He  had  sent  a detachment 
of  horsemen  to  set  fire  to  Chambersburg  * in  retali- 
ation for  Hunter’s  bonfires  in  the  Valley  of  Vir- 
ginia. The  latter  retired  to  Harper’s  Ferry,  and 
there  maintained  his  position  for  more  than  a 
month. 

During  these  August  days,  Early  checked  the 
traffic  on  the  canal  and  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
railroad,  and  constantly  threatened  to  cross  the 
Potomac  beyond  Martinsburg.  On  September  i, 
Sheridan  had  about  fifty-six  thousand  six  hundred 
men.  Sheridan  finally  led  forward  about  forty- 
eight  thousand  foot  and  horse  to  assail  Early’s  band 
of  little  more  than  thirteen  thousand.  At  Winches- 
ter on  September  19,  Early  was  forced  from  the  field, 
and  eventually  compelled  to  retire  up  the  valley. 
Sheridan  used  the  torch  even  more  recklessly  than 
Hunter;  houses,  mills,  barns,  and  farming  imple- 
ments were  reduced  to  ashes,  with  the  gathered 
harvests  of  corn,  grass,  and  wheat.  Early  followed 
Sheridan  again  to  Cedar  Creek,  where  the  latter  was 
contemplating  a removal  of  his  force  to  Petersburg. 
Early  could  count  under  his  banner  only  eight 
thousand  five  hundred  muskets,  and  less  than  four 
thousand  cavalry  and  artillery.  In  the  early  morn- 
ing of  October  19,  this  small  band  dashed  upon  the 
flank  and  the  rear  of  the  city  of  tents  occupied  by 
the  Federal  soldiery  outnumbering  them  four  to 
one.  Sheridan’s  army  was  driven  in  rout.  Early 

* The  burning  of  Chambersburg  did  not  receive  Lee’s  approving 
sanction. 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


409 


hesitated  and  the  vigour  of  the  pursuit  was  abated. 
The  Federal  regiments  paused  and  formed  line  of 
battle.  Afterward  Sheridan  himself  reached  the 
field  and  his  men  drove  Early  up  the  valley.  But 
Early’s  purpose  was  largely  accomplished.  He 
restrained  Sheridan  from  sending  reinforcements  to 
Grant,  and  continued  to  show  a bold  front  in  the 
upper  valley. 

In  the  opening  days  of  December,  Grant  recalled 
the  Sixth  Corps  from  the  valley  to  the  James.  Lee 
met  this  movement  by  summoning  the  Second  Corps 
away  from  Early’s  field  to  man  the  trenches  before 
Petersburg.  Sheridan’s  great  flanking  force  of  fifty- 
six  thousand  had  failed  to  cut  the  Central  railway 
or  to  seize  Lee’s  depot  of  supplies  at  Lynchburg. 
The  Federal  losses  in  Sheridan’s  Valley  campaign 
reached  the  ghastly  aggregate  of  seventeen  thou- 
sand ! 

The  defeat  of  Hood  on  December  16,  left  Lee’s 
army  as  the  only  force  of  any  magnitude  in  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  Sherman’s  seizure  of  Sa- 
vannah on  December  21  placed  Lee  between  two 
great  Federal  hosts  whose  base  of  supply  was  the 
Atlantic  Ocean.  The  spirit  of  the  Confederate  com- 
mander and  of  his  men  seemed  to  rise  higher  as  the 
terrors  of  war  were  thickening  about  them.  There 
was  great  lack  of  harmony  in  the  councils  of  the 
Confederate  government.  A party  in  the  Congress, 
hostile  to  President  Davis,  led  by  Wigfall  and  Foote, 
grew  more  bitter  in  their  denunciations  of  the  ad- 
ministration. The  friends  and  the  critics  of  Beau- 
regard, Bragg,  and  J.  E.  Johnston  were  prosecuting 


410 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


a great  war  of  recrimination.  Some  of  the  Cotton 
States  were  threatening  to  make  terms  with  the 
Federal  administration,  unless  President  Davis 
should  send  troops  to  defend  their  thresholds.  Gov- 
ernor Vance  asked  for  a corps  from  Lee’s  army  to 
resist  the  assaults  against  Wilmington,  on  the 
ground  that  this  seaport  was  of  as  great  value  to  the 
Confederacy  as  was  Richmond. 

The  Conscription  Act,  calling  into  the  field  all 
males  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  fifty, 
was  denounced  as  unconstitutional.  Governor 
Brown  of  Georgia  refused  to  obey  the  statute. 
President  Davis  was  termed  a despot  because  he 
sought  to  enforce  the  law„  Property-holders  in 
large  numbers  succeeded  in  evading  the  call  and  re- 
mained at  home.  Moreover,  Vice-President  Ste- 
phens began  to  loom  up  as  the  leader  of  a peace 
party,  which  increased  the  clamour  against  Davis. 
From  the  beginning  the  Confederate  President  was 
too  sanguine  of  success.  He  played  his  cards  as 
the  head  of  a perfected  system  of  statesmanship. 
He  never  seemed  to  recognise  his  imperative  duty 
to  secure  every  possible  advantage  in  order  to  win 
the  game.  A man  of  lofty  patriotism,  of  unfailing 
integrity  and  of  spotless  purity,  Mr.  Davis  supposed 
that  the  Confederacy  would  attain  a position  of  per- 
manency through  the  ordinary  and  regular  opera- 
tions of  his  system  of  administration.  He  never 
recognised  the  military  necessity  of  destroying  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  by  mobilising  the  forces  of  the 
South,  and  now  that  army  was  about  to  destroy  him. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  strong 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


4i  1 


State  jealousies  stood  in  the  way  of  mobilising  a 
great  Confederate  army  in  Virginia  or  in  Tennessee. 
This  same  cause  was  strongly  operative  in  the  winter 
of  1864  in  weakening  Lee’s  army.  Nearly  all  the 
men  who  left  his  ranks  went  back  to  the  Cotton 
States.  To  the  honour  of  Virginia  be  it  said,  that 
as  she  did  not  in  the  outset  seek  war,  so  at  the  close 
she  did  not  seek  peace  while  war  was  possible.  Her 
General  Assembly  expressed  confidence  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  President  Davis,  and  pledged  him 
unto  the  very  end  all  the  men  and  resources  of  the 
Commonwealth. 

With  unconquerable  spirit,  Lee  stood  like  the 
strong  man  he  was  in  the  midst  of  all  these  difficul- 
ties. He  kept  the  peace  with  all  the  warring  fac- 
tions. None  of  them  dared  to  assail  him  who  was 
the  personal  friend  and  idol  of  the  grim  grey-jackets 
who  manned  the  Petersburg  trenches.  The  news- 
papers would  perhaps  have  subjected  Lee  to  criticism 
if  they  had  not  feared  his  popularity.  To  the  Hon. 
B.  H.  Hill  of  Georgia,  Lee  made  these  remarks: 

“ We  made  a great  mistake,  Mr.  Hill,  in  the  beginning  of  our 
struggle,  and  1 fear,  in  spite  of  all  we  can  do,  it  will  prove  to  be  a 
fatal  mistake.  ...  In  the  beginning  we  appointed  all  our  worst 
generals  to  command  the  armies  and  all  our  best  generals  to  edit  the 
newspapers.  As  you  know,  I have  planned  some  campaigns  and 
quite  a number  of  battles.  I have  given  the  work  all  the  care  and 
thought  I could,  and  sometimes,  when  my  plans  were  completed,  as 
far  as  I could  see  they  seemed  to  be  perfect.  But  when  I have  fought 
them  through  I have  discovered  defects,  and  occasionally  wondered  I 
did  not  see  some  of  the  defects  in  advance.  When  it  was  all  over  I 
found  by  reading  a newspaper  that  these  best  editor-generals  saw  all 
the  defects  plainly  from  the  start.  Unfortunately,  they  did  not  com- 
municate their  knowledge  to  me  until  it  was  too  late. 


412 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


“ I have  no  ambition  but  to  serve  the  Confederacy,  and  do  all  I 
can  to  win  our  independence.  I am  willing  to  serve  in  any  capacity 
to  which  the  authorities  may  assign  me.  I have  done  the  best  I 
could  in  the  field,  and  have  not  succeeded  as  I should  wish.  I am 
willing  to  yield  my  place  to  these  best  generals,  and  I will  do  my 
best  for  the  cause  in  editing  a newspaper.” 

On  August  23,  Lee  wrote  as  follows: 

“ . . . Without  some  increase  of  strength,  I cannot  see  how 

we  are  to  escape  the  natural  military  consequences  of  the  enemy’s 
numerical  superiority.” 

September  2 found  him  making  an  urgent  call  for 
all  the  able-bodied  white  men  in  the  South,  and  on 
September  20  he  asked  for  negro  recruits  to  manage 
all  the  waggon  trains  and  to  throw  up  fortifications. 
In  reply  to  his  wife’s  remonstrance  concerning  his 
own  unceasing  toil  and  watchfulness,  on  September 
18,  he  wrote  these  words: 

“ . . . What  care  can  a man  give  to  himself  in  time  of  war? 

It  is  from  no  desire  of  exposure  or  hazard  that  I live  in  a tent,  but 
from  necessity.  I must  be  where  I can  speedily  at  all  times  attend 
to  the  duties  of  my  position,  and  be  near  or  accessible  to  the  officers 
with  whom  I have  to  act.  I have  been  offered  rooms  in  the  houses 
of  our  citizens,  but  I could  not  turn  the  dwellings  of  my  kind  hosts 
into  a barrack,  where  officers,  couriers,  distressed  women,  etc.,  would 
be  entering  day  and  night.” 

Lee’s  energies  were  directed  toward  the  solution 
of  the  problems  created  by  the  attempted  conscrip- 
tion, by  the  commissariat,  and  by  the  enemy. 
Throughout  September  and  October  he  was  asking 
for  more  troops.  He  called  attention  to  the  scarcity 
of  horses.  He  spoke  of  “ the  discouragement  of 
our  people  and  the  great  material  loss  that  would 


1865]  Petersburg  and  Appomattox . 


4i3 


follow  the  fall  of  Richmond  ” as  outweighing  every 
possible  sacrifice.  He  lived  on  sweet  potatoes,  corn- 
bread,  and  buttermilk,  while  he  pressed  every 
agency  to  secure  food  for  his  starving  veterans. 
When  he  crossed  to  the  southern  bank  of  the  Appo- 
mattox early  in  November,  he  sent  his  aide,  W.  H. 
Taylor,  to  select  a dwelling-place. 

“ I,  of  course,  selected  a place,”  says  Taylor,  “where  I thought  he 
would  be  comfortable,  although  I firmly  believe  he  concluded  that  I 
was  thinking  more  of  myself  than  of  him.  I took  possession  of  a 
vacant  house,  and  had  his  room  prepared  with  a cheerful  fire,  and 
everything  made  as  cosy  as  possible.  It  was  entirely  too  pleasant  for 
him,  for  he  is  never  so  uncomfortable  as  when  comfortable.” 

Winter  poured  down  its  snows  and  its  sleet  upon 
Lee’s  shelterless  men  in  the  trenches.  Some  of 
them  burrowed  into  the  earth.  Most  of  them  shiv- 
ered over  the  feeble  fires  kept  burning  along  the 
lines.  Scanty  and  thin  were  the  garments  of  these 
heroes.  Most  of  them  were  clad  in  mere  rags. 
Gaunt  famine  oppressed  them  every  hour.  One 
quarter  of  a pound  of  rancid  bacon  and  a little 
meal  was  the  daily  portion  assigned  to  each  man 
by  the  rules  of  the  War  Department.  But  even 
this  allowance  failed  when  the  railroads  broke  down 
and  left  the  bacon  and  the  flour  and  the  meal  piled 
up  beside  the  track  in  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas. 
One-sixth  of  this  daily  ration  was  the  allotment  for 
a considerable  time,  and  very  often  the  supply  of 
bacon  failed  entirely.  At  the  close  of  the  year. 
Grant  had  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  men.  Lee 
had  sixty-six  thousand  on  his  rolls,  but  this  included 
men  on  detached  duty,  leaving  him  barely  forty 


4H 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


thousand  soldiers  to  defend  the  trenches  that  were 
then  stretched  out  forty  miles  in  length  from  the 
Chickahominy  to  Hatcher’s  Run. 

With  dauntless  hearts  these  gaunt-faced  men  en- 
dured the  almost  ceaseless  roar  of  Grant’s  mortar- 
batteries.  The  frozen  fingers  of  Lee’s  army  of 
sharpshooters  clutched  the  musket-barrel  with  an 
aim  so  steady  that  Grant’s  men  scarcely  ever  lifted 
their  heads  from  their  bomb-proofs.  An  eye-witness 
thus  describes  Lee  himself : 

“ His  cheeks  were  ruddy,  and  his  eye  had  that  clear  light  which 
indicates  the  presence  of  the  calm,  self-poised  will.  But  his  hair  had 
grown  grey,  like  his  beard  and  mustache,  which  were  worn  short  and 
well  trimmed.  Ilis  dress,  as  always,  was  a plain  and  serviceable 
grey  uniform,  with  no  indications  of  rank  save  the  stars  on  the  collar. 
Cavalry  boots  reached  nearly  to  his  knees,  and  he  seldom  wore  any 
weapon.  A broad-brimmed,  grey-felt  hat  rested  low  upon  the  fore- 
head ; and  the  movements  of  this  soldierly  figure  were  as  firm,  meas- 
ured, and  imposing  as  ever.  It  was  impossible  to  discern  in  General 
Lee  any  evidences  of  impaired  strength,  or  any  trace  of  the  wearing 
hardships  through  which  he  had  passed.  He  seemed  made  of  iron, 
and  would  remain  in  his  saddle  all  day,  and  then  at  his  desk  half  the 
night,  without  apparently  feeling  any  fatigue.” 

On  November  30,  Lee  wrote  thus  to  his  wife: 
“I  . . . am  glad  to  learn  your  supply  of  socks 

is  so  large.  If  two  or  three  hundred  would  send  an 
equal  number  we  should  have  a sufficiency.  I will 
endeavour  to  have  them  distributed  to  the  most 
needy.”  December  17  found  him  thanking  her  for 
a box  with  hat,  gloves,  and  socks,  and  also  for  a 
barrel  of  apples.  On  January  10  he  was  able  to  be- 
stow some  apples  on  three  little  girls  who  brought 
him  their  donation  of  eggs,  pickles,  and  pop-corn. 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


41 5 


On  the  next  day  he  wrote  Secretary  Seddon  that  his 
army  possessed  supplies  for  only  two  days.  At  that 
time  meal  was  rated  at  eighty  dollars  a bushel,  and 
flour  at  one  thousand  dollars  a barrel  in  Confederate 
currency ! 

In  February,  Lee  was  appointed  generalissimo  of 
all  the  Confederate  forces  in  the  field.  Sherman 
was  just  then  starting  northward  through  the  Caro- 
linas  to  effect  a junction  with  Grant.  Fort  Fisher 
had  fallen  on  January  18.  The  failure  of  A.  H. 
Stephens’s  vain  dream  of  peace  in  the  Hampton 
Roads  conference  with  Lincoln  on  February  3 
nerved  the  Confederacy  to  greater  efforts  than  be- 
fore. A fair  supply  of  meat  and  meal  was  brought 
to  the  army.  Lee  devised  the  plan  of  withdrawing 
behind  the  Staunton  (Roanoke)  River  within  reach 
of  the  Confederate  troops  in  the  Carolinas.  But  the 
policy  of  defending  Richmond  to  the  last  was  forced 
upon  him,  and  without  a murmur  his  men  faced 
Grant  for  the  final  struggle. 

On  February  5,  6,  and  7,  Grant  sent  a large  force 
to  seize  the  Confederate  works  at  Hatcher’s  Run. 
Three  Confederate  divisions  drove  them  back. 
Evans’s  division  made  a charge  with  the  old  Confed- 
erate spirit  and  broke  the  line  formed  by  the  Federal 
Fifth  Corps.  In  these  operations  the  gallant  John 
Pegram  was  slain.  Lee’s  heroes  were  still  ready  for 
obstinate  battle  and  a continued  watch  of  three  days 
and  nights  in  the  midst  of  the  severest  weather  of 
the  winter. 

“ Under  these  circumstances,”  wrote  Lee,  “ heightened  by  assaults 
and  fire  of  the  enemy,  some  of  the  men  had  been  without  meat  for 


416 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864- 


three  days,  and  all  were  suffering  from  reduced  rations  and  scant 
clothing,  exposed  to  battle,  cold,  hail,  and  sleet.  . . . The 

physical  strength  of  the  men,  if  their  courage  survives,  must  fail 
under  this  treatment.” 

On  February  9,  Lee  issued  his  first  general  order 
as  Commander-in-chief.  The  substance  of  the  order 
ran  as  follows: 

“ Deeply  impressed  with  the  difficulties  and  responsibilities  of  the 
position,  and  humbly  invoking  the  guidance  of  Almighty  God,  I 
rely  for  success  upon  the  courage  and  fortitude  of  the  army,  sustained 
by  the  patriotism  and  firmness  of  the  people,  confident  that  their 
united  efforts,  under  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  will  secure  peace  and 
independence.” 

February  14  marked  Lee’s  publication  of  a second 
order  in  which  he  said  of  his  soldiers: 

“ The  choice  between  war  and  abject  submission  is  before  them. 

“To  such  a proposal,  brave  men  with  arms  in  their  hands  can  have 
but  one  answer.  They  cannot  barter  manhood  for  peace,  nor  the 
right  of  self-government  for  life  or  property. 

“ But  justice  to  them  requires  a sterner  admonition  to  those  who 
have  abandoned  their  comrades  in  the  hour  of  peril.” 

He  offered  pardon  to  returning  deserters  and  then 
said : 

“ Our  resources,  wisely  and  vigorously  employed,  are  ample  ; and 
with  a brave  army,  sustained  by  a determined  and  united  people, 
success  with  God’s  assistance  cannot  be  doubtful.” 

With  reference  to  the  scheme  brought  before  the 
Confederate  Congress  to  employ  negroes  as  soldiers, 
Lee  wrote  thus,  on  February  18: 

“ I think  the  measure  not  only  expedient  but  necessary.  The 
enemy  will  certainly  use  them  against  us  if  he  can  get  possession  of 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


417 


them.  . . . I do  not  think  that  our  white  population  can  supply 

the  necessities  of  a long  war  without  overtaxing  its  capacity,  and  im- 
posing great  suffering  upon  our  people  ; and  I believe  we  should  pro- 
vide resources  for  a protracted  struggle — not  merely  for  a battle  or 
campaign.  ...  In  my  opinion,  the  negroes,  under  proper  cir- 
cumstances, will  make  efficient  soldiers.  ...  I think  those  who 
are  employed  should  be  freed.  It  would  be  neither  just  nor  wise,  in 
my  opinion,  to  require  them  to  serve  as  slaves.” 

On  February  19,  while  Sherman  was  approaching 
Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  Lee  wrote  this: 

“ It  is  necessary  to  bring  out  all  our  strength,  and,  I fear,  to  unite 
our  armies,  as  separately  they  do  not  seem  able  to  make  head  against 
the  enemy.  . . . Provisions  must  be  accumulated  in  Virginia, 

and  every  man  in  all  the  States  must  be  brought  off.  I fear  it  may 
be  necessary  to  abandon  all  our  cities,  and  preparation  should  be 
made  for  this  contingency.” 

February  24  found  this  letter  on  its  way  from  Lee 
to  Governor  Vance  of  North  Carolina: 

“ The  state  of  despondency  that  now  prevails  among  our  people  is 
producing  a bad  effect  upon  the  troops.  Desertions  are  becoming 
very  frequent,  and  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  they  are  occa- 
sioned to  a considerable  extent  by  letters  written  to  the  soldiers  by 
their  friends  at  home.  In  the  last  two  weeks  several  hundred  have 
deserted  from  Hill’s  corps,  and  as  the  divisions  from  which  the  great- 
est number  of  desertions  have  taken  place  are  composed  chiefly  of 
troops  from  North  Carolina,  they  furnish  a corresponding  proportion 
of  deserters.  I think  some  good  can  be  accomplished  by  the  efforts 
of  influential  citizens  to  change  public  sentiment,  and  cheer  the 
spirits  of  the  people.  It  has  been  discovered  that  despondent  persons 
represent  to  their  friends  in  the  army  that  our  cause  is  hopeless,  and 
that  they  had  better  provide  for  themselves.  They  state  that  the 
number  of  deserters  is  so  large  in  the  several  counties  that  there  is  no 
danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  home-guard.  The  deserters  gen- 
erally take  their  arms  with  them.  The  greater  number  are  from 
regiments  from  the  western  part  of  the  State.  So  far  as  the  despond- 
27 


4 1 3 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


ency  of  the  people  occasions  this  sad  condition  of  affairs,  I know  of 
no  other  means  of  removing  it  than  by  the  counsel  and  exhortation  of 
prominent  citizens.  If  they  would  explain  to  the  people  that  the 
cause  is  not  hopeless,  that  the  situation  of  affairs,  though  critical,  is 
so  to  the  enemy  as  well  as  ourselves,  that  he  has  drawn  his  troops 
from  every  other  quarter  to  accomplish  his  designs  against  Richmond, 
and  that  his  defeat  now  would  result  in  leaving  nearly  our  whole  terri- 
tory open  to  us  ; that  this  great  result  can  be  accomplished  if  all  will 
work  diligently,  and  that  his  successes  are  far  less  valuable  in  fact 
than  in  appearance, — I think  our  sorely  tried  people  would  be  in- 
duced to  make  one  more  effort  to  bear  their  sufferings  a little  longer, 
and  regain  some  of  the  spirit  that  marked  the  first  two  years  of  the  war.” 

On  March  g,  Lee  sent  these  words  of  commenda- 
tion to  the  gallant  Vance: 

“I  . . . return  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  zealous  efforts 

in  behalf  of  the  army  and  the  cause.  I have  read  with  pleasure  and 
attention  your  proclamation  and  appeal  to  the  people,  as  also  extracts 
from  your  addresses.  I trust  you  will  infuse  into  your  fellow- 
citizens  the  spirit  of  resolution  and  patriotism  which  inspires  your 
own  action.  . . .” 

Early  in  March,  Lee  and  Davis  decided  that  the 
former  should  lead  his  army  to  Danville  and  unite 
with  J.  E.  Johnston’s  eighteen  thousand  in  battle 
against  Sherman’s  ninety  thousand  men  before  Grant 
could  reach  North  Carolina.  In  order  to  check  the 
extension  of  Grant’s  left  wing  toward  the  Southside 
and  Danville  railroads,  Lee  proposed  to  assault  the 
central  works  in  the  Federal  line  near  the  Appomat- 
tox. Gordon  arrayed  the  Second  Corps  in  front  of 
Petersburg  with  his  left  resting  on  the  river.  Other 
troops  stood  ready  to  lend  their  aid.  One-half  of 
Lee’s  army  was  thus  massed  against  a Federal  re- 
doubt on  the  southern  side  of  the  Appomattox, 
known  as  Fort  Stedman.  Just  before  the  dawn  of 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


419 


March  25,  Gordon’s  storming  party  rushed  from  the 
Confederate  intrenchments  across  the  intervening 
space  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  and  captured 
the  fort  with  three  adjacent  batteries.  The  attack 
had  been  delayed  by  the  tardiness  of  the  supporting 
detachment  from  Longstreet’s  corps,  and  the  ap- 
proach of  daylight  found  the  plan  only  half  executed. 
Gordon  made  vain  attempts  to  lay  his  hands  on  the 
forts  to  the  right  and  to  the  left  of  Stedman.  But 
the  supporting  Confederate  forces  did  not  advance. 
The  Federal  artillery,  from  a more  commanding  posi- 
tion, raked  his  lines,  and  the  Federal  infantry 
swarmed  in  to  overwhelm  the  attacking  column. 
Lee’s  loss  amounted  to  three  thousand  men.  Two 
thousand  men  was  the  measure  of  the  injury  inflicted 
upon  Grant. 

On  March  27,  with  Sherman  at  Goldsborough, 
Grant  began  to  make  slow  advances  with  his  host  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty-four  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred men.  Thirteen  thousand  of  these  formed  his 
cavalry.  Lee’s  total  force  of  all  three  arms  was 
reduced  in  size  to  about  forty-five  thousand  men. 
Fitz  Lee’s  corps  of  cavalry  numbered  less  than  five 
thousand,  and  the  failure  of  forage  had  reduced  the 
horses  to  the  condition  of  walking  phantoms. 

Grant  first  sent  Butler’s  old  army  under  Ord 
toward  his  own  left  flank.  On  the  29th,  Sheridan’s 
troopers  were  despatched  to  Dinwiddie  Court-House, 
and  the  Federal  Second  and  Fifth  corps  moved 
across  Hatcher’s  Run  and  advanced  north-eastward 
against  Lee’s  right  flank  along  the  Boydton  and 
Quaker  roads.  Hill’s  line  looked  dangerous,  and 


420 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1864 


Grant’s  forces  did  not  attack  the  Confederate  works. 
Lee  swiftly  moved  his  cavalry  and  Pickett’s  division 
from  his  left  to  his  right.  The  evening  of  March 
30  closed  upon  ten  thousand  infantry  and  cavalry 
arrayed  under  Pickett  at  Five  Forks,  four  miles 
west  of  the  extremity  of  Lee’s  intrenchments.  In 
connection  with  Pickett’s  movement  against  Sheri- 
dan, Lee  in  person  moved  three  brigades  out  of  his 
works  on  the  morning  of  the  31st,  and  the  fierce 
rush  of  his  men  drove  Warren’s  corps  in  confusion 
behind  Gravelly  Run.  Pickett  pressed  Sheridan 
backward  to  the  Court-House,  but  found  himself 
near  the  Federal  infantry,  and  withdrew  to  Five 
Forks.  There,  in  his  isolated  position,  Pickett  was 
outflanked  and  defeated  by  Sheridan’s  cavalry  and 
Warren’s  corps  on  April  1.  On  the  morning  of 
April  2,  the  Federal  Sixth  Corps  broke  Lee’s  thin 
line  at  a point  about  four  miles  southwest  of  Peters- 
burg, and  the  brave  A.  P.  Hill  was  numbered  with 
the  Confederate  dead.  The  Confederate  soldiers  in 
isolated  bands  continued  to  fight  with  desperate 
valour,  and  Grant  lost  heavily;  but  Federal  numbers 
won  their  way  through  Lee’s  line.  Lee  himself 
looked  upon  the  disaster  with  the  utmost  compos- 
ure in  his  demeanour.  He  raised  his  grey  hat  with 
the  same  old  courteous  salute  to  every  approaching 
officer.  As  he  rode  back  toward  Petersburg,  he 
quietly  remarked  to  an  aide,  “ This  is  a bad  busi- 
ness, Colonel.  ” Soon  again  he  spoke  to  this  effect : 
“ It  has  happened  as  I told  them  at  Richmond  it 
would  happen.  The  line  has  been  stretched  until  it 
has  broken.  ” 


1865J 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


421 


As  Lee  continued  his  slow  return,  the  shells  from 
the  advancing  Federal  batteries  began  to  burst  about 
him. 

“ He  turned  his  head  over  his  right  shoulder,”  says  an  eye-witness, 
“ his  cheeks  became  flushed  and  a sudden  flash  of  the  eye  showed 
with  what  reluctance  he  retired  before  the  fire  directed  upon  him. 
No  other  course  was  left  him,  however,  and  he  continued  to  ride 
slowly  toward  his  inner  line — a low  earthwork  in  the  suburbs  of  the 
city* — where  a small  force  was  drawn  up,  ardent,  hopeful,  defiant,  and 
saluting  the  shells  now  bursting  above  them  with  cheers  and  laughter. 
It  was  plain  that  the  fighting  spirit  of  the  ragged  troops  remained 
unbroken  ; and  the  shout  of  welcome  with  which  they  received  Lee 
indicated  their  unwavering  confidence  in  him,  despite  the  untoward 
condition  of  affairs.” 


Under  cover  of  the  gathering  darkness,  on  April 
2,  Lee  turned  the  head  of  his  army  toward  Amelia 
Court  House  along  the  banks  of  the  Appomattox. 
The  Confederate  government  officials  passed  over 
the  railroad  to  Danville,  and  thence  to  Charlotte. 
The  soldiers  on  the  march  regained  the  buoyancy 
of  the  early  days  of  the  war.  They  were 

“in  excellent  spirits,”  says  a participant  in  the  retreat,  “probably 
from  the  highly  agreeable  contrast  of  the  budding  April  woods  with 
the  squalid  trenches,  and  the  long-unfelt  joy  of  an  unfettered  march 
through  the  fields  of  spring.  General  Lee  shared  this  hopeful  feel- 
ing in  a very  remarkable  degree.  His  expression  was  animated  and 
buoyant,  his  seat  in  the  saddle  erect  and  commanding,  and  he  seemed 
to  look  forward  to  assured  success  in  the  critical  movement  which  he 
had  undertaken.” 


On  April  5,  most  of  the  Confederate  troops 
reached  Amelia.  Contrary  to  Lee’s  expectation, 
the  supply  of  food  found  here  was  insufficient  for  his 


422 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865 


army.*  Sheridan  was  between  Lee  and  Danville 
and  his  caution  was  so  great  that  he  placed  his 
eighteen  thousand  Federal  troops  behind  strong 
intrenchments.  If  they  had  possessed  food,  Lee’s 
veterans  would  probably  have  pushed  their  way 
through  Sheridan’s  line  to  Danville.  Lee’s  esti- 
mate of  the  situation  was  thus  recorded  : 

“Not  finding  the  supplies  ordered  to  be  placed  at  Amelia  Court 
House,  nearly  twenty-four  hours  were  lost  in  endeavouring  to  collect 
in  the  country  subsistence  for  men  and  horses.  The  delay  was  fatal 
and  could  not  be  retrieved." 


The  night  of  April  5 marked  Lee’s  advance  toward 
Farmville.  On  the  following  day  Sheridan’s  cavalry 
and  the  Federal  Sixth  Corps,  marching  on  Lee’s 
left  flank,  thrust  themselves  into  gaps  left  open  in 
the  Confederate  columns  by  the  passage  of  the 
stream  called  Sailor’s  Creek.  The  Confederate 
artillery  was  not  available  and  the  flank  assaults  re- 
sulted in  disaster  to  Lee.  The  Federal  Second 
Corps  fell  upon  Gordon’s  rearguard  and  captured 
many  prisoners.  Lee’s  losses  reached  the  aggregate 
of  nearly  eight  thousand  men  with  Generals  Ewell, 
G.  W.  Custis  Lee,  Kershaw,  Dubose,  Corse,  and 
H unton.  Bread  and  meat  were  found  at  Farmville. 
Since  leaving  Petersburg  the  chief  article  of  food  was 
parched  corn!  Four  miles  beyond  Farmville,  Lee 
formed  line  of  battle  on  April  7,  and  visited  disaster 
on  the  Federal  Second  Corps  and  Crook’s  cavalry. 


* The  officials  of  the  commissary  department  have  stated  that  no 
order  was  received  by  them  with  reference  to  the  concentration  of 
supplies  at  Amelia  Court  House.  See  Southern  Historical  Papers. 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


423 


The  evening  of  April  8 saw  Sheridan  in  control  of 
Appomattox  Station  between  Lee  and  Lynchburg. 
Large  masses  of  the  Federal  infantry  added  strength 
to  Sheridan’s  position,  and  Lee’s  little  band  of 
wearied  and  half-starved  heroes  was  between  the 
two  wings  of  Grant’s  great  host.  “ On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  9th,”  Lee  wrote,  “ according  to  the 
reports  of  the  ordnance  officers,  there  were  7892 
organised  infantry  with  arms,  . . . the  artillery 

reduced  to  63  pieces  . . . [and]  the  cavalry 

did  not  exceed  2100  effective  men.  The 
enemy  was  more  than  five  times  our  numbers.”* 
Two  days  before,  Lee  had  received  from  his  corps- 
commanders  the  suggestion  that  he  should  sur- 
render. With  a flash  of  the  eye  he  cried,  “ Surren- 
der! I have  too  many  good  fighting  men  for  that.” 
On  the  morning  of  the  9th  when  he  found  Grant’s 
infantry  in  his  front,  a great  sadness  fell  upon  Lee 
as  he  said:  “ There  is  nothing  left  but  to  go  to 
General  Grant,  and  I would  rather  die  a thousand 
deaths.”  The  soldier-spirit  within  him  longed  for 
the  soldier’s  death.  “ How  easily  I could  get  rid 
of  this,  and  be  at  rest,”  he  said.  “ I have  only  to 
ride  along  the  line  and  all  will  be  over.  But  it  is  our 
duty  to  live.  What  will  become  of  the  women  and 
children  of  the  South,  if  we  are  not  here  to  protect 
them.”  His  sadness  was  lighted  up  with  a faint 
touch  of  humour  at  his  own  personal  display  when 
he  arrayed  himself  in  anew  Confederate  uniform  and 
rode  to  the  McLean  house  to  hand  over  his  army 


* After  the  surrender,  stragglers  came  up  until  the  number  of 
prisoners  paroled  reached  the  aggregate  of  twenty-eight  thousand. 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


Cl  865 


424 

to  Grant.  The  latter  manifested  no  spirit  of  exulta- 
tion ; he  courteously  yielded  the  horses  to  the  Con- 
federate privates  who  owned  them,  and  apportioned 
provisions  to  Lee’s  army  from  the  captured  Confed- 
erate railway  train. 

Among  the  Confederate  soldiers  themselves  there 
had  been  scarcely  a thought  of  surrender.  When 
they  saw  their  beloved  leader  riding  back  from  the 
place  of  negotiation,  their  grief  was  wellnigh  un- 
speakable. They  halted  his  horse  and  gathered  in 
clusters  about  him.  Tears  were  running  down  every 
cheek  as  the  grim,  ragged  veterans  came  up  to  wring 
his  hand.  Only  sobs  were  heard  or  prayers  uttered 
in  broken  words  calling  down  the  benedictions  of 
heaven  upon  Lee.  The  tears  in  his  own  eyes 
formed  his  answer  to  the  agony  of  his  men.  He 
could  only  say  in  a tone  that  trembled  with  sorrow, 
“ Men,  we  have  fought  through  the  war  together. 
I have  done  the  best  I could  for  you.  My  heart  is 
too  full  to  say  more.”  On  April  10,  1865,  he  issued 
to  his  immortal  band  the  following  address: 

“After  four  years  of  arduous  service,  marked  by  unsurpassed 
courage  and  fortitude,  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  has  been  com- 
pelled to  yield  to  overwhelming  numbers  and  resources. 

“ I need  not  tell  the  survivors  of  so  many  hard-fought  battles,  who 
have  remained  steadfast  to  the  last,  that  I have  consented  to  this 
result  from  no  distrust  of  them  ; but,  feeling  that  valour  and  devotion 
could  accomplish  nothing  that  could  compensate  for  the  loss  that 
would  have  attended  the  continuation  of  the  contest,  I have  deter- 
mined to  avoid  the  useless  sacrifice  of  those  whose  past  services  have 
endeared  them  to  their  countrymen. 

“ By  the  terms  of  agreement,  officers  and  men  can  return  to  their 
homes  and  remain  there  until  exchanged. 

“You  will  take  with  you  the  satisfaction  that  proceeds  from  the 


BIRDSEYE  VIEW  OF  RICHMOND, 


1865] 


Petersburg  and  Appomattox. 


425 


consciousness  of  duty  faithfully  performed  ; and  I earnestly  pray  that 
a merciful  God  will  extend  to  you  His  blessing  and  protection. 

“ With  an  unceasing  admiration  of  your  constancy  and  devotion  to 
your  country,  and  a grateful  remembrance  of  your  kind  and  generous 
consideration  of  myself,  I bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell. 

“ R.  E.  Lee,  General.” 


CHAPTER  XV. 

LEE  AS  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  WASHINGTON 
COLLEGE. 

1865-18/O. 

HE  disbanding  of  the  Army  of  North- 
ern Virginia  marked  the  virtual  down- 
fall of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
The  surrender  of  the  remaining  Con- 
federate troops  in  the  South  and 
Southwest  in  the  month  of  May,  1865,  inevitably 
followed  the  capitulation  of  Lee  at  Appomattox. 
The  soldiers  of  the  Confederacy  laid  aside  their  arms, 
and  turned  from  the  bivouac  to  find  desolate  homes 
in  a land  laid  waste.  They  uttered  not  a regret  for 
the  past  nor  a murmur  concerning  the  present.  They 
retained  their  former  dauntless  courage.  They  set 
themselves  to  work  to  restore  their  broken  country. 
It  was  well  that  they  were  not  broken  in  spirit,  for 
the  multiplied  humiliations  imposed  upon  the  people 
of  the  South  by  the  successful  political  party  in  the 
process  called  Reconstruction,  were  far  more  galling 
than  the  burdens  laid  upon  them  by  a state  of  public 
warfare.  When  Lee  returned  from  Appomattox  he 
found  Richmond  partially  in  ashes.  He  sought 

426 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  427 


privacy  and  rest  in  a rented  house.  He  denounced 
the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln  as  a grievous 
crime,  and  deplored  the  intensified  animosity  toward 
the  South  on  the  part  of  the  dominant  political  fac- 
tion at  Washington.  On  April  25,  Lee  wrote  to 
Grant  asking  for  the  liberation  from  prison  of  all 
Confederate  captives,  at  the  same  time  remonstrating 
against  the  Federal  practice  of  “ requiring  oaths  of 
paroled  soldiers  before  permitting  them  to  proceed 
on  their  journey.  Officers  and  men  on  parole  are 
bound  in  honour  to  conform  to  the  obligations  they 
have  assumed.  This  obligation  cannot  be  strength- 
ened by  any  additional  form  or  oath,  nor  is  it  cus- 
tomary to  exact  them.” 

On  May  29,  President  Andrew  Johnson  issued  a 
proclamation,  offering  amnesty  and  pardon  to  all 
participants  in  “ the  rebellion,”  with  the  exception 
of  certain  classes  who  had  obtained  prominence  as 
leaders.  It  was  announced,  however,  that  special 
application  for  pardon  might  be  made  to  the  Presi- 
dent by  any  person  belonging  to  the  excepted  classes. 
General  Lee,  therefore,  on  June  13,  sent  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  President  Johnson: 

“ Being  excluded  from  the  provisions  of  amnesty  and  pardon  con- 
tained in  the  proclamation  of  the  29th  ult.,  I hereby  apply  for  the 
benefits,  and  full  restoration  of  all  rights  and  privileges,  extended  to 
those  included  in  its  terms. 

“ I [was]  graduated  at  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point  in 
June,  1829  ; resigned  from  the  U.  S.  Army,  April,  1861  ; was  a Gen- 
eral in  the  Confederate  Army,  and  included  in  the  surrender  of  the 
Army  of  N.  Va. , April  9,  1865.” 

It  was  the  sense  of  duty  toward  his  comrades  in 
arms  that  led  Lee  thus  to  ask  a pardon  that  was  never 


428 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


granted.  At  that  time  President  Davis  was  held  as 
a prisoner  in  a damp,  stone  casemate  in  Fortress 
Monroe,  ; This  man  of  noble  mould,  this  upright 
Christfahl  was  accused  of  complicity  in  the  murder 
of  Pre"5icTent  Lincoln,  and  was  subjected  to  treatment 
of  the  most  severe  type.  Lee  said  to  his  eldest  son, 
in  connection  with  the  letter  to  Johnson,  “ that 
it  was  right  for  him  to  set  an  example  of  making 
formal  submission  to  the  civil  authorities,  and  that 
he  thought,  by  so  doing,  he  might  possibly  be  in  a 
better  position  to  be  of  use  to  the  Confederates  who 
were  not  protected  by  military  paroles,  especially 
Mr.  Davis.”  After  Lee’s  indictment  for  treason,  in 
accordance  with  the  orders  of  a Federal  judge,  he 
withdrew  this  application  for  amnesty.  Grant  him- 
self urged  the  sacredness  of  Lee’s  military  parole, 
and  the  indictment  was  not  pressed  to  a trial. 

Arlington,  the  home  of  Lee,  was  held  by  the 
Federal  officials.  The  White  House  on  the  Pamun- 
key  River  was  in  ashes.  Lee’s  desire  for  privacy 
was  thus  expressed  to  General  A.  L.  Long:  “ I am 
looking  for  some  little  quiet  house  in  the  woods 
where  I can  procure  shelter  and  my  daily  bread  if 
permitted  by  the  victor.  I wish  to  get  Mrs.  Lee 
out  of  the  city  as  soon  as  practicable.”  In  the  lat- 
ter part  of  the  month  of  June,  1865,  he  led  his  family 
to  a quiet  country-home  in  Powhatan  County,  on 
the  James  River,  in  Virginia.  There  he  busied  him- 
self in  vain  efforts  to  collect  material  for  a history  of 
his  military  campaigns. 

“ I am  desirous,”  he  wrote,  “ that  the  bravery  and  devotion  of  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia  be  correctly  transmitted  to  posterity. 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  429 


This  is  the  only  tribute  that  can  be  paid  to  the  worth  of  its  noble 
officers  and  soldiers.  And  I am  anxious  to  collect  the  necessary  in- 
formation for  the  history  of  its  campaigns,  including  the  operations  in 
the  Valley  of  Western  Virginia,  from  its  organisation  to  its  final 
surrender.” 

To  Colonel  R.  L.  Maury  he  sent  this  message 
concerning  a scheme  for  the  emigration  of  Southern 
planters  to  Mexico: 

“ . . . I do  not  know  how  far  their  emigration  to  another  land 

will  conduce  to  their  prosperity.  Although  prospects  may  not  now 
be  cheering,  I have  entertained  the  opinion  that,  unless  prevented 
by  circumstances  or  necessity,  it  would  be  better  for  them  and  the 
country  to  remain  at  their  homes  and  share  the  fate  of  their  respect- 
ive States.  . . .” 

To  his  second  son,  General  W.  H.  F.  Lee,  then 
dwelling  on  the  White  House  plantation,  the  father 
wrote  thus,  on  July  29: 

“ . . . It  is  very  cheering  to  me  to  hear  of  your  good  prospects 

for  corn,  and  your  cheerful  prospects  for  the  future.  God  grant  that 
they  may  be  realised,  which  I am  sure  they  will  be,  if  you  will  unite 
sound  judgment  to  your  usual  energy  in  your  operations. 

“ As  to  the  indictments  : I hope  you,  at  least,  may  not  be  prose- 
cuted. I see  no  more  reason  for  it  than  for  prosecuting  all  who  ever 
engaged  in  the  war.  I think,  however,  we  may  expect  procrastina- 
tion in  measures  of  relief,  denunciatory  threats,  etc.  We  must  be 
patient  and  let  them  take  their  course.  As  soon  as  I can  ascertain 
their  intention  toward  me,  if  not  prevented,  I shall  endeavour  to 
procure  some  humble  but  quiet  abode  for  your  mother  and  sisters, 
where  I hope  they  can  be  happy.  As  I before  said,  I want  to  get  in 
some  grass  country,  where  the  natural  product  of  the  land  will  do 
much  for  my  subsistence. 

On  August  4,  1865,  General  Lee  was  elected 
President  of  the  Washington  College  in  Virginia. 
His  letter  of  acceptance  runs  as  follows: 


430 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


“ Powhatan  County,  24th  August,  1865. 

“ Gentlemen  : — I have  delayed  for  some  days  replying  to  your  let- 
ter of  the  5th  inst.,  informing  me  of  my  election  by  the  Board  of 
Trustees  to  the  Presidency  of  Washington  College,  from  a desire  to 
give  the  subject  due  consideration.  Fully  impressed  with  the  respon- 
sibilities of  the  office,  I have  feared  that  I should  be  unable  to  dis- 
charge its  duties  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Trustees  or  to  the  benefit 
of  the  country.  The  proper  education  of  youth  requires  not  only 
great  ability,  but  I fear  more  strength  than  I now  possess,  for  I do 
not  feel  able  to  undergo  the  labour  of  conducting  classes  in  regular 
courses  of  instruction.  I could  not,  therefore,  undertake  more  than 
the  general  administration  and  supervision  of  the  institution.  There 
is  another  subject  which  has  caused  me  serious  reflection,  and  is,  I 
think,  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  the  Board.  Being  excluded 
from  the  terms  of  amnesty  in  the  proclamation  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  of  the  2gth  of  May  last,  and  an  object  of  censure  to 
a portion  of  the  country,  I have  thought  it  probable  that  my  occupa- 
tion of  the  position  of  President  might  draw  upon  the  College  a feel- 
ing of  hostility,  and  I should  therefore  cause  injury  to  an  institution 
which  it  would  be  my  highest  desire  to  advance.  I think  it  the  duty 
of  every  citizen,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  country,  to  do  all  in 
his  power  to  aid  in  the  restoration  of  peace  and  harmony,  and  in  no 
way  to  oppose  the  policy  of  the  State  or  General  Governments 
directed  to  that  object.  It  is  particularly  incumbent  upon  those 
charged  with  the  instruction  of  the  young  to  set  them  an  example  of 
submission  to  authority,  and  I could  not  consent  to  be  the  cause  of 
animadversion  upon  the  College. 

Should  you,  however,  take  a different  view,  and  think  that  my 
services  in  the  position  tendered  me  by  the  Board  will  be  advanta- 
geous to  the  College  and  country,  I will  yield  to  your  judgment  and 
accept  it.  Otherwise  I must  most  respectfully  decline  the  office. 

Begging  you  to  express  to  the  Trustees  of  the  College  my  heart- 
felt gratitude  for  the  honour  conferred  upon  me,  and  requesting  you 
to  accept  my  cordial  thanks  for  the  kind  manner  in  which  you  have 
communicated  its  decision,  I am,  gentlemen,  with  great  respect, 

“ Your  most  obedient  servant, 

“ R.  E.  Lee.” 

August  28  found  him  writing  these  words  to  Gov- 
ernor Letcher: 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  431 


“ . . . The  questions  which  for  years  were  in  dispute  between 

the  State  and  General  Government,  and  which  unhappily  were  not 
decided  by  the  dictates  of  reason,  but  referred  to  the  decision  of  war, 
having  been  decided  against  us,  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  acquiesce 
in  the  result,  and  of  candour  to  recognise  the  fact. 

'‘The  interests  of  the  State  are,  therefore,  the  same  as  those  of  the 
United  States.  Its  prosperity  will  rise  or  fall  with  the  welfare  of 
the  country.  The  duty  of  its  citizens,  then,  appears  to  me  too  plain 
to  admit  of  doubt.  All  should  unite  in  honest  efforts  to  obliterate 
the  effects  of  war,  and  to  restore  the  blessings  of  peace.  They 
should  remain,  if  possible,  in  the  country  ; promote  harmony  and 
good  feeling  ; qualify  themselves  to  vote,  and  elect  to  the  State  and 
General  Legislatures  wise  and  patriotic  men  who  will  devote  their 
abilities  to  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  the  healing  of  all  dissen- 
sions. I have  invariably  recommended  this  course  since  the  cessation 
of  hostilities,  and  have  endeavoured  to  practise  it  myself.  I am 
much  obliged  to  you  for  the  interest  you  have  expressed  in  my  ac- 
ceptance of  the  presidency  of  Washington  College.  If  I believed  I 
could  be  of  advantage  to  the  youth  of  the  country,  I should  not  hesi- 
tate. . . 

September  4 marked  his  refusal  to  take  part  in  the 
management  of  a public  journal.  In  connection  with 
this  he  said : 

“ It  should  be  the  object  of  all  to  avoid  controversy,  to  allay  pas- 
sion, [and]  give  full  scope  to  reason  and  every  kindly  feeling.  By 
doing  this,  and  encouraging  our  citizens  to  engage  in  the  duties  of 
life  with  all  their  heart  and  mind,  with  a determination  not  to  be 
turned  aside  by  thoughts  of  the  past  and  fears  of  the  future,  our 
country  will  not  only  be  restored  in  material  prosperity,  but  will  be 
advanced  in  science,  in  virtue,  and  in  religion.” 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  thus  to  the  Count  Joan- 
nes : 

“ In  your  letter  to  me  you  do  the  people  of  the  South  but  simple 
justice  in  believing  that  they  heartily  concur  with  you  in  opinion  in 
regard  to  the  assassination  of  the  late  President  Lincoln.  It  is  a 
crime  previously  unknown  to  this  country,  and  one  that  must  be 
deprecated  by  every  American.” 


432 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


On  September  7 he  expressed  himself  in  these 
terms : 

“ . . . I believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  everyone  to  unite  in  the 

restoration  of  the  country,  and  the  re-establishment  of  peace  and 
harmony.  ...  It  appears  to  me  that  the  allayment  of  passion, 
the  dissipation  of  prejudice,  and  the  restoration  of  reason,  will  alone 
enable  the  people  of  the  country  to  acquire  a true  knowledge  and 
form  a correct  judgment  of  the  events  of  the  past  four  years.  It 
will,  I think,  be  admitted  that  Mr.  Davis  has  done  nothing  more 
than  all  the  citizens  of  the  Southern  States,  and  should  not  be  held 
accountable  for  acts  performed  by  them  in  the  exercise  of  what  had 
been  considered  by  them  unquestionable  right.” 

With  reference  to  the  plan  of  migration  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande,  Lee  wrote  thus  to  Matthew  F. 
Maury,  on  September  8: 

“ . . . As  long  as  virtue  was  dominant  in  the  republic,  so  long 

was  the  happiness  of  the  people  secure.  I cannot,  however,  despair 
of  it  yet.  I look  forward  to  better  days,  and  trust  that  time  and 
experience,  the  great  teachers  of  men,  under  the  guidance  of  an  ever- 
merciful  God,  may  save  us  from  destruction,  and  restore  to  us  the 
bright  hopes  and  prospects  of  the  past.  The  thought  of  abandoning 
the  country  and  all  that  must  be  left  in  it  is  abhorrent  to  my  feelings, 
and  I prefer  to  struggle  for  its  restoration  and  share  its  fate,  rather 
than  to  give  up  all  as  lost.  I have  a great  admiration  for  Mexico  ; 
the  salubrity  of  its  climate,  the  fertility  of  its  soil,  and  the  magnifi- 
cence of  its  scenery  possess  for  me  great  charms  ; but  I still  look 
with  delight  upon  the  mountains  of  my  native  State.  . . 

In  the  closing  days  of  September,  General  Lee  was 
borne  by  his  war-horse  Traveller  through  the  country 
to  Lexington,  Virginia.  On  October  2,  1865,  the 
Confederate  chieftain  was  inaugurated  as  President 
of  the  Washington  College. 

This  school  was  the  outgrowth  of  a log- 
college  ” erected  under  the  shadow  of  the  Blue 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College . 433 


Ridge,  in  the  valley  of  Virginia,  in  the  year  1749. 
The  founder  of  the  colonial  seat  of  learning  was 
Robert  Alexander,  whose  nephew,  Archibald  Alex- 
ander, afterwards  became  the  first  teacher  in  the 
Princeton  Theological  Seminary.  Robert  Alexander 
was  an  Ulsterman  who  had  received  mathematical 
and  classical  training  in  Edinburgh.  His  school, 
called  the  Augusta  Academy,  stood  in  the  midst  of 
a portion  of  those  immigrants  of  Scotch  descent  who 
came  immediately  from  the  province  of  Ulster,  Ire- 
land, to  take  possession  of  the  Appalachian  Coun- 
try, and  to  form  the  basis  of  the  Revolutionary 
party  that  led  the  way  to  the  separation  of  the 
colonies  from  England. 

In  1776,  the  new  baptismal  name  of  Liberty  Hall 
Academy  was  bestowed  upon  the  young  seminary, 
as  it  passed  under  the  ecclesiastical  control  of  the 
Hanover  Presbytery.  In  1782  Liberty  Hall  received 
the  earliest  charter  granted  to  a school  of  learning  by 
the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia.  This  charter  be- 
stowed upon  the  trustees  all  the  powers  and  privi- 
leges usually  conferred  upon  the  directors  of  a com- 
pletely equipped  college.  In  1865,  General  Lee’s 
oath  of  office  bound  him  to  the  performance  of  duties 
required  in  accordance  with  “ an  act  for  incorpor- 
ating the  Rector  and  Trustees  of  Liberty  Hall 
Academy.  ” 

The  head  master  of  Liberty  Hall  during  a term 
of  twenty  years  was  the  Rev.  William  Graham,  a 
classmate  of  “ Light-Horse  Harry  ” Lee,  in  Prince- 
ton College.  Many  theologians,  statesmen,  lawyers, 
and  teachers  were  trained  at  the  feet  of  Graham  for 

28 


434 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


large  service  in  the  rising  commonwealths  of  the 
trans- Alleghany  regions.  In  the  last  decade  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  endowment  of  the  academy 
reached  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  dollars.  In  the 
year  1796  a larger  fund  was  bestowed  through  the 
generosity  of  General  George  Washington. 

As  a testimonial  to  his  character  and  public  ser- 
vices, the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  in  1785, 
tendered  to  General  Washington  certain  shares  in 
two  canal  companies.  He  accepted  the  gift  only  on 
the  condition  of  being  permitted,  as  he  himself 
stated,  “ to  turn  the  destination  of  the  fund  vested 
in  me  from  my  private  emoluments  to  objects  of  a 
public  nature.”  The  claims  of  Liberty  Hall  were 
presented  to  him.  He  saw  the  school  standing  in 
the  very  centre  of  that  colony  of  Ulstermen  whose 
riflemen  under  Daniel  Morgan  and  William  Camp- 
bell had  turned  the  tide  of  battle  at  Saratoga  and  at 
King’s  Mountain.  Washington  at  once  transferred 
to  the  academy  the  stock  in  one  of  the  canal  com- 
panies. In  gratitude  to  him  the  school  was  given  the 
name  of  Washington  Academy.  To  an  address  by 
the  board  of  trustees,  he  made  the  following  re- 
sponse : 

“ Mount  Vernon,  17th  June,  1798. 

“ Gentlemen  : — Unaccountable  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless 
true  that  the  address  with  which  you  were  pleased  to  honour  me, 
dated  the  12th  of  April,  never  came  into  my  hands  until  the  14th 
instant. 

“ To  promote  literature  in  this  rising  empire  and  to  encourage  the 
arts  have  ever  been  amongst  the  warmest  wishes  of  my  heart,  and  if 
the  donation  which  the  generosity  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Virginia  has  enabled  me  to  bestow  on  Liberty  Hall — now 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  435 


by  your  politeness  called  Washington  Academy — is  likely  to  prove  a 
means  to  accomplishing  these  ends,  it  will  contribute  to  the  gratifica- 
tion of  my  desires. 

“Sentiments  like  those  which  have  flowed  from  your  pen  excite 
my  gratitude,  whilst  I offer  my  best  vows  for  the  prosperity  of  the 
Academy  and  for  the  honour  and  happiness  of  those  under  whose 
auspices  it  is  conducted. 

“ Go.  Washington. 

“ Trustees  of  Washington  Academy.” 

/ Through  this  gift  of  Washington,  the  treasury  of 
the  academy  was  enriched  by  the  sum  of  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars.  In  the  year  1802  the  Virginian  branch 
of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  donated  their  funds 
to  the  Washington  Academy  as  a mark  of  deference 
to  their  “late  illustrious  leader  and  hero.’’  The 
year  1813  marked  the  change  in  title  to  “ The  Col- 
lege of  Washington  in  Virginia,’’  but  the  govern- 
mental powers  conferred  upon  the  trustees  remained 
the  same  as  under  the  former  academic  adminis- 
tration. In  1826,  John  Robinson,  a soldier  of  the 
Revolution,  added  his  handsome  estate  as  an  offer- 
ing upon  the  shrine  made  sacred  by  the  gift  of  his 
venerated  leader. 

Prior  to  the  year  1861,  the  Washington  College 
was,  for  the  most  part,  under  the  direction  of  three 
Presbyterian  clergymen,  George  A.  Baxter,  Henry 
Ruffner,  and  George  J unkin.  There  were  two  brief 
administrations  under  the  presidency  of  laymen, 
Louis  Marshall  and  Henry  Vethake.  During  this 
ante-bellum  period  the  influence  of  the  Washington 
College  was  spread  abroad  into  the  regions  of  the 
West,  South,  and  Southwest.  Her  sons  were  fore- 
most among  those  engaged  in  the  work  of  carving 


436 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


new  commonwealths  for  the  Federal  Union.  Twelve 
presidents  of  colleges  she  equipped  for  the  work  of 
education.  Some  States  received  their  Governors 
and  United  States  Senators  from  her  halls;  among 
these  were  Crittenden,  Breckinridge,  and  the  Browns 
of  Kentucky,  McDowell  and  Letcher  of  Virginia, 
Ellis,  McNutt,  and  Foote  of  Mississippi,  and  Pres- 
ton of  South  Carolina.  As  founders  of  theological 
schools  and  teachers  therein,  she  sent  Archibald 
Alexander  to  the  Princeton  Seminary,  John  Holt 
Rice  and  George  A.  Baxter  to  the  Union  Seminary 
in  Virginia,  and  William  S.  Plumer  to  the  Alleghany 
and  Columbia  seminaries.  Judges  and  lawyers  and 
State  legislators  not  a few  were  trained  in  her  halls. 
For  the  armies  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  the 
College  of  Washington  made  ready  a gallant  band 
of  officers  and  private  soldiers. 

From  1 86 1 until  1865  the  actual  banner  of  the  col- 
lege was  in  the  field  of  war.  The  academic  class  of 
1861  went  forth  to  battle  under  the  captaincy  of 
their  instructor  in  the  Greek  language,  James  J. 
White.  They  styled  the  organisation  “ Liberty 
Hall  Volunteers”  and  upon  their  flag  was  the 
motto,  Pro  aris  et  focis.  These  beardless  youths 
formed  a part  of  the  4th  Virginia  regiment;  they 
stood  in  the  central  part  of  that  line  of  five  regi- 
ments under  Thomas  J.  Jackson  at  Manassas,  July 
21,  1861,  which  received  in  baptism  of  fire  the  im- 
mortal name  of  the  “ Stonewall  Brigade.”  That 
dauntless  brigade  itself  was  drawn  almost  entirely 
from  the  constituency  of  the  Washington  College. 

The  storm  of  war  left  the  old  college  a wreck. 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  437 


General  Hunter,  in  1864,  permitted  his  soldiery  to 
destroy  her  apparatus  and  to  scatter  her  library. 
The  endowment  fund,  invested  in  Virginia  State 
securities,  was  temporarily  unproductive.  But  indi- 
vidual trustees  pledged  their  private  credit  to  secure 
a loan,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1865  the  school  resumed 
work  under  the  direction  of  her  soldier-president. 

General  Lee  brought  his  wife  and  three  daughters 
to  the  new  home  in  Lexington.  His  eldest  son  was 
invited  to  a chair  in  the  Virginia  Military  Institute, 
located  in  the  same  town.  Lee  entered  with  zeal 
into  the  laborious  routine  of  his  executive  functions. 
The  wearisome  task  of  examining  the  detailed  re- 
ports of  instructors,  and  of  looking  after  the  indi- 
vidual deportment  of  the  body  of  students,  he 
performed  with  unstinted  faithfulness.  He  began 
his  labours  with  this  declaration  : 

“ I have  a self-imposed  task  which  I must  accomplish.  I have  led 
the  young  men  of  the  South  in  battle  ; I have  seen  many  of  them 
fall  under  my  standard.  I shall  devote  my  life  now  to  training 
young  men  to  do  their  duty  in  life.” 

As  the  ideal  hero  of  his  people,  General  Lee  at 
once  drew  about  him  the  young  men  of  the  South 
and  Southwest.  Many  of  his  former  soldiers  came 
to  complete  under  his  eye  the  intellectual  training 
interrupted  by  four  years  of  warfare.  Strong  was 
the  reverence  manifested  toward  him  by  the  growing 
band  of  students.  The  force  of  his  own  personal 
character  was  the  most  potent  agency  in  the  system 
of  discipline  maintained  by  General  Lee.  His  ability 
in  organisation  secured  enlarged  courses  of  instruc- 
tion, and  his  name  and  fame  brought  increasing  pat- 


43^ 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


ronage  and  financial  donations  to  the  college.  In 
1871  a new  charter  changed  the  name  of  the  college 
to  the  Washington  and  Lee  University,  under  the 
presidency  of  his  eldest  son,  General  G.  W.  Custis 
Lee. 

Upon  a wider  field,  however,  General  Lee  con- 
tinued to  play  a noble  part  during  the  performance 
of  these  humble  academic  duties.  The  day  of  dire 
misfortune  came  upon  the  South  to  find  Lee’s  great 
heart  bleeding  on  account  of  her  woes;  but  he 
showed  himself  the  noble  leader  still,  and  from  his 
place  of  retirement  taught  his  countrymen  how  to 
practise  the  sublime  duties  of  patience  and  submis- 
sion under  oppression. 

On  October  3,  he  wrote  thus  to  Beauregard: 

“ I hope  both  you  and  Johnston  will  write  the  history  of  your  cam- 
paigns. Everyone  should  do  all  in  his  power  to  collect  and  dissemi- 
nate the  truth,  in  the  hope  that  it  may  find  a place  in  history,  and 
descend  to  posterity.  I am  glad  to  see  no  indication  in  your  letter 
of  an  intention  to  leave  the  country.  I think  the  South  requires  the 
aid  of  her  sons  now  more  than  at  any  period  of  her  history.  As  you 
ask  my  purpose,  I will  state  that  I have  no  thought  of  abandoning 
her  unless  compelled  to  do  so.  . . .” 

To  his  son,  on  October  30,  he  wrote  thus: 

“.  . . I accepted  the  presidency  of  the  College  in  the  hope 

that  I might  be  of  some  service  to  the  country  and  the  rising  genera- 
tion, and  not  from  any  preference  of  my  own.  I should  have  selected 
a more  quiet  life,  and  a more  retired  abode  than  Lexington,  and 
should  have  preferred  a small  farm  where  I could  have  earned  my 
daily  bread.  If  I find  I can  accomplish  no  good  here,  I will  then 
endeavour  to  pursue  the  course  to  which  my  inclinations  point.” 

After  the  assembling  of  the  Federal  Congress  in 
December,  1865,  Lee  wrote  these  words  to  General 
Wilcox : 


THE  WASHINGTON  AND  LEE  UNIVERSITY. 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  439 


“ I fear  the  South  has  yet  to  suffer  many  evils,  and  it  will  require 
time,  patience,  and  fortitude  to  heal  her  afflictions.” 

Lee’s  fears  were  more  than  realised.  The  Con- 
gress of  1865  soon  made  flotsam  and  jetsam  of  the 
already  shattered  Federal  Constitution.  Its  actions 
were  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the  dominant 
political  organisation  was  exactly  synonymous  with 
the  Federal  Union  itself.  The  war  of  aggression 
against  the  Southern  States  had  been  prosecuted 
upon  Lincoln’s  theory  that  these  States  were  still 
in  the  Union,  and  could  not  possibly  get  out.  Con- 
gress dealt  with  them  upon  the  theory  that  the  war 
had  left  them  out  of  the  Union  and  they  could  not 
enter  within,  except  through  the  mercy  of  the  con- 
querors, who  held  them  as  subjugated  provinces!* 
The  Southern  States  were  not  regarded  as  a part  of 
the  Union  that  had  been  “ saved  ” by  the  war-party. 

* Howe  of  Wisconsin  declared  that  “ A State  is  a manufacture  as 
much  as  a waggon  is,”  and  then  added  that  the  States  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  had  all  committed  suicide  ! Stevens  of  Pennsylvania 
extended  the  theory  by  alleging  that  the  Southern  States  were  “ only 
dead  carcasses  lying  within  the  Union  ” ! Howe’s  reason  for  regard- 
ing the  States  as  dead,  and  for  desiring  them  to  remain  dead,  was 
the  argument  called  ab  inconvenienti,  thus  expressed  : “ Do  Senators 
comprehend  what  consequences  result  necessarily  from  restoring  the 
functions  of  those  States?  It  will  add  fifty-eight  members  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  more  than  one-fourth  of  its  present  num- 
ber. It  will  add  twenty-two  members  to  the  Senate,  nearly  one-half 
its  present  number.”  No  assertion  was  necessary  to  express  the  con- 
viction that  these  Southern  votes  would  all  be  cast  in  the  wrong  way  ! 

Stevens  fell  back  upon  this  same  argument  when  he  declared  that 
the  old-time  quota  of  Southern  representatives  “ with  the  Democrats 
that  will  in  the  best  times  be  elected  from  the  North,  will  always 
give  them  a majority  in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  College.  They 
will  at  the  very  first  election  take  possession  of  the  White  House  and 


440 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


Under  the  guise  of  guaranteeing  to  each  of  these 
States  “ a republican  form  of  government,”  Con- 
gress placed  them  under  a strict  military  rule. 
Military  commanders  under  orders  from  Washington 
could  depose  from  office  the  highest  judicial  or  ex- 
ecutive functionaries  in  any  of  these  commonwealths. 
The  legislation  of  Congress  was  a virtual  bill  of  at- 
tainder against  millions  of  people,  and  the  despotism 
inaugurated  in  the  South  was  the  most  severe  that 
the  nineteenth  century  has  witnessed.  At  the  point 
of  the  bayonet  these  commonwealths,  the  founders 

the  Halls  of  Congress.  I need  not  depict  the  ruin  that  would 
follow.” 

The  theory  of  these  two  advocates  of  a government  by  the  people 
was  adopted  as  the  ground-principle  of  our  republic  in  i865-’70. 
Before  a committee  of  this  Congress  General  Lee  was  summoned  to 
appear  in  March,  1866,  to  answer  certain  questions  concerning  the 
condition  of  the  Southern  States.  Among  the  questions,  all  of  them 
answered  with  quiet  dignity,  were  these  : 

Q.  Is  there  not  a general  dislike  of  Northern  men  among  seces- 
sionists ? 

A.  I suppose  they  would  prefer  not  to  associate  with  them  ; I do 
not  know  that  they  would  select  them  as  associates. 

Q.  Suppose  a jury  was  impannelled  in  your  own  neighbourhood, 
taken  by  lot,  would  it  be  possible  to  convict,  for  instance,  Jefferson 
Davis,  for  having  levied  war  upon  the  United  States,  and  thus  having 
committed  the  crime  of  treason  ? 

A.  I think  it  is  very  probable  that  they  would  not  consider  he  had 
committed  treason. 

In  answer  to  the  question  as  to  whether  he  considered  himself 
guilty  of  treason,  Lee  expressed  the  view  “ that  the  act  of  Virginia 
in  withdrawing  herself  from  the  United  States  carried  me  along  as  a 
citizen  of  Virginia,  and  that  her  laws  and  her  acts  were  binding  on 
me.”  He  said  further  that  he  and  his  people  considered  “ the  act  of 
the  State  as  legitimate  ” and  that  the  seceding  States  “ were  merely 
using  the  reserved  rights  which  they  had  a right  to  do.” 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  44 1 


of  the  Federal  Union,  were  compelled  to  acquiesce 
in  the  bestowal  of  unlimited  voting  privileges  upon 
the  emancipated  race  of  Africans.  Universal  suf- 
frage, not  even  yet  attained  in  England  after  more 
than  a thousand  years  of  training  in  self-government, 
was  thrust  upon  many  individuals  actually  born  as 
African  savages,  and  upon  thousands  who  were  the 
sons  and  grandsons  of  the  denizens  of  the  dark  con- 
tinent. 

The  Southern  people  had  then  the  same  anxious 
desire  which  they  have  always  manifested  to  advance 
the  welfare  of  the  coloured  race.  The  latter  were, 
and  are  still,  incapable  of  self-government,  and 
emancipation  simply  left  them  as  sheep  wandering 
without  a shepherd.  The  “ carpet  baggers  ” who 
came  from  the  North  in  search  of  the  spoils  of  office 
only  incited  the  new  generation  of  negroes  into 
groundless  animosity  against  the  white  race  in  the 
South.  The  fearful  race-problem,  thus  made  more 
difficult,  was  set  before  the  South  while  she  was  yet 
in  the  grasp  of  an  irresponsible  faction.  It  may  be 
said,  in  brief,  that  while  no  other  people  were  ever 
yet  called  upon  to  pass  beneath  greater  governmental 
humiliation,  no  other  people  have  ever  manifested  a 
superior  racial  dignity  and  strength  of  endurance. 
The  great-hearted  Lee  must  receive  praise  for  setting 
before  his  countrymen  a personal  demeanour  that 
remains  unsurpassed  in  quiet  dignity  and  forbear- 
ance. He  suffered  with  his  people  and  taught  them 
how  to  suffer  and  be  strong.  Not  a murmur  escaped 
his  lips.  Not  a word  of  recrimination  against  the 
North  did  he  utter.  By  reason  of  the  example 


442 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


whicli  he  set  before  them,  his  countrymen  likewise 
laboured  in  silence  to  restore  prosperity  to  their 
beloved  land. 

“All  that  the  South  has  ever  desired  [wrote  Lee  on  January  5, 
1866]  was  that  the  Union,  as  established  by  our  forefathers  should  be 
preserved  ; and  that  the  Government,  as  originally  organised,  should 
be  administered  in  purity  and  truth.  If  such  is  the  desire  of  the 
North,  there  can  be  no  contention  between  the  two  sections  ; and  all 
true  patriots  will  unite  in  advocating  that  policy  which  will  soonest 
restore  the  country  to  tranquility  and  order,  and  serve  to  perpetuate 
true  republicanism.” 

“ I am  not  in  a position  [he  wrote  on  January  23]  to  make  it 
proper  for  me  to  take  a public  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  country.  I 
have  done  and  continue  to  do,  in  my  private  capacity,  all  in  my 
power  to  encourage  our  people  to  set  manfully  to  work  to  restore  the 
country,  to  rebuild  their  homes  and  churches,  to  educate  their 
children,  and  to  remain  with  their  States,  their  friends,  and  country- 
men. But,  as  a prisoner  on  parole,  I cannot  with  propriety  do 
more.” 

With  reference  to  the  test-oath,  he  thus  wrote  to 
Reverdy  Johnson,  on  January  27: 

“ . . . I have  hoped  that  Congress  would  have  thought  proper 

to  have  repealed  the  acts  imposing  it  and  all  similar  tests.  To  pur- 
sue a policy  which  will  continue  the  prostration  of  one-half  the  coun- 
try, alienate  the  affections  of  its  inhabitants  from  the  Government, 
and  which  must  eventually  result  in  injury  to  the  country  and  the 
American  people,  appears  to  me  so  manifestly  injudicious  that  I do 
not  see  how  those  responsible  can  tolerate  it.*  I sincerely  thank  you 
for  the  repetition  of  your  kind  offer  to  aid  me  in  any  way  in  your 
power.  I have  been  awaiting  the  action  of  President  Johnson  upon 
my  application  to  be  embraced  in  his  proclamation  of  May  29,  and 

* The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  {Ex  parte  Garland  4 
Wall.  333)  has  decided  that  the  test-oath  which  forbade  a Confeder- 
ate to  appear  as  barrister  in  the  courts  of  the  United  States,  came 
within  the  constitutional  inhibition  against  bills  of  attainder. 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  443 


for  my  restoration  to  civil  rights,  before  attempting  to  close  the  estate 
of  Mr.  G.  W.  P.  Custis,  of  which  I am  sole  administrator.  His  ser- 
vants were  all  liberated  [in  1S62],  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  his  will ; 
but  I have  been  unable  to  place  his  grandchildren  in  possession  of 
the  property  bequeathed  them.  A portion  of  his  landed  property 
has  been  sold  by  the  Government,  in  the  belief,  I presume,  that  it 
belonged  to  me  ; whereas  I owned  no  part  of  it,  nor  had  any  other 
charge  than  as  administrator.  His  will,  in  his  own  handwriting,  is 
on  file  in  the  court  of  Alexandria  county.  Arlington,  and  the  tract 
on  ‘ Four-Mile  Run,’  given  him  by  General  Washington,  he  left  to 
his  only  child,  Mrs.  Lee,  during  her  life,  and  at  her  death,  to  his 
eldest  grandson.  Both  of  these  tracts  have  been  sold  by  Govern- 
ment. It  has  also  sold  Smith’s  Island  (off  Cape  Charles),  which  Mr. 
Custis  directed  to  be  sold  to  aid  in  paying  certain  legacies  to  his 
granddaughters.  . . * 

To  P.  S.  Worsley  he  sent  this  word  of  thanks  for 
a copy  of  his  translation  of  the  Iliad : 

*On  June  7,  1862,  the  Federal  Congress  passed  an  “ Act  for  the 
collection  of  direct  taxes  in  insurrectionary  districts  within  the  United 
States.”  The  Commissioners  assessed  on  Arlington  in  the  name  of 
Mrs.  Lee,  a tax  of  $207.17,  and  on  the  Custis  Mill  Tract,  a tax  of 
$46.77.  It  was  afterwards  shown  by  sworn  testimony  that  these  Com- 
missioners refused  to  receive  the  taxes  from  anyone  but  “ the  owner 
in  person , or  a party  in  interest  in  person.”  On  January  11,  1863, 
these  lands  were  sold  for  the  taxes.  Arlington  was  bought  by  the 
United  States  upon  the  order  of  President  Lincoln,  at  two-thirds  of 
its  assessed  value,  and  turned  over  to  the  War  Department.  The  lat- 
ter hastened  to  make  its  title  permanent  by  immediately  converting 
the  Arlington  lawn,  up  to  the  very  walls  of  the  house,  into  a burial- 
ground  for  Federal  soldiers.  Lee’s  only  reference  to  the  assessment 
of  the  tax  was  this  : “ I should  have  thought  that  the  use  of  the 
grounds,  the  large  amount  of  wood  on  the  place,  the  teams,  etc.,  and 
the  sale  of  the  furniture  of  the  house,  would  have  been  sufficient  to 
have  paid  the  taxes.” 

Several  years  after  the  death  of  General  Lee  and  his  wife,  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  reversed  the  statute  of  attainder 
against  the  estate  by  ordering  payment  of  its  full  value  to  the  lawful 
owner,  G.  W.  Custis  Lee. 


444 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


. . Its  perusal  has  been  my  evening’s  recreation,  and  I have 

never  enjoyed  the  beauty  and  grandeur  of  the  poem  more  than  as  re- 
cited by  you.  The  translation  is  as  truthful  as  powerful,  and  faith- 
fully reproduces  the  imagery  and  rhythm  of  the  bold  original. 

“ The  undeserved  compliment  to  myself  in  prose  and  verse  on  the 
first  leaves  of  the  volume,  I receive  as  your  tribute  to  the  merit  of  my 
countrymen  who  struggled  for  constitutional  government.” 

To  Mrs.  Jefferson  Davis  he  wrote  the  following 
words,  on  February  23: 

“ . . . I have  thought,  from  the  time  of  the  cessation  of  hos- 
tilities, that  silence  and  patience  on  the  part  of  the  South  was  the 
true  course,  and  I think  so  still.  Controversy  of  all  kinds  will,  in  my 
opinion,  only  serve  to  continue  excitement  and  passion,  and  will  pre- 
vent the  public  mind  from  the  acknowledgment  and  acceptance  of  the 
truth.  These  considerations  have  kept  me  from  replying  to  accusa- 
tions made  against  myself,  and  induced  me  to  recommend  the  same  to 
others. 

“ As  regards  the  treatment  of  the  Andersonville  prisoners,  to  which 
you  allude,  I know  nothing  and  could  say  nothing  of  my  own  know- 
ledge. I never  had  anything  to  do  with  any  prisoners,  except  to  send 
those  taken  on  the  fields  where  I was  engaged,  to  the  provost-master- 
general  at  Richmond.  * 

* On  April  17  Lee  wrote  further  concerning  this  matter  : “ . . . 

Sufficient  information  has  been  officially  published,  I think,  to  show 
that  whatever  sufferings  the  Federal  prisoners  at  the  South  under- 
went, were  incident  to  their  position  as  prisoners  and  produced  by  the 
destitute  condition  of  the  country,  arising  from  the  operations  of 
war.  . . . It  was  the  desire  of  the  Confederate  authorities  to 
effect  a continuous  and  speedy  exchange  of  prisoners  of  war.  . . . 

[Judge  Ould]  offered,  when  all  hopes  of  effecting  the  exchange  had 
ceased,  to  deliver  all  the  Federal  sick  and  wounded,  to  the  amount  of 
fifteen  thousand,  without  an  equivalent,  provided  transportation  was 
furnished.  Previously  to  this,  I think,  I offered  to  General  Grant  to 
send  into  his  lines  all  the  prisoners  within  my  department  . . 

provided  he  would  return  me  man  for  man  ; and  when  I informed  the 
Confederate  authorities  of  my  proposition,  I was  told  that,  if  it  was 
accepted,  they  would  place  all  the  prisoners  at  the  South  at  my  dis- 
posal. . . . But  my  proposition  was  not  accepted.” 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  445 


“ I have  felt  most  keenly  the  sufferings  and  imprisonment  of  your 
husband,  and  have  earnestly  consulted  with  friends  as  to  any  possible 
mode  of  affording  him  relief  and  consolation.  He  enjoys  the  sym- 
pathy and  respect  of  all  good  men  ; and  if,  as  you  state,  his  trial  is 
now  near,  the  exhibition  of  the  whole  truth  in  his  case  will,  I trust, 
prove  his  defence  and  justification.  With  sincere  prayers  for  his 
health  and  speedy  restoration  to  liberty,  and  earnest  supplication  to 
God  that  He  may  take  you  and  yours  under  His  guidance  and  pro- 
tection. . . 

On  March  15,  he  wrote  to  General  Early,  then  in 
Mexico,  as  follows : 

. . I have  been  much  pained  to  see  the  attempts  made  to 

cast  odium  upon  Mr.  Davis  [in  connection  with  the  Andersonville 
prison],  but  do  not  think  they  will  be  successful  with  the  reflecting 
or  informed  portion  of  the  country.  The  accusations  against  myself 
I have  not  thought  proper  to  notice,  or  even  to  correct  misrepresenta- 
tions of  my  words  and  acts.  We  shall  have  to  be  patient  and  suffer, 
for  a while  at  least  ; and  all  controversy,  I think,  will  only  serve  to 
prolong  angry  and  bitter  feelings,  and  postpone  the  period  when 
reason  and  charity  may  resume  their  sway.  At  present,  the  public 
mind  is  not  prepared  to  receive  the  truth.  . . 

With  reference  to  the  erection  of  a monument  to 
one  of  his  soldiers,  he  thus  wrote  on  March  31  : 

“ I yield  to  no  one  in  admiration  of  the  noble  qualities,  or  in  ap- 
preciation of  the  Christian  virtues,  of  him  whom  you  propose  to 
commemorate.  He  will  live  in  my  affections  when  my  eyes  become 
too  dim  to  distinguish  the  monument  raised  by  the  esteem  of  his 
comrades.” 

June  8 found  him  sending  this  message  to  an 
absent  friend : 

“ I am  sorry  you  have  felt  called  on  to  reside  in  Europe  ; though 
you  will  have  the  satisfaction  of  being  removed  from  the  vexations 
which  those  here  have  to  endure.” 


446 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


To  James  May,  of  Illinois,  Lee  wrote  thus  on 
July  9: 

. . I must  give  you  my  special  thanks  for  doing  me  the 

justice  to  believe  that  my  conduct  during  the  last  five  eventful  years 
has  been  governed  by  my  sense  of  duty.  I had  no  other  guide,  nor 
had  I any  other  object  than  the  defence  of  those  principles  of  Ameri- 
can liberty  upon  which  the  constitutions  of  the  several  States  were 
originally  founded  ; and  unless  they  are  strictly  observed,  I fear  there 
will  be  an  end  to  Republican  government  in  this  country.  . . 

December  15,1866,  saw  the  following  letter  on  its 
way  to  Sir  John  Dalberg-Acton,  in  Rome: 

“ While  I have  considered  the  preservation  of  the  constitutional 
power  of  the  General  Government  to  be  the  foundation  of  our  peace 
and  safety  at  home  and  abroad,  I yet  believe  that  the  maintenance  of 
the  rights  and  authority  reserved  to  the  States,  and  to  the  people,  not 
only  essential  to  the  adjustment  and  balance  of  the  general  system, 
but  the  safeguard  of  the  continuance  of  a free  government.  I con- 
sider it  as  the  chief  source  of  stability  to  our  political  system  ; whereas 
the  consolidation  of  the  States  into  one  vast  republic,  sure  to  be  ag- 
gressive abroad  and  despotic  at  home,  will  be  the  certain  precursor  of 
that  ruin  which  has  overwhelmed  all  those  that  have  preceded  it.” 

The  letter  continues  with  references  to  New  Eng- 
land’s early  advocacy  of  the  principle  of  secession, 
pauses  to  say  that  “ the  judgment  of  reason  has  been 
displaced  by  the  arbitrament  of  war,”  and  then  de- 
clares that 

“ The  South  has  contended  only  for  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  just  administration  of  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  of  it.” 

He  charges  the  Republican  party  with  originating 
the  war  and  concludes: 

“ Although  the  South  would  have  preferred  any  honourable  com- 
promise to  the  fratricidal  war  which  has  taken  place,  she  now  accepts 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  447 


in  good  faith  its  constitutional  results,  and  agrees  without  reserve  to 
the  amendment  which  has  already  been  made  to  the  Constitution  for 
the  extinction  of  slavery.  That  is  an  event  which  has  been  long 
sought,  though  in  a different  way,  and  by  none  has  it  been  more 
earnestly  desired  than  by  citizens  of  Virginia.” 

On  February  4,  1867,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  Judge 
Ould,  declining  to  run  for  the  governorship  of  Vir- 
ginia : 

“.  . . You  will  agree  with  me,  I am  sure,  in  the  opinion  that  this  is 
no  time  for  the  indulgence  of  personal  or  political  considerations  in  se- 
lecting a person  to  fill  that  office  ; nor  should  it  be  regarded  as  a 
means  of  rewarding  individuals  for  supposed  former  services.  The 
welfare  of  the  State,  and  the  interests  of  her  citizens  should  be  the 
only  principle  of  selection.  Believing  that  there  are  many  men  in 
the  State  more  capable  than  I am  to  fill  the  position,  and  who  could 
do  more  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  people,  I most  respectfully 
decline  to  be  considered  a candidate  for  the  office.” 

He  said  further  that  his  governorship  would  be 
injurious  to  the  State  by  exciting  the  hostility  of 
the  dominant  party,  and  added  these  words: 

“ If  my  disfranchisement  and  privation  of  civil  rights  would  secure 
to  the  citizens  of  the  State  the  enjoyment  of  civil  liberty  and  equal 
rights  under  the  Constitution,  I would  willingly  accept  them  in  their 
stead.  . . .” 

On  January  17,  he  wrote  as  follows  concerning 
education : 

“ In  its  broad  and  comprehensive  sense,  education  embraces  the 
physical,  moral  and  intellectual  instruction  of  a child  from  infancy  to 
manhood.” 

He  affirms  that  system  to  be  the  best  which 

“ abases  the  coarse  animal  emotions  of  human  nature  and  exalts  the 
higher  faculties  and  feelings.” 


448 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


He  laid  stress  upon  obedience,  the  love  of  truth,  and 
the  development  of  “ sentiments,  of  religion.”  He 
urged  the  value  of  self-control  and  self-denial  united 
with  diligence  and  integrity.  In  May,  1867,  he  de- 
clared that  the  matter  of  first  importance  in  any 
•system  of  education  was  the  selection  of  proper 
teachers.  The  instruction  imparted  by  the  latter 
should 

‘ ‘ embrace  morals  and  religion  as  well  as  the  intellect.  The  teacher 
should  be  the  example  to  the  pupil.  He  should  aim  at  the  highest 
attainable  proficiency,  and  not  at  a pleasing  mediocrity.” 

On  April  3 he  thus  referred  to  public  affairs  : “ I think  there  can  be 
no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  those  who  reflect,  that  conventions  must  be 
held  in  the  Southern  States  under  the  Sherman  bill,  that  the  people 
are  placed  in  a position  where  no  choice  in  the  matter  is  left  them, 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  who  may  be  entitled  to  vote  to  attend  the 
polls  and  endeavour  to  elect  the  best  available  men  to  represent  them 
and  to  act  for  the  interest  of  their  States.” 

He  urged  “ good  faith  and  kind  feeling”  toward 
the  existing  government,  at  the  same  time  express- 
ing ‘ ‘ great  reluctance  to  obtrude  my  opinions  on  the 
public.” 

April  1 1 found  him  sending  this  message  to  Mrs. 
George  W.  Randolph  concerning  the  death  of  her 
husband : 

“ For  what  purpose  can  a righteous  man  be  summoned  to  the 
presence  of  a merciful  God  [other]  than  to  receive  his  reward.  . . . 
His  worth  and  truth,  his  unselfish  devotion  to  right,  and  exalted 
patriotism,  will  cause  all  good  men  to  mourn  the  country’s  loss  in  his 
death,  while  his  gentle,  manly  courtesy,  dignified  conduct,  and  Christ- 
ian charity  must  intensely  endear  him  to  those  who  knew  him.” 

He  wrote  as  follows  on  May  21  : “I  know  that  in  pursuing  the  path 
dictated  by  prudence  and  wisdom,  and  in  endeavouring  honestly  to 
accomplish  only  what  is  right,  the  darkness  which  overshadows  our 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  449 


political  horizon  will  be  dissipated,  and  the  true  course  to  pursue  will, 
as  we  advance,  become  visible  and  clear.  ” 

He  therefore  advised  all  who  were  not  disfranchised  to 
cast  their  votes  and  wait  and  pray  for  better  things. 

The  following  letter  was  written  to  General  D.  H. 
Maury,  on  May  23  : 

“ . . . A Convention  will  be  called  and  a State  Constitution 

formed.  The  question  then  is,  shall  the  members  of  the  Convention 
be  selected  from  the  best  available  men  in  the  State,  or  from  the 
worst  ; and  shall  the  machinery  of  the  State  government  be  arranged 
and  set  in  motion  by  the  former  or  by  the  latter?” 

He  urged  the  duty  of  all  good  men  to  take  part  in 
the  election  and  thus  concluded  : 

“ Judge  Underwood.  Messrs.  Botts,  Hunnicutt,  etc.,  would  be  well 
pleased,  I presume,  if  the  business  were  left  to  them  and  the 
negroes.  . . .” 

“ . . . I look  upon  the  Southern  people  as  acting  under  com- 

pulsion, not  of  their  free  choice,  and  that  it  is  their  duty  to  consult 
the  best  interests  of  their  States  as  far  as  it  may  be  in  their  power  to 
do  so.  Every  man  must  now  look  to  his  own  affairs  and  de- 

pend upon  his  good  sense  and  judgment  to  push  them  onward.  We 
have  but  little  to  do  with  general  politics.  We  cannot  control  them  ; 
but  by  united  efforts,  harmony,  prudence  and  wisdom,  we  may  shape 
and  regulate  our  domestic  policy.” 

In  the  early  part  of  1867,  the  dominant  party  dis- 
covered that  they  had  no  legal  ground  upon  which  to 
prosecute  Jefferson  Davis  for  the  alleged  crime  of 
treason.  Mr.  Davis  was  therefore  released  from  im- 
prisonment. On  June  I,  Lee  wrote  him  the  follow- 
ing letter : 

“You  can  conceive  better  than  I can  express  the  misery  which 

your  friends  have  suffered  from  your  long  imprisonment  and  the 
29 


45o 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


other  afflictions  incident  thereto.  To  none  has  this  been  more  pain- 
ful than  to  me  ; and  the  impossibility  of  affording  relief  has  added  to 
my  distress.  Your  release  has  lifted  a load  from  my  heart  which  I 
have  not  words  to  tell,  and  my  daily  prayer  to  the  great  Ruler  of  the 
world  is  that  He  may  shield  you  from  all  future  harm,  guard  you 
from  all  evil,  and  give  you  that  peace  which  the  world  cannot  take 
away. 

“ That  the  rest  of  your  days  may  be  triumphantly  happy,  is  the 
sincere  and  earnest  wish  of  your  most  obedient  faithful  friend  and 
servant.” 

• 

October  29  found  him  giving  expression  to  this 
view  in  a letter  to  Longstreet : 

“ While  I think  we  should  act  under  the  law,  and  according  to  the 
law  imposed  upon  us,  I cannot  think  the  course  pursued  by  the 
dominant  political  party  the  best  for  the  interests  of  the  country,  and 
therefore  cannot  say  so,  or  give  them  my  approval.” 

At  the  White  Sulphur  Springs  in  West  Virginia,  in 
the  summer  of  1868,  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans  sought 
the  opinion  of  Lee  and  others  with  reference  to  ex- 
isting social  and  political  conditions  in  the  South. 
On  August  26,  Lee  wrote  out  for  Rosecrans  the  fol- 
lowing expression  of  his  views  : 

“ . . . Whatever  opinions  may  have  prevailed  in  the  past  with 

regard  to  African  slavery  or  the  right  of  a State  to  secede  from  the 
Union,  we  believe  we  express  the  almost  unanimous  judgment  of  the 
Southern  people  when  we  declare  that  they  consider  that  these  ques- 
tions were  decided  by  the  war,  and  that  it  is  their  intention,  in  good 
faith,  to  abide  by  that  decision.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  the  South- 
ern people  laid  down  their  arms  and  sought  to  resume  their  former 
relations  to  the  government  of  the  United  States.  Through  their 
State  conventions  they  abolished  slavery  and  annulled  their  ordi- 
nances of  secession  ; and  they  returned  to  their  peaceful  pursuits  with 
a sincere  purpose  to  fulfil  all  their  duties  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  which  they  had  sworn  to  support.  If  their  action 
in  these  particulars  had  been  met  in  a spirit  of  frankness  and  cordial- 


18701  President  of  Washington  College.  45 1 


ity,  we  believe  that,  ere  this,  old  irritations  would  have  passed  away, 
and  the  wounds  inflicted  by  the  war  would  have  been,  in  a great 
measure,  healed.  As  far  as  we  are  advised,  the  people  of  the  South 
entertain  no  unfriendly  feeling  towards  thegovernment  of  the  United 
States,  but  they  complain  that  their  rights  under  the  Constitution  are 
withheld  from  them  in  the  administration  thereof.  The  idea  that  the 
Southern  people  are  hostile  to  the  negroes,  and  would  oppress  them, 
if  it  were  in  their  power  to  do  so,  is  entirely  unfounded.  They  have 
grown  up  in  our  midst,  and  we  have  been  accustomed  from  child- 
hood to  look  upon  them  with  kindness.  The  change  in  the  relations 
of  the  two  races  has  wrought  no  change  in  our  feelings  towards  them. 
They  still  constitute  an  important  part  of  our  labouring  population. 
Without  their  labour,  the  lands  of  the  South  would  be  comparatively 
unproductive  ; without  the  employment  which  Southern  agriculture 
affords,  they  would  be  destitute  of  the  means  of  subsistence,  and  be- 
come paupers  dependent  upon  public  bounty.  Self-interest,  if  there 
were  no  higher  motive,  would  therefore  prompt  the  whites  of  the 
South  to  extend  to  the  negroes  care  and  protection. 

“ The  important  fact  that  the  two  races  are,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, necessary  to  each  other,  is  gradually  becoming  apparent  to 
both,  and  we  believe  that  but  for  influences  exerted  to  stir  up  the 
passions  of  the  negroes,  the  relations  of  the  two  races  would  soon 
adjust  themselves  on  a basis  of  mutual  kindness  and  advantage. 

“ It  is  true  that  the  people  of  the  South,  in  common  with  a large 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  North  and  West,  are,  for  obvious  rea- 
sons, inflexibly  opposed  to  any  system  of  laws  which  would  place  the 
political  power  of  the  country  in  the  hands  of  the  negro  race  But 
this  opposition  springs  from  no  feeling  of  enmity,  but  from  a deep- 
seated  conviction  that,  at  present,  the  negroes  have  neither  the  intelli- 
gence nor  the  other  qualifications  which  are  necessary  to  make  them 
safe  depositories  of  political  power.  They  would  inevitably  become 
the  victims  of  demagogues  who,  for  selfish  purposes,  would  mislead 
them  to  the  serious  injury  of  the  public. 

“The  great  want  of  the  South  is  peace.  The  people  earnestly 
desire  tranquillity  and  a restoration  of  the  Union.  They  deprecate 
disorder  and  excitement  as  the  most  serious  obstacle  to  their  pros- 
perity. They  ask  a restoration  of  their  rights  under  the  Constitution. 
They  desire  relief  from  oppressive  misrule.  Above  all,  they  would 
appeal  to  their  countrymen  for  the  re-establishment,  in  the  Southern 
States,  of  that  which  has  justly  been  regarded  as  the  birthright  of 


452 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


every  American,  the  right  of  self-government.  Establish  these  on  a 
firm  basis,  and  we  can  safely  promise,  on  behalf  of  the  Southern  peo- 
ple, that  they  will  faithfully  obey  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  treat  the  negro  population  with  kindness  and  human- 
ity, and  fulfil  every  duty  incumbent  on  peaceful  citizens,  loyal  to  the 
Constitution  of  their  country.” 

This  paper  was  signed  by  General  Lee  and  thirty- 
one  other  representative  men  from  nine  of  the 
Southern  States. 

When  Mrs.  Lee  fled  from  Arlington  in  1861,  she 
left  in  the  house,  with  her  furniture,  nearly  all  the 
heirlooms  in  silver-plate,  china,  and  ornaments 
brought  from  Mount  Vernon.  The  Federal  admin- 
istration sold  the  furniture  for  direct  taxes,  and  con- 
fiscated the  Washington  relics.  The  latter  were  de- 
posited in  the  Patent  Office  in  the  Capital.  President 
Johnson  gave  an  order  for  their  return,  but  Congress 
vetoed  this  order.  When  Mrs.  Lee  petitioned  Con- 
gress for  the  restoration  of  her  property,  her  request 
was  termed  by  the  Committee  on  Public  Buildings 
‘ ‘ an  insult  to  the  loyal  people  of  the  U nited  States. 
They  still  remain  in  the  possession  of  the  United 
States,  under  the  sanction  of  a virtual  bill  of  at- 
tainder ! The  following  letters  were  written  by 
General  Lee  with  reference  to  this  matter: 

“ I am  sorry  [he  wrote  to  James  May,  on  March  12,  1869]  to  learn 
from  your  letters,  the  trouble  you  have  incurred  by  your  kind  en- 
deavours to  have  restored  to  Mrs.  Lee  certain  articles  taken  from  Ar- 
lington, and  I particularly  regret  the  inconvenience  occasioned  to 
yourself  and  Mr.  Browning  in  having  been  summoned  before  the  in- 
vestigating committee  of  Congress.  I had  not  supposed  that  the  sub- 
ject would  have  been  considered  of  such  importance,  and  had  I 
conceived  the  view  taken  of  it  by  Congress,  I should  have  dissuaded 
Mrs.  Lee  from  making  the  application.  But  I thought  that  there 


1870]  President  of  Washington  College.  453 


would  not  only  have  been  no  objection  to  restoring  to  her  family 
relics  bequeathed  her  by  her  father,  now  that  the  occasion  for  their 
seizure  had  passed,  but  that  the  government  would  thus  be  relieved 
of  their  disposition.  As  Congress  has,  however,  forbidden  their  res- 
toration, she  must  submit,  and  I beg  that  you  will  give  yourself  no 
further  concern  about  the  matter.  . . .” 

“ . . . I do  not  see  what  my  character  had  to  do  with  their 

restoration,  for  whatever  fault  may  be  attributed  to  me,  Mrs.  Lee  is 
in  no  way  to  blame  for  it  ; and  if  by  your  indorsation  of  me,  you 
meant  that  I am  not  antagonistic  to  the  government,  or  hostile  to  the 
Union,  you  were  certainly  correct.” 

“ In  reference  [letter  to  Geo.  W.  Jones,  March  22]  to  certain  arti- 
cles which  were  taken  from  Arlington,  Mrs.  Lee  is  indebted  to  our 
old  friend,  Capt.  James  May  for  the  order  from  the  late  administra- 
tion for  their  restoration  to  her.  Congress,  however,  passed  a reso- 
lution forbidding  their  return.  They  were  valuable  to  her  as  having 
belonged  to  her  great-grandmother  [Mrs.  George  Washington]  and 
having  been  bequeathed  to  her  by  her  father.  But  as  the  country  de- 
sires them  she  must  give  them  up.  I hope  their  presence  at  the  Cap- 
ital will  keep  in  the  remembrance  of  all  Americans  the  principles  and 
virtues  of  Washington.” 

In  the  same  letter  he  spoke  of  other  affairs  in  the 
following  terms : 

“ I was  not  in  favour  of  secession  and  was  opposed  to  war.  In  fact 
I was  for  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  established  by  our  fore- 
fathers. No  one  now  is  more  in  favour  of  that  Union  and  that  Con- 
stitution, and  as  far  as  I know,  it  is  that  for  which  the  South  has  all 
along  contended  ; and  if  restored,  as  I trust  they  will  be,  I am  sure 
there  will  be  no  truer  supporters  of  that  Union  and  that  Constitution 
than  the  Southern  people.  . . . Present  my  kindest  regards  to 

your  brave  sons  who  aided  in  our  struggle  for  State  rights  and  Con- 
stitutional government.  We  failed,  but  in  the  good  providence  of 
God,  apparent  failure  often  proves  a blessing.  I trust  it  may  eventu- 
ate so  in  this  instance.” 

General  Lee’s  modest  salary  of  three  thousand 
dollars  was  sufficient  for  a man  with  habits  of  such 


454 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


simplicity.  When  an  effort  was  made  to  increase  his 
remuneration,  his  refusal  to  accept  was  thus  ex- 
pressed: “ I already  receive  a larger  amount  from 
the  college  than  my  services  are  worth.  ” When  the 
trustees  settled  upon  him  and  his  family  the  presi- 
dent’s house  and  a liberal  annuity,  he  declined  them  ; 
after  his  death,  his  wife  ratified  for  herself  this  action 
of  her  husband.  Several  times  the  offer  was  made 
him  of  large  remuneration  to  serve  as  president  of 
different  commercial  organisations,  but  all  these  offers 
he  declined.  When  certain  eulogistic  verses  were 
pressed  upon  him,  he  answered  thus: 

“ I feel  that  I have  no  claim  to  such  oblation,  and  have  a general 
disinclination  to  be  brought  before  the  public  without  good  and 
sufficient  reason.” 

To  an  ambitious  female  author  he  sent  this  mes- 
sage : 

“ I am  sensible  of  the  implied  compliment  in  your  proposal  to 
write  a history  of  my  life.  I should  be  happy  to  see  you  in  Lexing- 
ton, but  not  on  the  errand  you  propose,  for  I know  of  nothing  good 
I could  tell  of  myself,  and  I fear  I should  not  like  to  say  any  evil.” 

Now  and  then  General  Lee’s  quiet  humour  would 
manifest  itself,  and  his  love  for  children  seemed  to 
grow  more  intense.  The  following  letter  to  his 
daughter  gives  us  a glimpse  of  him  in  the  winter  of 
1867 : 


“.  . . We  are  getting  on  in  the  usual  way.  Agnes  takes 

good  care  of  us,  and  is  always  thoughtful  and  attentive.  It  is  very 
cold.  The  ground  is  covered  with  six  inches  of  snow,  and  the  moun- 
tains, as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach,  elevate  their  white  crests  as  monu- 
ments of  winter.  I must  leave  to  your  sisters  a description  of  all  the 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  455 


gayeties,  and  also  an  account  of  the  ‘ Reading  Club.  ’ As  far  as  I can 
judge,  it  is  a great  institution  for  the  discussion  of  apples  and  chest- 
nuts, but  is  quite  innocent  of  the  pleasures  of  literature. 

“ Our  feline  companions  are  flourishing.  Young  Baxter  is  grow- 
ing in  gracefulness  and  favour,  and  gives  cat-like  evidences  of  future 
worth.  He  indulges  in  the  fashionable  colour  of  ‘ moonlight  on  the 
lake  ’ — apparently  a dingy  hue  of  the  kitchen — and  is  strictly  aris- 
tocratic in  appearance  and  conduct.  Tom,  surnamed  the  ‘ Nipper,’ 
from  the  manner  in  which  he  slaughters  our  enemies  the  rats  and 
mice,  is  admired  for  his  gravity  and  sobriety,  as  well  as  his  strict  at- 
tention to  the  pursuits  of  his  race.  They  both  feel  your  absence 
sorely.  Traveller  and  Custis  are  both  well,  and  pursue  their  usual 
dignified  gait  and  habits.  . . 

Lee  gave  much  anxious  thought  to  the  moral  and 
religious  training  of  the  students  in  the  college.  His 
devout  personal  piety  increased  with  his  years,  and 
his  prayers  were  continually  offered  in  behalf  of  those 
committed  to  his  charge.  He  said  with  much 
emotion : 

“I  shall  be  disappointed, — -I  shall  fail  in  the  leading  object  that 
brought  me  here,  unless  these  young  men  all  become  consistent 
Christians.” 

At  length  the  end  drew  nigh.  Since  the  cam- 
paign of  1863,  Lee  had  been  troubled  with  rheuma- 
tism in  the  region  of  the  heart.  In  September, 
1868,  he  wrote  to  his  son,  “ My  life  is  very  uncer- 
tain.” In  October,  1869,  the  rheumatic  trouble 
became  more  acute,  and  in  March,  1870,  he  wrote  as 
follows : 

“ My  health  has  been  so  feeble  this  winter  that  I am  only  waiting 
to  see  the  effect  of  the  opening  spring  before  relinquishing  my  pres- 
ent position.  I am  admonished  by  my  feelings  that  my  years  of 
labour  are  nearly  over  and  my  inclinations  point  to  private  life.” 


456 


Robert  E.  Lee. 


[1865- 


In  this  same  month,  accompanied  by  his  daughter 
Agnes,  he  sought  the  mild  climate  of  Georgia.  On 
the  trip  southward  he  paid  a visit  to  the  grave  of  his 
daughter  Annie,  at  Warrenton,  in  North  Carolina. 
Of  this  visit  he  wrote: 

“ I have  always  promised  myself  to  go,  and  I think  if  I am  to 
accomplish  it  I have  no  time  to  lose.  I wish  to  witness  her  quiet 
sleep,  with  her  dear  hands  crossed  over  her  breast,  as  it  were,  in  mute 
prayer,  undisturbed  by  her  distance  from  us,  and  to  feel  that  her 
pure  spirit  is  roaming  in  bliss  in  the  land  of  the  blessed.” 


From  the  city  of  Savannah  he  wrote  as  follows, 
on  April  1 8 : 

“ We  visited  Cumberland  Island,  and  Agnes  decorated  my  father’s 
grave  with  beautiful  fresh  flowers.  I presume  it  is  the  last  time  I 
shall  be  able  to  pay  it  my  tribute  of  respect.  The  cemetery  is  un- 
harmed and  the  graves  are  in  good  order,  though  the  house  of 
‘Dungeness’  has  been  burned  and  the  island  devastated.  I hope  I 
am  better.  I know  that  I am  stronger,  but  I still  have  the  pain  in 
my  chest  whenever  I walk.  I have  felt  it,  too,  occasionally  recently 
when  quiescent.” 

September  28,  '1870,  after  a day  of  arduous 
labours,  he  stood  at  his  table  to  ask  God’s  blessing 
upon  the  evening  meal.  Not  a syllable  fell  from  his 
lips  and  he  sank  into  a chair.  The  pain  in  the  chest 
had  wellnigh  completed  its  fatal  work.  The  family 
continued  to  watch  at  his  bedside  with  tender  min- 
istrations; from  day  to  day  they  indulged  the  hope 
that  the  beloved  husband  and  father  would  yet  be 
spared.  The  heart  of  the  entire  people  of  the  South 
ascended  to  Heaven  with  the  petition  that  his  days 
might  be  prolonged.  But  he  knew  that  the  end 
was  at  hand.  His  mind  was  clear  and  the  look  of 


1870] 


President  of  Washington  College.  457 


peace  was  upon  his  face.  In  the  closing  hours 
the  great  spirit,  like  that  of  the  dying  Jackson, 
seemed  to  visit  again  the  field  of  battle.  His  last 
words  were  these:  “ Tell  Hill  he  must  come  up  ! ” 
At  half-past  nine  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  October 
12,  1870,  Robert  E.  Lee  entered  into  glory  ever- 
lasting. His  body  lies  in  the  mausoleum  erected 
at  the  rear  of  the  college  chapel,  and  beside  him 
are  laid  his  wife  and  his  daughter  Agnes.  Above 
the  tomb,  and  visible  from  the  chapel  hall,  is  Valen- 
tine’s recumbent  marble  figure  of  Lee  the  soldier 
taking  his  rest,  with  his  sword  sheathed  at  his  side 
and  his  martial  cloak  around  him.  Beneath  the 
creeping  ivy  in  this  quiet  abode  reposes  all  that  is 
mortal  of  him  who  abides  in  the  hearts  of  his  coun- 
trymen as  ideal  soldier  and  as  perfect  man. 


INDEX. 


A 

Abolitionist  party,  28,  67,  69, 
73.  74.  78,  81,  82 
Adams,  John,  14,  56 
Adams,  Jolm  Quincy,  69,  71 
Alabama,  156 
Alexander,  Archibald,  433 
Alexander,  E.  P.,  243,  24S,  306, 
3J2,  313 

Alexander,  Robert,  433 
Amelia  Court  House,  421 
Anderson,  G.  B.,  155 
Anderson,  G.  T.,  219 
Anderson,  J.  R.,  150 
Anderson.  R.,  go 
Anderson,  R.  H.,  156,  192,  203, 
216,  221,  243,  271,  292 
Antietam  Creek,  207,  210 
Appomattox,  391,  426 
Appomattox  River,  379 
Archer,  150,  293 
Arlington,  27-30,  47,  108,  42S, 
452 

Armistead,  44,  166,  316 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  141, 
225,  235,  2S4,  390 
Army  of  the  Kanawha,  115 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  132,  257, 
388,  410 

Articles  of  Confederation,  12, 
53-55 

Ashland,  147,  382 
Atlanta,  394 
Augusta  Academy,  433 


B 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  4,  5 
Bailey’s  Creek,  400 
Bald  Hill,  195 
Baldwin,  J.  B.,  92,  95 
Ball’s  Bluff,  134 
Baltimore,  202 

Baltimore  and  Ohio  railroad, 
239,  408 

Banks,  133,  143,  172,  188 
Banks’s  Ford,  258 
Barksdale,  241,  261,  306 
Barlow,  265,  372 
Baxter,  George  A.,  435 
Beauregard,  44,  92,  279,  287, 
383,  389 

Beaver  Uam  Creek,  147,  149, 
382 

Benning,  362 
Benton,  Senator,  61 
Berkeley,  William,  Governor,  of 
Virginia,  2,  3 

Bills  of  attainder,  442,  443,  452 
Bimey,  262,  298 
Blenker,  136 

Blockade,  Federal,  102,  125 
Bloody  Angle,  377 
Bloody  Lane,  219 
Boonsborough,  203,  204,  206 
Boydton  road,  406 
Bragg,  409 
Branch,  147,  148 
Brandy  Station,  282 
Breckinridge,  J.  C.,  83,  379,  385 


459 


460 


Index. 


Bristoe  Station,  326 
Brock  road,  357,  371 
Brown,  John,  78  et  seq. 

Brown,  Joseph,  410 
Buchanan,  President,  75,  86 
Bull  Run,  185,  195 
Burgesses  of  Virginia,  3,  7 
Burnside,  130,  133,  176,  216, 
240,  360 
Burr,  Aaron,  15 
Butler,  342,  367,  379 

C 

Calhoun,  J.,  21,  70 
Carlisle,  286 

Carnifex  Ferry,  battle  of,  117 
Carolina,  North,  155,  igo,  249 
Carolina,  South,  190,  249 
Carpet-baggers,  441 
Carter,  Anne  Hill,  1,  16 
Cashtown,  289,  290 
Catharpin  road,  359 
Cedar  Creek,  408 
Cedar  Run,  175,  176 
Cemetery  Hill,  294,  301,  303, 
308 

Cemetery  Ridge,  307,  312,  313 
Centreville,  185 
Chaffin’s  Bluff,  148 
Chamberlayne,  401 
Chambersburg,  203,  408 
Chancellorsville,  257,  261 
Chantilly,  197 
Charlotte,  N.  C.,  417,  421 
Charlottesville,  171 
Cheat  Mountain,  118,  119 
Chester  Gap,  285 
Chickahominy,  139,  141,  146 
Clarke’s  Mountain,  179 
Clay,  Henry,  21,  61  ; views  on 
slavery,  68,  70 
Cobb,  245,  246 

Cold  Harbor,  147,  151,  152,  384 
Colquitt,  215 
Colston,  267 

Compromise  of  1820,  67,  72,  76; 

of  1833,  63  ; of  1850,  71,  72 
Confederacy,  Northern,  57,  59, 
60  ; Southern,  75,  85,  86,  104, 
324 


Confederate,  administration,  239; 
conscription,  410,  412  ; cur- 
rency, 333  ; soldiers,  199,  333, 
346,  347  ; prisoners,  393 
Congress,  Continental,  9,  12,  52  ; 

Confederate,  86  ; Federal,  13 
Consolidation,  theory  of,  62 
Constitution,  Confederate,  86  ; 

Federal,  12-14,  439 
Convention,  disunion,  of  Worces- 
ter, Mass.,  75;  Federal,  12, 
13  ; Hartford,  21,  59,  61  ; 
peace,  87,  secession,  84,  93 
Cornwallis,  11 
Corse,  421 
Coton  Hall,  3 
Cotton  States,  410,  41 1 
Couch,  208,  262,  271 
Cox,  J.  D.,  no,  116,  182 
Cox,  S.  S.,  399 
Crampton’s  Gap,  206 
Crater  at  Petersburg,  399,  401 
Culpeper,  1 75 , 238 
Culp’s  Hill,  297,  303,  304,  308, 
312 

Cumberland  Island,  456 
Custis,  George  W.  P.,  27 
Custis,  John  Parke  3,  28 
Cutler,  399 

D 

Dabney,  R.  L.,  153 
Dahlgren,  310,  339 
Danville,  418,  421 
Danville  railroad,  396 
Davis,  Jefferson,  86,  94,  409, 
410,  427,  432,  449 
Declaration  of  Independence,  9, 
10,  53 

Deep  Bottom,  400,  403 
Deep  Run,  241,  242 
Democratic  party,  34,  69,  392 
Dinwiddie  Court  House,  419 
Dissenters,  7 
Doubleday,  214,  244 
Douglas,  Senator,  72,  73 
Dowdall’s  Tavern,  263 
Drewry's  Bluff,  136,  148 
Dubose,  421 
Dunkard  Church,  210 


Index . 


461 


E 

Early,  1S0,  190,  216,  2lS,  242, 
290,  365.  38S,  397,  407,  408 
Elliott,  399 
Embargo,  iS,  57 
Emmittsburg,  289 
Ewell,  137,  140,  173,  1S3,  1S5, 
1S6,  303,  332,  370 

F 

Falling  Waters,  321,  322 
Falmouth,  275 
Farmville,  422 
Farragut,  394 

Federal,  administration,  89,  102  ; 
Constitution,  12,  54,  55,  62  ; 
prisoners,  393,  444,  445 
Field,  150,  190,  346,  361 
Five  Forks,  420 
Florida,  279 

Floyd,  J.  B.,  107,  115  et  seq. 
Foote,  H.  S.,  409 
Fort  Fisher,  394,  415 
Fort  Monroe,  132 
Fort  Stedman,  418 
Fox’s  Gap,  206 
Franklin,  139,  241,  243 
Frayser’s  Farm,  163 
Frederick,  Md.,  199,  398 
Fredericksburg,  140,  143,  172, 
239 

Free-Soil  convention,  71 
Fremantle,  3t8 
Fremont,  75,  140 
French,  154,  219,  245 
Front  Royal,  140 
Fulkerson,  120 

G. 

Gaines  Mill,  151 
Gainesville,  185,  187 
Garland,  155,  215 
Garnett,  R.  S.,  109,  hi 
Georgia,  184,  190,  222,  249 
Getty,  248,  356 
Gettysburg,  279,  290,  291 
Gibbon,  247,  357 


Giddings,  J.  R.,  69 
Glendale,  163 
Globe  Tavern,  404 
Goldsborough,  N.  C.,  419 
Gordon,  294,  365,  370 
Gordonsville,  137,  176 
Graham,  Rev.  William,  433 
Grant,  342,  366,  374,  420,  423 
Gravelly  Run,  420 
Greeley,  Horace,  89,  392 
Greene,  G.  S.,  216,  218 
Greene,  Nathaniel,  11,  12 
Gregg,  189,  247 
Grigsby,  214,  21b,  218 
Groveton,  184,  186,  187 
Gurley  House,  404 

H 

Hagerstown,  202-204,  2I°.  321 
Ilalleck,  351,  374 
Hallowell,  Benjamin,  25 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  13,  14 
Hamilton’s  Crossing,  244,  258 
Hampton,  199,  281,  319,  344 
Hampton  Roads,  415 
Hancock,  139,  246,  295,  31 1, 

403,  404 

Hanover  Junction,  380 
Hanson,  22 
Harris,  376 
Harrisburg,  202,  289 
Harrison’s  Landing,  167 
Harper's  Ferry,  107,  203,  408 
Haskell,  401 
Hatcher’s  Run,  406,  414 
Hayne,  Senator,  61 
Hays,  190,  212 
Hazel  Grove,  268 
Hazel  Run,  243 
Heintzelman,  137,  141,  187 
Henry,  Patrick,  6-8 
Heth,  289,  290,  311,  314,  356, 
359’  4°4 

Hill,  A.  P.,  147,  149,  164,  185, 
191,  223,  242,  307,  312,  332, 
397,  4i  1,  420 
Hill,  B.  H.,  398 
Hill,  D.  H.,  139,  149,  155,  166, 
199,  203,  206,  240,  242 


462 


Index. 


Hoke,  389 
Holmes,  161 

Hood,  156,  184,  igo,  192,  212, 
215,  218,  297,  300,  31 1,  394 
Hooker,  139,  183,  212 
Howard,  247,  262,  293 
Howe,  439 
Huger,  139,  148,166 
Humphreys,  24S 
Hunter,  387 
Hunton,  421 

I 

Imboden,  255,  283 

J 

Jackson,  Andrew,  61 
Jackson,  H.  R.,  no,  115 
Jackson,  Thomas  J.  (“  Stone- 
wall ”),  in  Mexican  war,  44, 
45  ; at  Harper’s  Ferry,  107  ; 
at  first  battle  of  Manassas, 
1 12  ; Valley  campaign,  136  et 
seq.;  in  Seven  Days’battles,  147 
etseq.;  at  Cedar  Run,  175;  at 
second  Manassas,  182  et  seq.; 
captures  Harper’s  Ferry,  204; 
at  Sharpsburg,  2H ; at  Fred- 
ericksburg, 241  ; begins  battle 
at  Chancellorsville,  261;  death, 
277 

James  River,  133,  134 
Jefferson,  1,  ro,  13,  15,  56 
Jenkins,  283,  364 
Jerusalem  road,  398,  404 
Johnson,  Andrew,  427 
Johnson,  B.  T.,  189 
Johnson,  E.,  134,  290,  309,  328, 
370 

Johnston,  J.  E.,  41,  44,  in,  139, 
280,  394 

Jones,  D.  R.,  184,  192 
Jones,  J.  R.,  212 
Jones,  Sam.,  255,  281 
Junkin,  George,  435 

K 

Kanawha,  115,  202;  Army  of 
the,  115 


Kansas,  78 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  72,  73 

Kearney,  163,  196 

Kelly’s  Ford,  258 

Kemper,  192,  316 

Kentucky,  Constitution  of,  70  ; 

resolutions,  14,  15 
Kernstown,  136 

Kershaw,  246,  299,  346,  361, 
400 

Keyes,  137,  141 
Kilpatrick,  31 1 
King,  172,  192,  339 

L 

Lane,  31 1 

Law,  156,  184,  297,  305,  309, 
362 

Lawton,  144,  155,  190,  191,  194, 
212,  215 

Lee,  Anne  Carter,  24 
Lee,  Arthur,  5 

Lee,  Charles  Carter,  22,  24,  25 
Lee  coat-of-arms,  29-3 1 
Lee,  Fitzhugh,  17S,  185,  265, 
344,  368,  383,  385,  397 
Lee,  Francis  Lightfoot,  5,  9 
Lee,  G.  \V.  C.,  30,  38,  48,  234, 
338,  438 

Lee,  Col.  Henry,  1,  2,  6,  8-1 1, 
13,  15,  18,  20-22,  25,  433  ; 
Light-Horse  Harry,  433 
Lee’s  Hill,  243,  246 
Lee’s  Legion,  11,  12 
Lee,  Mary  C.,  30 
Lee,  Philip  Ludwell,  2 
Lee,  Richard,  2-4,  7 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  5,  9,  12 
Lee,  Robert  Edward,  birth — 
family,  ch.  i.  ; birth,  1,  16; 
parentage,  1,  2,  17;  childhood, 
17,  18,  20;  education,  mar- 
riage, early  service  in  the  army, 
ch.  ii. , 20,  et  seq.;  at  school  in 
Alexandria,  24,  25  ; enters 

West  Point,  25  ; lieutenant  of 
engineers,  26  ; marriage,  27, 
28  ; engineer  at  Hampton 
Roads,  St.  Louis,  Washing- 


Index. 


463 


Lee,  Robert  E.  (Con.) 

ton,  29  ; captain  of  engineers, 
29;  in  charge  of  New  York 
Harbour,  31,  32  ; at  Vera 
Cruz,  36  ; at  Cerro  Gordo,  37; 
at  Contreras,  39-41  ; Churu- 
busco,  41,  42;  Chapultepec, 
43-45;  City  of  Mexico,  45-47  ; 
engineer  in  Baltimore,  47, 
Superintendent  of  West  Point, 
47,  48  ; lieutenant-colonel  of 
cavalry,  48  ; views  concerning 
slavery,  50,  51  ; captures  John 
Brown,  79,  80  ; commands 
military  department  of  Texas, 
97  ; views  concerning  seces- 
sion, 9S,  99  ; resignation  of 
commission,  100,  101  ; Major- 
General  of  forces  in  Virginia, 
102,  104 ; Brigadier-General 
in  Southern  Confederacy,  104, 
105  ; constructs  defences  in 
Virginia,  106,  107  ; military 
adviser  of  President  Davis, 
108,  ill;  in  western  Virginia, 
1 14  et  seq.;  constructs  coast 
defences,  126  et  seq.;  in  com- 
mand of  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia,  141  ; Seven  Days’ 
battles,  145  et  seq.  ; second 
Manassas,  183  ; South  Moun- 
tain, 205  ; Sharpsburg,  210  ; 
Fredericksburg,  229  ; view 
concerning  emancipation  proc- 
lamation, 232  ; at  Chancellors- 
ville,  257;  at  Gettysburg,  279; 
at  Mine  Run,  329  ; campaign 
in  the  Wilderness,  332  ; Fare- 
well Address,  424,  425  ; sur- 
render, 423,  424  ; retreat  from, 
Petersburg,  421  ; indictment 
for  treason,  428,  440  ; contem- 
plates writing  history,  428  ; 
President  of  Washington  Col- 
lege, 429,  430,  432,  437,  438, 
454-  455  ; testimony  before 
Congressional  Committee,  440; 
view  of  Constitution,  422,  446, 
450,  453  ; on  parole,  442  ; 
view  concerning  Federal  pris- 


oners, 444  ; opinion  of  Davis, 
445  ! suggested  for  governor- 
ship, 447  ; views  concerning 
education,  447,  448  ; views 
concerning  negro  suffrage, 
451  ; last  illness,  455-457 
Lee,  Robert  E.,  Jr.,  336,  339 
Lee,  Sidney  Smith,  4,  7,  24,  36 
Lee,  Stephen  D.,  192,  194,  214, 
218,  224 

Lee,  Thomas,  2,  5,  7 
Lee,  Thomas  Ludwell,  5,  8,  9 
Lee,  W.  H.  F.,  30,  114  260, 
282,  328,  337,  344,  397 
Leesburg,  398 
Letcher,  John,  103 
Liberty  Hall  Academy,  433,  434 
Liberty  Hall  Volunteers,  436 
Liberty  Party,  69 
Liberty,  personal,  laws,  71 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  82—84,  8S, 
140,  141,  330,  392,  406  ; assas- 
sination of,  427,431;  Inaugural 
Address,  93  ; theory  of  Con- 
stitution, 439 
Lingan,  22 
Lomax,  L.  L. , 344 
Long,  A.  L.,  281,  428 
Longstreet,  James,  44,  139,  147- 
149,  163,  188,  234,  295,  300, 
313,  356,  364 

Loring,  W.  W.,  115,  121,  202 
Loudoun  Heights,  204 
Louisiana  territory,  34,  56,  190, 
194 

Lynchburgh,  388,  407 

M 

Madison,  7,  13,  14,  20,  21,  56, 
58 

Madison  Court  House,  326 
Magruder,  134,  137,  148,  154, 
if>5 

Mahone,  260,  363,  397 
Malvern  Hill,  151,  165-167,  174, 
389 

Manassas,  first  battle  of,  112, 
1 13  ; second  battle  of,  185  et 
seq. 


464 


Index. 


Manassas  Junction,  182,  185 
Mansfield,  213,  215 
Marion,  12 
Marshall,  C.,  273 
Marshall,  Louis,  435 
Martinsburg,  408 
Maryland,  ig8,  199 
Maryland  Heights,  204,  217, 
243,  245,  247,  248 
Mason,  George,  9 
McCall,  143,  150,  163 
McClellan,  George  B.,  44,  109, 
132,  146,  149,  176,  202,  221, 
223,  392 

McClellan,  H.  B,,  287 
McDowell,  112,  137,  140,  172, 
188 

McGowan,  376 

McLaws,  180,  199,  203,  216, 
297,  311 

McLean  House,  423 
McMahon,  386 

Meade,  214,  244,  247,  2S8,  290, 
304,  323,  400 
Meagher,  154 
Mechanicsvilie,  147,  149 
Merrimac,  134,  138,  139 
Mexican  War,  28,  31,  33  et  seq. 
Milroy,  138,  140,  283 
Mine  Run,  329 
Mississippi,  156,  376 
Mobile,  394 
Monitor,  134 
Monocacy,  398 
Monroe,  Fortress,  177 
Morell,  152 
Morgan,  11 
Mount  Vernon,  15,  27 

N 

Negro,  emancipation,  67,  76,  77  ; 
slavery,  63  ; soldiers,  399,  416  ; 
suffrage,  441,  450 
New  Orleans,  398 
Norfolk,  139 

North  Anna  River,  239,  380 
Nullification,  in  New  England, 
58-61  ; in  South  Carolina,  63 


O. 

Oates,  306 

Opequon,  229 

Orange  Court  House,  332 

Ord,  419 

Owen,  357 

Ox  Hill,  196 

P 

Pamunkey  River,  158,  258,  382, 
386 

Parke,  406 

Pegram,  402,  404,  415 
Pelham,  244,  255 
Pender,  150 

Pendleton,  W.  N.,  154,  261, 

281 

Pennsylvania,  2S4 
Perry,  307,  31 1 
Petersburg,  388,  391,  396 
Pettigrew,  311,  313,  314,  323 
Pickens,  Fort,  88 
Pickens,  Governor,  of  South 
Carolina,  12 

Pickett,  George  E.,  44,  156,  290, 
300,  31 1,  380,  389,  420 
Poague,  W.  T.,  212,  260 
Pope,  J.,  171,  173,  188 
Po  River,  372 

Porter,  Fitz  J.,  143,  150,  166, 
188 

Port  Republic,  141,  143 
Port  Royal,  Virginia,  240,  258 
Posey,  260,  307 
Potomac  River,  198 
Princeton,  8,  10 

Q 

Quaker  road,  165 
Quincy,  Josiah,  58 

R 

Raccoon  ford,  177 
Race  problem,  441 
Ramseur,  376 
Randolph,  George  W.,  448 


Index. 


465 


Randolph,  John,  21 
Ransom,  246 

Rapidan,  174,  259,  328,  332 
Rappahannock,  171,  176,  182, 
237,  327 

Reconstruction,  426 
Reno,  176,  187 

Republican  - Democratic  party, 
14,  18,  21 

Republican  party,  91,  392  ; ori- 
gin of,  73,  74  ; nominates  Lin- 
coln, 82  ; platform  in  i860,  S3 
Reynolds,  193,  293 
Richardson,  220 
Richmond,  capital  of  Southern 
Confederacy,  132,  237,  332, 
391,  407  ; burning  of,  426 
Rich  Mountain,  battle  of,  no 
Ricketts,  172,  184,  359 
Ripley,  128,  150,  215 
Roanoke  Island,  130,  133 
Robertson,  173,  281 
Rodes,  219,  265,  290,  308,  370 
Rosecrans,  114,  124,  324 
Rosser,  344 

Round  Top,  304,  305,  31 1 
Ruffner,  Henry,  435 

S 

Sailor's  Creek,  422 
Salem,  181,  183 
Salem  Church,  275 
Salient,  370,  371 
Savage’s  Station,  161 
Savannah,  394,  409 
Scales,  A.  M.,  31 1 
Scott,  Dred,  75 
Scott,  Winfield,  36,  37 
Schurz,  Carl,  267 
Secession,  of  Cotton  States,  75, 
84  ; of  Border  States,  S7,  93  ; 
party  in  South,  94,  95  ; in 
New  England,  7,  21,  54,  59; 
from  Union  under  Articles  of 
Confederation,  54,  55 
Seddon,  James  A.,  215,  414 
Sedgwick,  John,  164,  259,  307, 
358 

Seminary  Ridge,  292,  299 


Seven  Pines,  141 
Seward,  W.  H.,  71,  91 
Sharpsburgh,  205,  210 
Shepherdstown,  285,  398 
Sheridan,  P.  H.,  397,  398,  400, 
408,  409,  422,  423 
Sherman,  W.  T.,  342,  394,  409 
Shields,  James,  136,  140,  144 
Shirley,  16 
Sickles,  D.  E.,  260 
Sigel,  Franz,  172,  187,  379 
Slavery,  origin  of  American,  63- 
65  ; views  of  Southern  states- 
men, 65-68  ; Abolitionists,  67 
et  seq.  ; Missouri  Compro- 
mise, 67  ; in  Congress,  68,  69  ; 
Compromise  of  1850,  71;  views 
of  Dr.  Charles  Hodge,  G.  T. 
Curtis,  and  Theo.  Roosevelt, 
76,  77 

Slocum,  H.  W.,  152,  163,  259, 

295,  309 

Smith,  Gov.  Wm. , 294 
Smith,  W.  F.,  383 
Society  of  Cincinnati,  435 
Southern  Confederacy,  fall  of, 
426 

South  Mountain,  202 
Southside  railroad,  396 
Spotswood,  Gov.  Alex.,  5 
Spotsylvania,  340,  367-369,  371 
Stafford,  194,  216 
Stafford  Heights,  238,  240,  241, 
246 

Stanton,  E.  M.,  164 
Starke,  P.,  189,  191,  214 
Staunton,  140,  238 
Staunton  River,  397,  415 
Stephens,  A.  H.,  73,  103,  105, 
410 

Steuart,  Geo.  H.,  373 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  439 
Stoneman,  258 
Stonewall  Brigade,  436 
Stratford,  2,  16,  18,  20 
Stratford-Langton,  3 
Stuart,  J.  E.  B.,  48,  145,  146, 
149,  159,  174,  180,  182,  214, 
216,  225,  234,  236,  251,  271, 
285,  319.  378 


466 


Index. 


Sudley  Church,  185,  187,  191 
Suffolk,  258 
Sumner,  Chas.,  71 
Sumner,  Edwin  V. , 141,  182, 
213,  2T7 , 241 
Sumter,  Fort,  12,  88-90 
Sykes,  George,  155,  248 

T 

Taliaferro,  Wm.  B.,  120,  185, 
r86,  240,  242,  247 
Tariff,  60-62 
Tarleton,  r2 

Taylor,  W.  H.,  230,  413 
Tennessee,  394 
Texas,  33,  34,  156 
Thomas,  187,  189 
Thoroughfare  Gap,  182,  184,  187 
Todd's  Tavern,  260,  369,  371 
Totopolomy,  149,  382 
Toombs,  Robert,  94,  213,  222 
Torbert,  403 
Treaty  of  1783,  53,  54 
Trenton,  10 
Trevilian,  397 

Trimble,  Isaac,  182,  212,  247, 
315.  3ib 

Turkey  Hill,  152,  157,  384 
Turner’s  Gap,  206 

U 

Ulstermen,  433  ; origin  of,  7 ; 
in  Seven  Years’  War,  7 ; form 
Republican  party,  7,  8 ; form 
American  Democracy,  17  ; in 
Texas,  33  ; Confederate  sol- 
diers, 347 
Upton,  373 

V 

Valentine,  sculptor,  457 
Valley  of  Virginia  (Shenandoah 
Valley),  136  140,  144,  387, 

407 

Vance,  Z.  B.,  Governor,  of  North 
Carolina,  410,  417,  418 
Vaughan  road,  406 


Venable,  C.  S.,  302 
Vethake,  H.,  435 
Vicksburg,  324 

Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolu- 
tions, 15,  56,  73 

Virginia,  colony  of,  2-4,  7,  8,  17  ; 
commonwealth,  8,  9;  Constitu- 
tion, 9;  convention,  9,  92; 
102  ; peace  convention,  87  ; 
secession  of,  95 

W 

Wadsworth,  Jas.,  357 
Walker,  F.  A.,  309,  314,  364, 
387,  388,  392,  403,  405 
Walker,  Jas.  A.,  373 
Walker,  John  G.,  180,  203,  216 
Walker,  R.  L.,  312 
Wallace,  Lew,  398 
Warren,  G.  W.,  164,  195,  306, 
326,  356,  381 
Warren  ton,  236 
Washington  Academy,  434,  435 
Washington  Artillery,  243 
Washington  City,  138,  397 
Washington  College,  429,  432 
435;  436 

Washington,  George,  5,  7,  10, 
11,  14,  15,  434 
Waterloo  Bridge,  181,  182 
Webster,  Daniel,  views  on  slav- 
ery, 70,  72 
Weisiger,  D.  A.,  402 
Weldon  railroad,  396,  403 
Westover,  138,  176 
West  Point,  26 
Whig  party,  34,  69 
White  House  on  Pamunkey 
River,  28 

White  Oak  Swamp,  158,  159 
162,  163,  389,  407 
White  Plains,  183 
Whiting,  144,  148,  155 
Wickham,  W.  C.,  345 
Wigfall,  L.  A.,  409 
Wilcox,  C.  M.,  192,  274,  307, 

311,  38  r 

Wilderness,  battle  of,  352 
Wilderness  Tavern,  356,  358 


Index. 


467 


William  and  Mary  College,  6,  17 
Williamsburg,  battle  of,  139 
Williams,  215 
Williamsport,  225,  321 
Wilmington,  324,  410 
Wilson,  Jas.  H.,  397,  403 
Winchester,  133,  134,  140,  143, 
284,  407,  40S 

Winder,  Chas.  S.,  155,  173 
Wise,  Henry  A.,  109,  III,  115 
et  seq. 


Witherspoon,  John,  8 
Wolseley,  Garnett,  231 
Wright,  401 

Y 

Yorke  County,  3 
York,  Pennsylvania,  2S8,  290 
York  River,  133,  145 
Yorktown,  12,  132,  137,  138 


